The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents
Travels and Explorations
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in New France
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CONTENTS OF VOL. LXX.
Preface To Volume LIX
Mission des Hurons du Detroit, 1733-56. Armand de la Richardie, and Pierre Potier. [Second and final installment of the document.]
Catalogus Personarum et Officiorum Provincice Francia Societatis Jesu. Exeunte Anno 1756. Missiones Americæ Septentrionalis in Nova Francis
Lettre du Père * * * , Missionnaire chez les Abnakis. Saint-François, October 21, 1757
Des Hurons. [Étienne Girault de Villeneuve; Quebec, 1762]
Bannissement des Jésuites de la Louisiane. [François Philibert Watrin]; Paris, September 3, 1764
Bibliographical Data; Volume LXX
[INSERT GRAPHIC HERE]
ILLUSTRATIONS TO VOL. LXX.
Photographie facsimile of handwriting of Pierre Potier, S. J., selected from his MS. Livre de Compte, now in possession of Theodore Parsons Hall, Detroit
Photographie facsimile of handwriting of Pierre Potier, S. J., from a MS. sermon, dated July 2, 1746, and now in the archives of St. Mary’s College, Montreal
Reduced facsimile of Franquet’s plan of Fort du Saut St. Louis, 1752.
PREFACE TO VOL. LXX
Following is a synopsis of the documents contained in this volume:
CCXXIV. Potiers account-book of the Huron mission at Detroit was commenced in Vol. LXXIX., and is now concluded. This second installment begins with La Richardie’s “return to the Mission” (in the summer of 1747). The transactions recorded are similar to those for preceding years — sales of goods, payments for work done at the mission, loans given and received, exchanges of accounts, orders for the saying of masses, etc. Women often figure in these memoranda as receiving or selling goods — obviously sharing the business cares and responsibilities of their husbands.
A soldier in the Detroit garrison purchases from the mission, on credit, 400 livres’ worth of liquor, probably as part of the supplies requisite for barter with the Indians of that region. La Richardie sends to Montreal, by the Detroit interpreter, a large quantity of “porcelain” (wampum) to be sold there, the proceeds to be paid to the resident factor or agent of the mission, Couagne. A new list of assets and liabilities is begun “with the arrival of the Convoy in 1748.” Contracts are made (1748) by the Fathers for more building, the church being enlarged. [Page 9]
On September 1, 1748, the mission farm is let on shares to Nicolas (locally known as “Niagara”) Campeau; the terms of his lease are here recorded. The forge is also leased (April 10, 1749), to Charles Chauvin. It curiously appears that drafts on Montreal are discounted at 30 per cent in Detroit,
La Richardie gives (August 30, 1750) a list of the articles given or lent by the Fathers to Campeau, and tools made by the latter for the farm; also of the animals on the farm. He notes the quantities of seed sown, in that year, and the crops resulting therefrom.
In the summer of 1751, “Niagara” Campeau cesses to work the mission farm, and is succeeded (September 1) by Nicolas F. Janis. The terms of settlement with the former, and the contract made with the latter, are given in detail. This ends the “book of accounts.” We have noted only the points of special interest or importance; the intervening spaces are filled in with a multitude of items which record petty and everyday transactions, but in their very commonness give a most intimate and accurate view of life in the frontier post a Century and a half ago, in its social and economic aspects.
The blank leaves remaining in Potier’s book were utilized by him and other priests for recording baptisms; we reproduce such of these as were performed by the Jesuits, Potier and Salleneuve. They are dated from August, 1752, to December, 1756, inclusive.
CCXXV. The official catalogue of the Jesuit order for 1756 names the persons then employed in its North American missions. In the college of Quebec are eight priests and as many lay brethren, [Page 10] besides three “instructors not priests.” At Montreal resides one priest, with one brother; “in remote regions,” which in this case refers to the Huron mission near Detroit, are two priests; and as many are laboring with another Huron band. Among the Abenakis are five priests. Three priests labor among the Iroquois (at Sault St. Louis, and elsewhere); and the same number, with one brother, are with the Ottawas. Coquart is alone in the Montagnais mission. In the residence at New Orleans are four priests and two brethren; and five priests and two brethren are caring for the Illinois mission. Four more priests are located at outlying stations in the South. The total number of all these missionaries is fifty-five.
CCXXVI. An unnamed “missionary to the Abnakis” (but known to be Pierre Roubaud) contributes to Lettres édifiantes an account of the capture of Fort William Henry (or George). The Father goes to Montreal (July, 1757) with a band of Abenakis, and then accompanies the French and Indian forces led by Montcalm against the English at Lake Champlain. Soon after leaving Montreal, the savages give a war-feast, which is fully described, — as is also a brilliant defense made by a Canadian officer against a far greater force of English who attacked him on Lake George. In another encounter, a force of 300 English are cut to pieces, while the French and savages lose not one man. The captives taken by the Indians are cruelly treated, and it is with difficulty that the French can moderate the ferocity of their allies. The missionary’s kind heart is full of sadness and compassion for the poor captives, and he does what he can to keep in check his own [Page 11] neophytes, the Abenakis. He is disgusted and horrified at the insatiable and brutal ferocity of the Ottawas, which they display in hideous acts of cannibalism.
The Abenakis are usually more humane, and docile to their priest’s commands. Some of them, however, steal brandy from the French quarter, and in their drunken condition raise a great disturbance in the camp; but the missionary finally succeeds in reducing them to order. The several divisions of the French and Indian army, having rendezvoused near the English fort, proceed to its investment. Montcalm’s summons to surrender is proudly refused, and the fort is besieged. A week later, the English surrender. Montcalm allows them all the honors of war; but his savage allies care not for the law of nations. When the English troops march out of their intrenchments, the savages, like “ so many ferocious beasts,” fall upon them, and murder and capture all upon whom they can lay their hands. The French and Canadian officers do all they can, often risking their own lives, to restrain the ferocity and lawlessness of the Indians; but they only partially succeed. They rescue, however, many English people, and carefully guard them in the fort, afterward sending them home to New England. The missionary who writes this letter does so, avowedly, to show that the blame for this outrageous infraction of the articles of capitulation should rest upon the lawless and bloodthirsty savages, and not upon the French or Canadian troops.
Our missionary exerts himself to the utmost to aid these poor unfortunates, and rescues several from [Page 12] their cruel captors, — among them, a little Child torn from its parents, to whom it is later restored. He relates the efforts made by the French officers to check the cruelty of the savages, and later to make what reparation they can for the treacherous conduct of their allies. So great is the affliction and dread felt in the English colonies at this fearful massacre that they do nothing in retaliation — although, if they could have known it, “nothing was more critical for us than the situation in which the French army then was.” The latter raze and burn the captured fort.
Roubaud sets out on August 15 for Montreal, which he reaches after a stormy and dangerous voyage. He soon returns to his mission of St. François, where he immediately devotes himself to securing the restitution of some English prisoners held there.
CCXXVII. This is a brief outline, by Étienne de Villeneuve, written in 1762, of the history of the Huron nation and the missions established among them. Since the autumn of 1697, they have lived at Jeune Lorette.
CCXXVIII. The suppression in France of the Jesuit order (1761-62) led to similar proceedings elsewhere; and the superior council of Louisiana, by a decree dated July 9, 1763, expelled the Jesuits from that colony. The present document relates the circumstances of that event, and its consequences; it is written by one of the Fathers thus exiled from Louisiana, evidently François Philibert Watrin. In June, 1763, a new governor comes to Louisiana, D’Abbadie; and, by the same vessel, a royal official [Page 13] who obtains from the council of the colony a decree for the expulsion of the Jesuits therein, and their deportation to France.
Watrin mentions the charges brought against the Jesuits of Louisiana, and, in refutation thereof, cites in behalf of the order the testimony of Bienville and other former officials of the colony. He then relates, for its further justification, the beneficial results of the missionaries’ labors in Illinois and Louisiana. Not only do the Fathers perform all their duties as curés of the French parishes, but they minister to the savages, and retain the latter in their loyalty to the French. The curé at Kaskaskia also serves the parish of Ste. Genevieve in its early years, crossing the Mississippi in a little boat, often at the risk of his life. That the Jesuit curés at Vincennes “acquitted themselves of their duty is proven by the complaints that the parishioners made against them; for these people claimed that their curés went, beyond their duty, and assumed too much care. ” Leroy, who is among the savages of Alabama, also attends to the spiritual needs of the neighboring French people; and he wins from the latter a public pledge that they Will not trade any more brandy to the savages, — a resolve, however, which does not long endure; “the hope of sordid gain prevailed over the most righteous arguments.” Baudoin, during the twenty years which he spent among the Choctaws, rendered the utmost services (often at the peril of his life) to the French settlements in Louisiana, by keeping those savages well disposed toward the French. At Arkansas Post, Carette long remained, despite the difficulties of his task and the irreligious conduct of the French; at last, finding [Page 14] these obstacles insuperable, he had withdrawn from that post, returning to New Orleans. The Jesuits residing there have had the spiritual direction of the hospital and the Ursuline convent; and have had to manage and instruct over a hundred slaves on their estates.
Watrin admits that the apparent fruits of these missions are small, except in the virtues exercised by the missionaries themselves, several of whom have given their lives in the exercise of their ministry. The deaths of these men — Du Poisson, Souël, Senat, Aulneau, and others — are described. Yet the external results of the missions are not to be despised. In Illinois the Fathers have done much to maintain religion and elevate morals among the French who have settled there. The savages of that region have, under the same care, preserved the religious faith taught them by Allouez and his successors; “jugglery” is almost abolished among them; even unbelievers bring their children for baptism; and many refrain from brandy, even when it is offered to them free of cost. If intoxicating liquors could be kept from these savages, much greater results of missionary labor would appear.
All these points sufficiently refute the charge made against the Jesuits that “they have not taken care of their missions.” The next complaint is that “they have only taken care to extend their estates;” but Watrin shows that they were obliged to maintain these estates, in order to provide for their necessary expenses. They are, finally, charged with usurping the powers of the vicanate-general for the episcopate of Quebec. Watrin relates the difficulties arising between the Capuchins and the Jesuits in [Page 15] regard to this dignity, and the decree of the colonial council, which assigns it to the Jesuits. The council has, accordingly, stultified its own record by admitting this charge against the Jesuits.
Watrin proceeds to describe the execution of the decree expelling the order from the West. All their property, real and personal, at New Orleans is seized, and sold at auction; their chapel furniture and sacred utensils are given to the Capuchins, and the chapel razed to the ground. The Jesuit Fathers take refuge in Spanish colonies, except the superior Baudoin, who is allowed to remain as the guest of a Louisiana planter.
The decree of expulsion reaches Kaskaskia on September 23 following, and is at once carried out by the civil authorities there. The Fathers are driven from their house, and all their property is seized. Their parishioners, both French and Indian, are filled with sorrow and indignation; but the officiais carry out the decree with much harshness and severity. Their property is all sold, and they are finally sent (November 24) to New Orleans, — but with scanty provision for that long and perilous journey; and they even share their own frugal supplies with their former negro slaves, now confiscated for the king. Fortunately, the officer in charge of this expedition is humane, and does what he can to mitigate the hardships of the voyage. Arriving at New Orleans, the acting commandant generously provides a lodging for them until their departure, and the Capuchin priests there show them the utmost kindness and friendship; while D’Abbadie, the royal commissary, asks the French government to grant Pensions to the exiles. The council grant Meurin [Page 16] permission to return to his post among the Illinois savages. Returning to Europe, the Jesuits first land at the Spanish port of St. Sebastian, where there is a college of the order, in which they are gladly welcomed. To their surprise, they meet here and at Bayonne many of their brethren from France, also exiled by decrees of the parliaments there. After a time they proceed to Paris, to present D’Abbadie’s letter to the duke de Choiseul.
Vol. LXXI. Will contain the remainder of the text of our series. The Index will occupy Vols. LXXII. and LXXIII.
R. G. T.
Madison Wis., September, 1900.
MISSION DES HURONS DU DÉTROIT, 1733-56
Par Armand de la Richardie et Pierre Potier
The first instaliment of the document was given in Volume LXIX.; the remainder is herewith presented. [Page 19]
CONTINUATION OF THE BOOK OF ACCOUNTS, COM-
MENCING FROM FATHER DE LA RICHARDIE’S
RETURN TO THE MISSION.
I owe parent, The joiner, 2 days’ work.
These things were done in my time.
Parent, of les Miamis, owes me 23 livres for a kettle.
I owe cuillerier for The bolting of [blank space in MS.] minots of flour.
I owe st. andré 20 sols for tacks.
Monsieur godefroi owes me 66 boards for roofing;
Monsieur desruisseau, 55; Father bon, 88.
On the 25th of august, 1747, I engaged One joseph L’esperance to serve me for 3 years at detroit, in consideration of 50 écus for wages, which I am to pay Him every year at the said Place, detroit.
I owe valet 30 livres, for 3 pots of portuguese wine.
I owe Monsieur cuillerier 100 livres, for a pirogue.
I owe parent, The joiner, 10 livres, for work.
I owe The elder L’esperance 50 livres, for indian corn.
I sold to sieur st. bernard, a soldier of this garrison, 400 livres’ worth of liquor, which he is to pay me here, in detroit, in the month of may, 1748.
This day, the 15th of December, 1747, I sent to sieur rené de Couagne by sieur detailli, the interpreter at detroit, 7,200 porcelain beads, both black and white, to be sold in Montreal on account of what I owe him.
I owe sieur de Lille The sum of 27 livres 10 sols, for 81 livres of beef, which he sold to me, at 6 sols A livre, this 17th day of December, 1747.
In the spring of 1748, I shall owe 700 livres and 10 more to Niagara campeau and Charlot st. aubin for a frame barn, with roof and casing of sawn [Page 21] planks, and a threshing-floor. The said persons must also cut, point, and put up 1,000 running feet of rails, 10 feet long, to fence in my yard and garden.
I owe Monsieur Navarre 6 livres, for 3 chairs that he bought for me.
I advanced to Niagara, for The work that he is to do for me, a white blanket, price 25 livres, this 22nd day of December, 1747.
I owe henri Catin 600 livres for my house at the fort.
I owe Cuillerier for The bolting of 16 minots, without Counting what Father potier owed him. December 22, 1747.
For all work done for me under the 1st and following contracts, I owe, 1,100 livres to niagara and to charlot St. aubin. On account of this, Niagara has taken a pair of mitasses, worth 7 livres; and charlot st. aubin a shirt, making 7 livres, february 15, 1743. Also, to charlot st. aubin, a pair of mitasses, 7 livres.
I sold to gervais a barrel of salt for 6 pieces of pine timber, and 100 boards or planks; also, to the same, a barrel of Pork for 100 planks.
Brother La tour owes 40 livres, for a cowhide.
I owe niagara for a load of wood, february, 1748.
Sold to Monsieur cuillerier a pair of mitasses, 7 livres.
BEGINNING OF THE SECOND QUATERNION.
I require 400 boards and 100 planks.
Mademoiselle Royalle: Knives, and steel for striking fire;
Madame Skotache: knives, glass beads, 2 livres of vermilion. [Page 23]
The leaves cut out of this Account-book being useless, owing to their contents being fulfilled, I begin with The active and passive debts [credits and debits] of the huron mission of detroit, erie, beginning with the arrival of the Convoy of 1748, commanded by Monsieur celoron. Here there is no question of anything but the assets and liabilities contracted at detroit aforesaid; those contracted by the said mission at Montreal are to be paid there.
I sold to Monsieur godefroi The house in which he dwells at the fort, for The sum of 120 livres, payable in the month of may next, 1749. Done at detroit, this 13th of july, 1748. De la Richardie.
I became surety to Nicolas Catin for his nephew Niagara Campeau, for the sum of 350 livres, this 16th of july, 1748. Item, for The same, I became surety to valet for the sum of 220 livres. I owe to valet, on my private account, the sum of 7 livres.
Out of the 104 livres that I owed Charlot St. aubin, I paid Him 30 livres in furs. I paid the remainder on his order to sieur francheville; I now owe him nothing.
I still owe sieur henri Catin for the house he sold me in the fort 280 livres. He has received from Madame Caron 112 livres; from me, 85 livres in deerskins, 88 livres in Castor; also 30 masses that he asked me to say; also 25 livres from cuillerier, at detroit this 16th of july, 1748. De la Richardie.
I owe nothing in the fort except The Above sums.
Madame Caron paid me 112 livres, out of 853; she still has to pay me 741 livres. Since then, she has paid janis 60 livres on my account.
Sieur parent, of les miamis, owes me 10 livres, for a kettle. [Page 25]
Valet owes me, for 10 masses, 10 livres, to be deducted from what I owe him.
Cuillerier owes me 5 livres, which henri Catin refused to accept.
Regis owes 3 livres to francheville, for a tuque [cap], and 24 livres to metayer, — payable in indian corn, when the convoy cornes in 1749; the whole for 2 cotton shirts.
On this 21st of july, I sold a barrel of powder, with 50 livres’ worth of bullets and shot, to Madame Cuillerier, at the price which her husband shall deem proper on his return from Montreal.
Madame cuillerier told me that her husband had taken at my house 300 bullets, with 2 livres and a half of powder, besides the 6 livres which he had lent me and which he took back; july 29, 1749.
Charlot st. aubin transferred the sum of 74 livres, which I owed him, to sieur francheville. Francheville is paid.
I Delivered to sieur henri Catin in payment of the house that he sold me, besides what is noted above, the sum of 138 livres 5 sols.
I sold to Madame Cuillerier 2 livres of vermilion, 24 livres; with half a livre of Cotton, 3 francs; also sold to sieur Catin 12 livres’ worth of Rênes thread and of Poitou thread. I still owe the said Catin 130 livres on The said house.
I paid sieur pertuis, and he still owes me 110 sols, and 30 sols for some Cotton.
Madame cuillerier has taken, since her husband’s departure, in addition to the above, 4 livres and a half of powder, one woman’s chemise, one livre of glass beads, a dozen and a half of woodmen’s Knives, with 3 dozen awls. [Page 27]
I sold and delivered my pirogue to Monsieur The Commandant, for The sum of 100 livres, payable in the month of may, 1749.
I took 9 livres’ worth of iron from monsieur godefroi, on account of The 120 livres that he owes me.
I owe chauvin 14 livres for mending a plowshare.
I owe 12 livres to parent, for work; to janis 10 livres, for work; to The elder L’esperance, for helping janis, 3 sols.
I owe Deruisseau 100 livres for a clearing which he “pretended to make upon my land; also to the same, 4 days’ work, 6 livres; * to meloche a plow, 10 livres.
I owe 15 livres to delisle, for some small wheels.
I owe 4 livres to one françois, for turnips.
Monsieur godefroi, 30 sols, for Cotton.
I owe boyer 10 livres, for 2 Cords of wood.
Madame Cuillerier owes me 80 livres, for a cask of brandy which she took for sieur Carignan.
I owe 10 livres to fadius, for my ice-house; to Madame Cuillerier, for The bolting of 7 minots.
Pertuis owes me 30 sols, for cotton; Robert owes 30 sols, for cotton.
Barte owes 44 livres, for Files and steel; Du mouchel 25 livres, for steel.
Madame gouin owes me, for half a livre of Cotton, 3 livres.
Madame cuillerier owes me 41 livres 10 sols; 10 livres 10 sols.
I owe 4 livres to Madame cuillerier, for 30 livres of beef; item, 30 sols, for 2 partridges.
La bute, fils, owes me 80 livres, for a cask of wine.
I owe 9 livres to a man of The escort, for 6 cords of wood.
I must have chicot paid, in Montreal, 34 livres for meat that he sold me. [Page 29]
I have made a contract with meloche for The framework of my church, house, roof, etc., for the sum of 1,000 livres; and for every 100 boards and planks, at 60 livres; and, for what he shall saw for me, at 30 livres a 100. Item, with janis, for 2 stone chimneys and hearths; and for lathing, rough-casting, plastering, and floating The whole of the above that meloche is to do for me. He is to do it for The sum of 850 livres, and 3 minots of indian corn; if he rough-cast The outside, I am to pay him 300 livres more. Item, with parent for all The joiner-work of the said buildings, for The sum of 1,000 livres, and 2 minots of indian corn; of the 1,000 livres 400 are payable here, and 600 in montreal. [*]
I owe regis 5 and a half minots of indian corn, which I took from his share. I also owe him 6 livres of deerskins.
I shall owe Morand, for 100 pieces of sawed pine, 250 livres; to Mini for The frame of The church, and for the roof and frame of the house, 400 livres in notes; to Claude and Niagara, for carting the boards and deals, 40 livres; also to the same, for the cartage of Mini’s Raft, 100 livres less 10 sols.
Monsieur the Commandant has paid 500 livres to mini.
Niagara took The farm of this mission on The 1st of September, 1748, on condition of sharing all The produce thereof with the Fathers of the said mission. I furnished to him 30 minots of seed of french wheat; 4 minots of pease; and a new plow with new wheels and share. I gave him 4 illinois oxen, and 4 cows of the same breed; a Young horse and an old mare. I also advanced to him 150 livres, to build himself a house and a stable — The whole on Condition that [Page 31] he shall Haul 40 Cords of firewood for us every winter, and also Plow for us every year 3 arpents of land, in which indian corn Will be planted for the benefit of the mission. I also advanced to the said Niagara the sum of 200 livres, for washing and baking for us during 2 years. On the expiration of these 2 years, he shall be obliged to wash and bake for us throughout The duration of his lease, in consideration of 100 livres per annum, which the mission will pay him at the end of his lease. He shall give back The implements in the condition in which he received Them; he shall give the animals back in the same way, and shall share The produce thereof. The original stock of animals shall also be returned.
On The 10th of april, 1749, sieur chauvin took over The forge of the mission on the following conditions: 1st, that all the implements in kind in the said forge shall be delivered to Him; 2nd, that He shall be given The steel and Files that Will come from montreal every year; 3rd, that he shall build himself a forge at The said mission, and a house as soon as he can; 4th, that, on being supplied with the iron, he shall be obliged to do and mend everything that may be necessary for The buildings and the use of the mission, and also the weapons — the whole free of charge. In consideration of the above, the mission makes over to Him all the profits of the said forge, on condition of his paying every year to the missionaries The sum of 300 livres.
Boards : Robert has sawed 126 for me; also 57 boards. 7 livres 10 sols for cartage; 47 livres 10 sols for sawing. [*]Niagara brought back here from meloche’s 2 5 3 boards; also 90planks; also 20 planks; also 293 boards: total, 660. Cartage, 39 livres. [Page 33]
[*] Regis carted for me from Meloche’s 192 planks of basswood; also 40 planks 15 feet long.
Parent took at our house in the fort: 1st, 2 planks or boards; and, 15 here; 3rd, 7 also here; 4th, 4 at meloche’s and 14 at robert’s, with 12 that regis delivered to Him.
I paid Moran 250 livres for The sawed lumber that I received from him.
I paid Claude Campeau 82 livres for what I owe Him for carting, and for a pirogue-load of stone.
Barte and dumouchel finished paying me for The steel that I sold Them.
I received from the widow Caron 33 livres per length of fencing, and 140 livres’ weight of lead.
Meloche: I paid him, on account of his work, 100 livres less 10 sols, in small furs; also 30 livres, paid to Him on my account by madame Caron; also 100 pistoles, paid to him on my account by Sieur Carignan, Trader of detroit. Also paid 300 livres to the aforesaid, by Monsieur navarre. He is paid in full.
Janis : I paid him, on account of his work, 39 livres 10 sols in small furs; also 160 livres, through [that] pierrot la Bute and Carignan paid Him; also 60 livres, that madame Caron paid him for me; also 10 livres, that I paid him; also 268 livres, paid to him on my account by sieur gouin, Trader at detroit; also 259 livres to the aforesaid, by Monsieur navarre. He is paid in full.
Parent : 112 livres paid to Him on my account, by Monsieur godefroi; also 63 livres, paid to him by Father bon; also 232 livres, paid to him on my account by sieur gouin, trader at detroit; also 5 livres, for masses; also 600 livres, by Monsieur navarre. He is paid in full. He has received 12 livres more than he is entitled to [Page 35]
I paid L’esperance, The younger, The sum of 59 livres, on account of the 50 écus that I owed him for The year during which he served me. I have finished paying the aforesaid the 50 écus that I owed Him.
Madame cuillerier owes me 51 livres 5 sols, for porcelain beads that she sold for me. The same owed me 90 livres for The above supplies, and I owed her 16 livres for what she supplied me; she paid on my account The sum of 74 livres to sieur francheville; thus she and I are quits for the 90 livres, and she owes me only The 51 livres for the porcelain sold.
I borrowed from sieur parent of les miamis The equivalent of 135 boards 10 feet long; those that he had lent me are 15 and 12 feet. I am to return them as soon as I can. Also, from the same, 25 planks at the rate of 10 feet to the plank; they are 12 and 14 feet.
Sieur gouin lent me 100 boards and 15 planks; with 100 pine boards I shall be quit with him.
I owed the late henri Catin 130 livres for the house in the fort that he sold me for 600 livres. Sieur Dumouchel to whom I sold the said house, paid to sieur parent of les miamis The said 130 livres; The said parent is substituted as agent for the heirs of the late henri Catin. The said dumouchel owes me on the said house The sum of 470 livres.
I owe Dubois 10 livres, for half a carcass of veal.
Father bon owes me 72 livres, which he would pay me only by transferring them to Niagara, who owes Them to him; The said niagara wished to be acquitted of his debt by myself.
I owe Monsieur godefroi 22 pieces of pine, sawed timber, at 3 livres apiece.
I owe Malet for 12 livres of beef, at 7 sols a livre. [Page 37]
I owe my sawyers for sawing 26 planks, at 45 livres A hundred.
I paid valet 72 livres for Niagara, to whom I owe them for carting. Also, to the same, 217 livres for the same Niagara. I also owe the said valet, as compensation for the payments that he will receive in Montreal Instead of receiving them here, The sum of 70 livres.
I paid nicolas Catin the sum of 350 livres, which he Will receive in montreal by means of 412 livres that he Will receive in notes at the rate of 30 percent. On these I owe him 43 livres, payable here in the month of may, 1750. The said sum is paid in discharge of Niagara.
I received from Madame caron, on account of what she owes me, 144 livres of pig-lead, at 7 sols a livre, with 33 livres of furs which The elder Page gave me on his account.
I owe cuillerier 28 livres, which he gave to a soldier who sold me some pork. I owe the same 50 livres, for a cask of wine that he sold me; also, to the same, 6 pots of wine, at 4 francs a pot. Also for The bolting of 26 minots.
I owe louison 4 livres, for 4 fowl; also 4 livres, for 4 fowl.
I owe la fleur for 6 livres of dust-shot, at 15 sols A livre.
I paid meloche 144 livres of pig-lead, in payment of the 60 livres that I shall owe him for The stable that he is to put up for me.
I owe malet for 6 livres of beef, at 7 sols a livre
I owe parent of les miamis for one pine plank.
I owe chicot for 18 livres of tobacco for brother La tour, which he sold me at 15 sols a livre. [Page 39]
I gave one sans quartier 1,556 porcelain beads to sel1 for me, from which he Will receive for his trouble one-fourth of the proceeds of the sale, on which I have received 4 livres of Castor.
I owe Monsieur navarre 55 panes of glass, 6 by 7, half unbroken and half broken; I have returned him eleven.
All The above reckoned up, I owe here 335 livres, and 120 livres are due me, in which are included the 72 livres that Father bon owes me. As niagara would not accept Them from him, I owed that sum to niagara, and I was obliged to borrow Them from valet, to whom niagara owed them.
I have finished paying meloche for The stable that he put up for me; he is also paid for all my buildings.
I owe gambille’s wife for 200 tacks, at 10 sols a hundred; also, to the same, for a pipe with its tongs; she owes me 10 sols for the collection for the blessed bread.
Barte owes me a livre of vermilion and 3 pairs of mitasses.
Louïson owes me for 20 masses for his son.
I owe champagne 20 livres, for oil and tallow.
I became surety to meloche for Mademoiselle royalle, for a minot of indian corn.
I owe cecyre for carting 25 pieces of lumber for sawing.
I owe Moran 20 livres, for carting 49 pieces of lumber to be sawed at meioche’s mill.
I owe Louison Campeau for 24 fowl, Including Those mentioned above; he gave me The last 4 larded.
I gave la forêt’s wife a blanket, size 2 and one-half points, for a very large bladder of oil which she [Page 41] is to give me next spring; also, to the same, 6 livres of vermilion, which she sold for me at 4 Castors a livre.
I delivered to gambille’s wife 6 livres of vermilion, at 5 Castors a livre; also 5 Castors’ worth of awls.
Madame gervais owes me for 7 masses; also for 8 masses.
I owe louison Campeau for 20 livres of mixed fat, at 10 sols a livre; also, to the same, for a cask of brandy, 80 livres.
I owe gambille’s wife for 10 livres of beef, and 3 francs for half a deer.
I owe niagara for 11 livres of beef, which I shall pay him, although he made me a present of it.
I owe 12 livres to Claude Campeau, for 6 minots of wheat which he ground for me; on this he owes me 5 livres for 5 masses.
I owe gambille’s wife 4 livres for deerskin to make shoes for regis. The same owes me for 6 handkerchiefs, at 6 livres each; and 500 Catfish hooks, at 50 sols a hundred.
I owe 20 livres to Madame caron for my half of a pig that she is fattening at our joint expense.
Louison Campeau Asked me to say 20 masses.
I owe françois 4 livres for turnips.
I shall owe goscelin and others for clearing 8 and a quarter arpents of land, at 20 livres An arpent. I owe him for 19 cords of wood, at 3 sols a cord.
He has spaded my garden, and done more than half a day’s work at my ice-house.
I owe 3 livres to chicot for 2 small turkeys; also, to the same, 6 livres for 4 turkeys.
I have received 5 partridges from Madame Le duc, of which she owed me 3, less 5 sols.
I owe sieur Louison Campeau 12 livres, for Salt; [Page 43] also 50 livres, for a cask of wine; also 70 livres, for a cask of brandy.
I owc for a deerskin for Father potier’s shoes. I gave the same 18 livres of Coffee to sell.
I lent niagara a pair of mitasses. I became surety for him for 20 livres, for 10 cords of wood.
In addition to the above, I owe cuillerier for The bolting of 5 minots.
I became surety to Courtois for 111 livres 15 sols, which goscelin and his Comrades owe Him. I also became surety for The same for 65 livres, which they owe gibaud. I paid The said goscelin and his comrades in full.
Besides The 1st seeds that Niagara received from me, I added 6 minots of oats and 3 quarters of a minot of pease.
I owe cuillerier for The bolting of 24 minots; in all for The bolting of 57 minots.
On this 20th of april, 1750, sieur pilet asked Father potier to say 30 masses for his deceased wife, whereof he is to pay for 15 only in the month of may, 1751. Father bon Asked me to say 20 for The same, payable in the same month and year.
For all The bolted flour, that is 59 minots: 12 livres less 4 sols.
On the 20th of may, 1750, I began to get 835 livres of flour baked — 24 livres in each baking.
I have finished paying gambille’s wife. I gave her an order on sieur marsac for all The said marsac owed me, which amounted to The sum of 586 livres; of this gambille’s Wife will pay on my account 400 livres to my creditors, after which his account with me Will be settled.
Settlement of accounts with cuillerier: 58 livres,. [Page 45] which he Will draw from Father bon; this 19th of may, 1750. He is paid.
I received from sieur barte, armorer, at detroit, The sum of 312 livres in discharge of sieur dumouchel, blacksmith, to whom The said barte owed That sum and more for the house in the fort that I sold him last year, 1749.
I owe a pair of mitasses to Monsieur La mothe, for tallow that he bought for me.
Monsieur La mothe asked me to say 30 masses, for which he Will pay next year, 1751.
Monsieur navarre lent me 4 livres and a quarter of powder, with the cartridge, and 7 livres and a half of shot; to be returned when the convoy arrives.
Niagara lent me a quarter of a minot of wheat.
Cuillerier lent me 3 livres of Salt, to be returned when the convoy arrives.
2 boards are missing out of the 40 of 15 feet; there are 5 planks over and above the sixty.
I borrowed 2 livres of coffee from Madame gervais.
I am paid in full for the land that I sold the late Caron; also for the house I sold dumouchel, august 7, 1750.
I delivered to chauvin 600 porcelain beads, to be given to one la framboise, a resident of the post of vincennes, who paid me 1,200 beads. Monsieur de Raymond, the Commandant at les miamis, Will cause to be delivered to him by The soldier called sans-quartier the 600 beads that I still owe him. The said soldier has or should have 1,550 beads belonging to me, on which I have received 4 livres of castor. I am writing to Monsieur raymond on the subject.
I remitted to chauvin, the blacksmith of this mission, The sum of 100 livres out of the 300 that he is to pay The said mission every year, as compensation. [Page 47] for The steel and iron that I was unable to give Him this year, 1750.
I delivered to sieur Roy, voyageur, 3 packages to be handed over, at montreal, to sieur rene de Couagne; The freight on these 3 packages is 36 livres, Including the portage. One consists of Castor, and weighs 92 livres; Another of 150 raccoon-skins, covered with 2 Castors; the 3rd, of 48 lynx-skins, 75 otters, 28 raccoons, and 43 livres of Castor. The freight on 2 of these 3 packages was paid here by a covered kettle; august 20, 1750.
I took 15 livres of beef from Madame Caron at 6 sols A livre, payable in the spring of 1751; 4 livres 10 sols.
Gambille’s wife baked us a batch of bread, for which he makes us pay 30 sols. He sold me a hat for 3 livres, a Horn for 7 livres 10 sols.
La Bute lent me 10 livres of tobacco, to be returned out of le Roy’s Roll, which his son has gone to get at niagara.
I lent parent, of les miamis, The pieces of sawed timber that I have at meloche’s mill, on condition that he Will give back as much at the same place next spring, 1751.
Parent, The joiner, is paid for all the work that he has done in The church, and for what remains to be done. This latter consists of an altar-railing, which he has drawn; a Confessional, similar to the one already made by him; 2 closets for the sacristy — one for The altar-fronts, and The other for The ornaments, Linen, etc.; and, finally, 2 chapel, if They are deemed necessary. Recently, 34 planks were delivered to him independently of the sanctuary, which he says is done; and many board and deal ends, that he took away during The winter. [Page 49]
I sent to sieur René de couagne a note for 100 livres, which I received from Father bon. Brother la tour is the holder of this note.
I took from sieur la Bute a bag containing 50 livres of shot or bullets, which I shall return to him when the convoy cornes, if the said sieur have not received a similar one for me, with the obligation of bringing It to me. I received from Him 50 livres of shot, besides the Aforesaid bag.
Madame st. martin made my trade-shirts, 3 livres; she spent a day here sewing for me, 3 livres.
I owe Madame gervais for 3 livres and a half of illinois tobacco, and she owes me for 18 masses.
CERTAIN ARTICLES BELONGING TO OUR ESTAB-
Father de la Richardie gave the following to Niagara, when he came to The farm in 1748:
1 new plow.
1 Plowshare, repaired as good as new.
1 colter and Cutter, not repaired.
1 new plow-wheel.
Given to Niagara by The brother:
The breeching-strap, with the 2 chains.
The 2 collar-hooks (2 pins which are attached to the collar).
The long plow-chain.
The swingletree chains.
2 iron pins for the plow.
The Back-pad with iron rings.
1 winnower which had been broken by the animais. *Nota. He is to give a new one. [Page 51]
Articles wanting at the farm and which must be Made,
* Niagara has ofered to make them
during The winter:
1 cart for wheat.
2 collars for horses.
1 pair of Wheels.
2 yokes for oxen with 2 poles.
4 straps for oxen.
2 pairs of traces for horses.
1 saddle for A horse.
2 bridles with bits, reins, 2 blinkers, 1 throat-lash, 2 brow-bands.
August 30, 1730. Animals on the farm. Animals
belonging entirely to the mission.
2 Yoke of oxen, as follows:
1st, Nico, 7 years old.
2nd, Taupin, 7 years old.
3rd, The 2 oxen which niagara had from Beaubien, and which he exchanged for 2 of ours.
4 Cows, namely :
1st, La noire, 15 years old.
2nd, La Niagara, 5 years old.
3rd, la Beaubien exchanged for la blanche, 4 years old.
4th, a yearling Heifer called Blanchette.
2 horses, namely :
1st, berlingan, 7 years old.
2nd, souris, a mare about to foal, 17 years old.
Animals to be shared between The farmer and the mission:
1 Bull, 18 months old. [Page 53]
1 other Bull, also 18 months old.
1 heifer, 6 months old.
1 other heifer, 2 and a half months old.
Lent to Niagara:
23 livres and a half of flour.
One carpenter’s Axe, mislaid by the bas-jaunes.
Seed sown in 1750 : 37 minots of [blank space in MS.; wheat ?]; 6 minots of oats and 3-fourths of a minot of pease. *Nota: The crop was 1,050 sheaves; 7 sheaves go to the minot, consequently there must be 150 minots; deduct 40 for seed, and 110 remain, of which our share is 55.
The wheat Crop was 150 minots; The Crop of indian corn, 40 minots, of which 7 and a half minots are side-ears. Regis has had A third thereof. The oat crop was 16 minots; and that of pease, 2 minots.
Onions: 800 in hanks, 553 not in hanks; and 347 chives (Total 1600). 240 garlic plants, of which 180 are in 4 hanks.
LOANED OR BORROWED. ACTIVE AND PASSIVE
[ θ ]
Lent a loaf to Niagara.
[ θ ]
Lent 2 loaves to Niagara, by regis.
[ θ ]
Lent, 5 loaves to niagara’s wife.
[ θ ]
Borrowed 4 livres of shot from Father bon.
[ θ ]
Regis bought a belt from courtois, for 1 écu.
[ θ ]
Borrowed from Madame de Quindre 1 loaf, of about 3 and a half livres.
[ θ ]
Borrowed from Father bon 3 bottles of wine. [Page 55]
[ θ ]
I owe 13 livres 10 sols to jaqueau St. aubin for grinding 9 minots of wheat in meloche’s mill at 30 sols a minot.
[ θ ]
I owe for the bolting of 9 minots.
[ θ ]
Returned to Monsieur Navarre 13 panes of glass, out of 50 that we owed him.
[ θ ]
Borrowed from Niagara 12 eggs and 1 plateful of sugar, by order of the Father.
[ θ ]
Lent 2 loaves to Niagara.
[ θ ]
Gave to Niagara one flask of wine, by order of the father.
[ θ ]
One knife given to Rapin.
[ θ ]
A flask of wine given to Niagara’s wife.
[ θ ]
A powder-horn bought from courtois, for 1 écu.
[ θ ]
The Stove lent to de Quindre with 4 stove-pipes.
[ θ ]
Returned to Father bon 3 bottles of white wine, in exchange for 3 of red that he had lent me.
[ θ ]
Lent 2 loaves to Niagara.
[ θ ]
One sail borrowed from Navarre.
[ θ ]
1 ell of white molleton given to rapin to make a pair of mitasses. Item, a third of an ell, to make mitts.
[ θ ]
1 loaf lent to Niagara.
[ θ ]
1 flask of brandy given to Niagara’s wife.
[ θ ]
The stone for the Stove and the cross-cut saw lent to Father bon.
[ θ ]
100 masses for Father bon’s intention.
[ θ ]
Home-made cheeses, a little gruiere cheese, half a prick of tobacco, some mouldy snuff, and 2 biscuits, given to me by Father bon.
[ θ ]
15 livres of beef bought from baptiste Campeau, at 6 sols per livre (4 francs 10 sols). [Page 57]
[ θ ]
* Navarre sent (gave) me a Prick of tobacco and 1 deerskin.
[ θ ]
Turkey, and haunch of deer, from St. Maurice.
[ θ ]
Bustard, and quarter of a small deer, from St. Maurice.
[ θ ]
Bought half a deer from Monsieur la motte, 4 livres 10 sols (flesh bad, antlers decayed).
[ θ ]
Father bon gave me 1 large swan.
[ θ ]
Borrowed from Niagara enough salt to fill the soup tureen.
[ θ ]
Borrowed from niagara 123 livres of flour.
[ θ ]
Borrowed from Niagara flour enough to fill the soup tureen.
[ θ ]
Borrowed from Niagara 46 and a half livres of flour .
[ θ ]
Lent Niagara 2 minots of oats.
[ θ ]
Lent Niagara 9 livres of mixed grease.
[ θ ]
Lent Niagara 1 pair of mitasses.
[ θ ]
Lent niagara 1 minot of wheat (for le beau).
[ θ ]
Borrowed from Navarre 10 livres of shot (may 10).
[ θ ]
Borrowed from Navarre 7 livres of salt (may 16).
[ θ ]
Delivered to Courtois, on April 5:
1 cask of brandy.
22 and a half livres of heavy shot.
1 blanket of blue cloth.
1 blanket — size 3 points.
2 livres of vermilion.
2 coils of net-ropes.
1 livre of Poitou thread.
[ θ ]
I received 59 minots of wheat. [Page 59]
[ θ ]
Janis received 52 minots.
[ θ ]
In 1750, or
I owe a quarter of beef to janis, weighing 75 livres.
[ θ ]
I owe courtois 1 quarter of beef, weighing 61 livres.
[ θ ]
Delivered to Monsieur la motte 6 minots of wheat, at 8 francs.
[ θ ]
Received from Monsieur la motte 1 bustard, some butter, and oil.
[ θ ]
I owe 12 francs to St. Martin, for making 2 mattresses.
[ θ ]
I owe Madame Cuillerier 1 bustard, 2 chickens, 1 ivory comb, 1 horn comb, 1 axe, 6 ells of linen for mattresses, the bolting of 20 minots.
[ θ ]
I owe 10 francs to Nez-croche for a winnower.
[ θ ]
Delivered to barte 15 livres of steel for Springs, 14 livres of steel for hatchets, and 27 or 28 files. The whole may be worth 70 livres.
[ θ ]
Navarre sold (for me) 1 cask of brandy to chapoton for 80 francs.
[ θ ]
I sold the forge to Madame Cuillerier for 60 francs.
[ θ ]
I owe 5 brasses of fishing-line to Monsieur godefroi.
[ θ ]
I owe a sucking-pig to Monsieur la motte.
[ θ ]
January 27. I borrowed from le Roi 13 and a half livres of tallow, to be returned in The spring. February 18. I owe half a deer to courtois; I have transferred half of this to janis.
[ θ ]
February 24. I lent big st. louis 25 livres of flour.
[ θ ]
February 25. I owe 100 sols to courtois for half a deer.
[ θ ]
I owe 6 francs to pierrot la butte for 2 livres of tobacco. [Page 61]
[ θ ]
ACTIVE AND PASSIVE DEBTS CONTRACTED DURING
THE WINTER SPENT BY FATHER DE LA
RICHARDIE AT TON˛WATATIORI.
13 livres 10 sols to the st. aubins, for grinding 9 Minots.
3 livres to Courtois, for a powder-horn.
4 livres 10 sols to Baptiste Campeau, for 15 livres of beef.
4 livres 4 sols to Marsac, for 14 livres of beef.
27 livres 18 sols to big pilette, for 101 and a half livres of beef.
For 2 deer and one turkey, to Monsieur La mothe.
8 livres to malette, for Mending 2 pairs of shoes.
[blank space in MS.] for bolting.
[blank space in MS.] to Barte for repairing a gun.
2 livres of powder to the tall st. louis for some fish.
20 sols to sieur Le beau, for chopping.
Borrowed from Niagara salt enough to fill The soup tureen.
Item, 123 livres of flour.
Item, 46 livres of flour.
Item, The soup-tureen full of flour, to make hosts.
Borrowed from Monsieur de navarre 7 livres of Salt.
50 Masses for Father bon.
35 Masses for big pilet.
18 Masses for Deruissau’s wife.
18 Masses for baptiste Chapoton.
19 Masses for gervais’s wife.
10 Masses for the late jaques Campeau.
9 Masses for Chene. [Page 63]
2 Masses for belle-perche’s wife.
2 Masses for Catin.
2 Masses for st. maurice.
1 Mass for baptiste Campeau.
1 Mass for baptiste Campeau’s wife.
1 Mass for Montmirel’s wife.
1 Mass for persil.
. . . Sold to Barte about a quarter of a livre of borax.
Lent niagara 2 minots of oats.
Item, a minot of wheat.
Item, 9 livres of mixed fat.
Item, a pair of mitasses.
Delivered to Courtois a cask of brandy.
Item, 22 and a half livres of heavy shot.
Item, a cloth blanket.
Item, a blanket, size 3 points.
Item, 2 livres of vermilion.
Item, a fishing-line.
Item, 2 coils of net-rope.
Item, one Livre of Poitou thread.
AFTER FATHER DE LA RICHARDIE’S RETURN.
May, 1751. I paid all the above petty debts.
I also paid Rapin 50 livres for The 6 months while he served Father Potier.
I paid Niagara, in molton, r9 livres 10 sols; in blankets, 18 livres 15 sols; also, to the same, 10 livres, which his brother louison owes for 10 masses, which his late father had requested Father Potier to say. The said niagara is paid in full.
I gave janis to sell, for my profit, 2 blue blankets; 3 livres of vermilion; 5 small shirts; also a catfish Line. [Page 65]
Of the 9 or 10 pieces of sawed timber, pine, etc., I made over The said pieces to meloche, for 2 Carts which he is to make for me — one for wheat, and The other for general use.
To-day, the [blank space in MS.] july, 1751, Niagara, the farmer of The huron mission at La pointe du montreal, has agreed to make, for the benefit of this mission, for The use of the animals belonging to it, 2 collars for The horses, with Their bridles; and a saddle, with the traces and other straps necessary for harnessing them to the cart, the sled, or the plow. Also 2 yokes for 2 pairs of oxen, with The necessary straps for harnessing Them; and, finally, 2 carts, one for wheat and The other for general purposes. All is to be Delivered to the said niagara’s successor on The said farm, on The 1st of September next — on condition that Father de la Richardie, the superior of the said mission, gives to niagara his share of 2 bulls 2 years old, as well as of a heifer 15 months old; in consideration whereof niagara will Deliver, at the aforesaid time, all The above mentioned, in good and due condition. Done at la pointe du Montreal, this 11th of july, 1751. Armand de la Richardie, Nicolas Campeau.
The aforesaid Nicolas Campeau, otherwise called Niagara, shall at The end of his lease return The seed which Father de la Richardie and he have Agreed upon, consisting of 15 minots of wheat, 6 of oats, and 5 of pease, less a quarter of a livre. The whole is to be taken from The share of the said niagara. He shall likewise return a new plow with new wheels, a share almost new; with all The iron work [Page 67] of the plow, cart, and sled; repair The Roof of The barn, and finish that of The stable.
Janis took The farm of the huron mission of detroit on The 1st of September, 1751, on the following conditions: Ist, that The superior of The said mission shall supply Him for The 1st year of The said lease with all The seed required for sowing The land belonging to The said mission — on condition that, at The end of the lease, The same quantity and kind of seed be returned to the said superior, Which shall be taken from The said farmer’s share. 2nd, that all The produce of The farm shall be divided between The said superior and the farmer; as regards both the seed and the animals above mentioned, the whole in equal portions. 3rd, that The said farmer shall be obliged to Put up substantial fentes around The farm of The said mission in The very 1st year of his lease; in consideration whereof The superior of the mission shall allow Him a man for The period of 2 months, to help Him in making The fences; this man shall be fed by The farmer, and be paid by The superior. 4th, that The farmer shall haul every year The firewood required for The use of The said mission, not exceeding 40 cords. That he shall, moreover, also Plow every year 3 arpents of new or other land in order that The mission may have for itself The indian corn produced by The said 3 arpents. Further, The said farmer shall be obliged to wash all The Linen belonging to The said mission, and to bake all The bread needed for the same; The soap to be supplied for washing. In consideration thereof, The superior of the mission shall pay to the said farmer The sum of 110 livres every year. 5th, The profits which The farmer may [Page 69] make by Plowing and carting, etc., with the animals of The mission, shall belong wholly to Him, without the said mission exacting any portion thereof. 6th, The original stock of animais, or Their equivalent, Delivered to the said farmer at The beginning of his lease, shall be given back by Him on leaving, in the same number and of the same value, to the superior of The said mission; and all The implements for Plowing, carting, etc., which shall be Delivered to Him shall also be given back by him in the same form, condition, and value. For this purpose, an inventory shall be made of the said implements, as well as of the said animals. The produce of the said animals shall be shared equally between The said superior and the farmer. 7th, with regard to the buildings, The said farmer shall be bound to make ordinary repairs, and to give Them back at the end of his lease in the same condition as that in which he received Them. The lease shall terminate in 3 years unless The said farmer or The said superior wish to extend The term thereof. Agreed and stipulated between The said superior and The said janis, this 25th of july, 1751. Signed, Armand de La Richardie, jesuit Missionary; janis, not knowing how to write, has made a cross, +.
There is due to Father Potier, for masses which He and I have said, and The payment whereof is to be made at detroit: [ θ ] by The tremblés, 50 livres; by pilette, 27 livres; by madame desruisseau, 18 livres; [θ ] by baptiste chapoton, 18 livres; and [θ ] by Madame chene, 9 livres. In all, 122 livres.
Niagara is to Deliver to his successor 380 bundles of hay.
End of Father De La Richardie’s Book of accounts.
BAPTISMS AT THE HURON MISSION, 1752-56.
hisday I baptized jean Baptiste, recently born of the Marriage of Dufour and charlotte roque; the sponsors were Poligny and [blank space in MS.] L’anglois. August 31, 1752.
Pierre Potier, jesuit Missionary. 1753.
This day I baptized françois, recently born of the Marriage of Louis viller and Marie josephine Marin; the sponsors were français janis and Marguerite La Durantaye . January 1, 1753.
Pierre Potier, jesuit Missionary.
This day I baptized Marie joseph, recently born of the Marriage of françois Le Beau and marie josephine Bigra; the sponsors were amable Bigra and Catherine Le Beau. March 3, 1753.
Pierre Potier, jesuit Missionary.
This day I baptized Michel, recently born of the Marriage of Paul Campeau and Charlotte du Moulin; the sponsors were Michel Campeau and Marie josephine Morin. April 2, 1753.
Pierre Potier, jesuit Missionary.
This day I baptized michel, Recently born of the Marriage of Charles Buteau and Marie marguerite gautier; the sponsors were Michel Campeau and elizabeth Rapin. July 13, 1753.
Pierre Potier, jesuit Missionary.
This day I Supplied the rites of baptism to jean, recently born of the Marriage of jean Brisar and marie angélique clement; the sponsors were françois Le Beau and Thérese Meloche. December 4, 1753.
Pierre Potier, jesuit Missionary.
This day I baptized Marie amable, recently born of the Marriage of Joseph Levron and Marie josephine Custeau; the sponsors were Charles Campeau and Charlotte Montreil. January 2, 1754.
Pierre Potier, jesuit Missionary.
This day I supplied the rites of baptism to josephine Marie, recently born of the Marriage of jean valet and Marie elizabeth de Rouillard; the sponsors were joseph guignan, commonly called St. etienne, and marie Charlotte du four. February 5, 1754,
Pierre Potier, jesuit Missionary.
This day I baptized Thérèse, recently born of the Marriage of Michel campeau and josephine Buteau; the sponsors were Louis Delille [deligne] and Marguerite gautier. July 31, 1754.
Pierre Potier, jesuit Missionary.
This day I baptized jean Réné, recently born of the marriage of françois le beau and marie josephine bigra; the sponsors were jean réné Le Beau and judith Cuillerier. September 20, 1754.
Pierre Potier, jesuit Missionary.
This day I baptized Marie Louise, recently born of the Marriage of Louis viller and marie josephine Marin; the sponsors were pierre Morin and Marie Louise Bécquemont. October 4, 175[4? — illegible].
Pierre Potier, jesuit Missionary.
This day I baptized jean françois, recently born of the Marriage of Louis Reveau and josephine St. estienne; the sponsors were jean Claude La Salle and Susanne Bienvenue. October 12, 1754.
Pierre Potier, jesuit Missionary.
This day I baptized Marie Charlotte, recently born of the marriage of joseph Levron, commonly called Metayer, and josephine Custeau. The sponsors were joseph Le Beau and Marie Charlotte Campeau [Montret — added by another hand]. January 28, 1756.
Pierre Potier, jesuit.
This day I Baptized louis, recently born of the marriage of Paul Campeau and Charlotte Desmoulins; the sponsors were louis viler and Charlotte Campeau. May 31, 1756.
Jean B. Salleneuve, S. J.
This day I baptized Marie elizabeth, recently Born of the Marriage of Michel Campeau and josephine Buteau. The sponsors were Louis gervais and elizabeth Rapin. July 29, 1756.
This day I baptized jean Louis, recently born; the Father is unknown, and the Mother is Marie Rose Bigra; the sponsors were jean Brisart and Jeanne Belleperche. December 5, 1756.
Pierre Potier, jesuit Missionary.
This day I baptized Bonaventure, recently born of the marriage of Louis Clermont and Louise Bouron. The sponsors were valère clermont and Thérèse beguette. December 10, 1756.
Pierre Potier, jesuit Missionary. [Page 77]
MISCELLANEOUS DOCUMENTS, 1756-62
CCXXV. — Catalogus Personarum et Offïciorum Provinciæ Francise Societatis Jesu. Exeunte Anno 1756. Missiones Americæ Septentrionalis in Nova Francis
CCXXVI. — Lettre du Père * * * , Missionnaire chez les Abnakis. De Saint-François, le 21 Octobre, 1757
CCXXVII. — Des Hurons. [Etienne Girault de Villeneuve; Quebec, 1762]
Sources: In publishing Doc. CCXXV. we follow an apograph in the archives of St. Mary’s College, Montreal. Doc. CCXXVI. is taken from Lettres édifiantes, t. vi., pp. 189-253; Doc. CCXXVII. from L’Abeille, vol. xii., p. 76. [Page 79]
Catalogue of the Persons and their Offices of
the Province of France of the Society of
Jesus, at the end of the Year 1756.
Missions of North Am.erica
in New France.
COLLEGE OF QUEBEC.
EVEREND Father Jean Baptiste de Saint Pé, superior-general and Rector of the college since October 1754; of the Province of Aquitaine.
Oct. 21, 1686
Father Nicolas de Gonnor, minister, prefect of health, confesser in the church, adviser; of Aquitaine.
Father Armand de la Richardie, spiritual prefect, admonitor, confessor in the church; of Aquitaine.
Father François le Sueur, confessor of the savages and of our religious; of France.
Father Jean B. de la Brosse, procurator, confesser in the church, adviser; of Aquitaine.
Father Siméon le BanLais, professor of scholastic theology, confessor in the church, adviser; of France. [Page 81]
Father Etienne Lauverjat, confessor of the savages: of France
1749.P. Petr. Joan. de Bonnécamp, professor of hydrography, confessor in the church, adviser; of France
PROFESSORS WHO ARE NOT PRIESTS.
Monsieur Pierre de Phleugny, professor of rhetoric and of the second class; of France.
Monsieur Charles Alexandre Morliere, professor of the third class; of France.
Monsieur Réné Rivalin, professor of the fourth and fifth classes; of France.
Alexandre Macquet, tailor, sacristan; of France.
Charles Boispineau, apotheary; of Aquitaine.
Charles Philippe Dohen, procurator’s assistant, has charge of the country-house;
Jacques Ferchaud, cellarer and gardener;
Jean B. Noel, teaches the children to read and Write;
Jean Baptiste Renette; of France.
Pierre Gournay, buyer; of France.
Pierre le Tellier, aged; of France.
RESIDENCE OF MONTREAL.
Reverend Father Pierre Réné Floquet, superior;
Étienne Racine, in charge of all the deartments;
IN REMOTE REGIONS.
Reverend Father Pierre Pothier, superior; Franco-Belgian.
Father Jean Baptiste de Salleneuve; of France.
AMONG THE ABNAQUES, IN VARIOUS PLACES.
Reverend Father Charles Germain, superior; Franco-Belgian.
Father Louis Virot; of Toulouse.
Father Pierre Audran; of Toulouse.
Father Simon Gounon; of France.
Father Pierre Antoine Roubaud; of Lyons.
AMONG THE IROQUOIS.
Reverend Father Antoine Gordan, superior; of Lyons
Father Jean Baptiste de Neuville; of France.
Father Pierre Regis Billard; of France.
AMONG THE MONTAGNAIS.
Father Godefroi Coquart; of France.
AMONG THE OUTAOUAIS.
Reverend Father Pierre du Jaunay, superior; of France.
Father Jean Baptiste de la Morinie; of Aquitaine.
Father Marie Louis le Franc; of Aquitaine.
Pierre Demers, In charge of all the departments; of France.
AMONG THE HURONS.
Reverend Father Daniel Richer, superior; of France.
Father Étienne Girault; of France.
Priests, 25; Instructors not priests, 3; Brethren, 10; Total of the Society, 38.
MISSIONS OF LOUISIANA.
Reverend Father Michel Baudouin, superior-general since 1749; of Aquitaine.
Father Guillaume Morand; of Lyons.
Father Jean Jacques le Prédour; of France.
Father Julien Fourré; of France.
Jean Jacques Parisel, apothecary; of France.
Simon Maillard, in charge of all the departments; of France.
AMONG THE ILLINOIS.
Reverend Father Alexandre Xavier de Guyenne, superior.
Father Louis Vivier; of France.
Father Julien de Verney; of France.
Father Philippe Wattin, parish priest of the French; of Champagne.
Father Sébastien Meurin; of Champagne.
Charles Magendie; of Aquitaine.
Julien Pernelle; of France.
Nov. 19, 1721
AMONG VARIOUS TRIBES.
Father Jean Baptiste Aubert; of Lyons.
Father Louis Carette; Franco-Belgian.
Father Maximilien le Roy; Franco-Belgian.
Father Nicolas le Febvre; Franco-Belgian.
Priests, 13; Brethren, 4; Total of the Society, 17.
Letter from Father * * * , Missionary to the
October 21, 1757.
I SET out on the 12th of July from Saint François, — the principal village of the Abnakis Mission — to go to Montreal; the purpose of my journey was simply to bring to Monsieur the Marquis de Vaudreuil a deputation of twenty Abnakis appointed to accompany Father Virot, who has gone to try to found a new Mission among the Loups of Oyo, or the beautiful river. The share that I was allowed to have in that glorious enterprise, the events which caused it, and the difficulties that it was necessary to overcome, may furnish hereafter interesting material for another Letter. But I must wait until manifest blessings shall have crowned the efforts which we made to carry the knowledge of Faith to tribes that appear inclined to receive it.
When I arrived at Montreal, — a day and a half distant from my Mission, — I thought myself at the end of my journey; but Providence ordered otherwise. An expedition was projected against the enemy; and, on account of the state of feeling among the Savage Tribes, the greatest success was expected. The Abnakis were to be of the party; and, as all the Christian Savages are accompanied by their Missionaries, who are eager to furnish them the aid suitable to their office, the Abnakis could be sure that I [Page 91] would not abandon them at so critical a moment. I therefore prepared for my departure; my equipment was very soon ready, — a Chapel, the holy Oils, these were all; for everything else, I trusted the Providence that has never failed me. Two days afterward, I embarked on the great river saint Lawrence in company with two Gentlemen from Saint Sulpice. One was Monsieur Picquet, Missionary of the Iroquois from la Galette; and the other was Monsieur Mathavet, Missionary of the Nipistingues from the lake of the two Mountains. My Abnakis were encamped at Saint Jean, one of the Colony’s forts distant from Montreal a day’s journey. My arrival surprised them; they had not been informed of my coming. Hardly had they perceived me when they made the woods and the neighboring mountains resound with the report of my approach; all, even the children (for, with the Savages, they are soldiers as soon as they can carry a gun), uttered shouts. Yes, even the children gave me proofs of their satisfaction. Nemittangoustena, Nemittangoustena, they exclaimed, in their own language. Ourionni eri namihoureg, — that is to say: “ Our Father, our Father, how obliged we are to thee for giving us the pleasure of seeing thee! ” I thanked them in a few words for the good Will that they were expressing toward me. I did not delay to perform in their presence the duties of my Office. I had scarcely caused my tent to be set up before I hastened to join them; and I led them to the foot of a large cross placed on the bank of the river. I recited aloud the evening prayer, and ended with a short exhortation, in which I endeavored to point out to them the duties of a warrior whom Religion guides in his [Page 93] battles. After having announced Mass for the next day, I dismissed them. I believed that would be the day of our departure; but bad weather disappointed our hopes. We were obliged to be in camp that day also, which was occupied in making suitable preparations for rendering our march secure.
Toward evening, the kindness of an Officer obtained for me an opportunity to witness one of those savage military spectacles which many people admire, as being fitted to arouse in the most cowardly hearts that martial ardor which makes veritable warriors; as for me, I have never seen in them anything but a comic farce, capable of making any one burst into laughter who was not on his guard. I am speaking of a war-feast. Imagine a large assembly of Savages, decorated with every ornament most fitted to disfigure, in European eyes, their physiognomies. Vermilion, white, green, yellow, and black made from soot or scrapings of the pots — on a single savage face are seen united all these different colors, methodically applied by the aid of a little tallow which serves as an ointment. This is the Paint that is used on these grand occasions to adorn not only the face, but also the head — which is almost wholly shaved, excepting a little lock reserved on the top for the purpose of attaching to it feathers of birds, or a few pieces of porcelain, or some other similar gewgaw. Each part of the head has its distinct ornaments: the nose has its ring; there are also rings for the ears, which are pierced at an early age, and so greatly elongated by the weight with which they have been overloaded that they swing and beat against the shoulders. The rest of the paraphernalia corresponds to this grotesque decoration. A shirt [Page 95] smeared with vermilion, porcelain necklaces, silver bracelets, a large knife hanging over the breast, a girdle of variegated colors but always ludicrously arranged, and shoes of elk-skin — these are the savage accouterments. The Captains are distinguished only by a gorget, and the Chiefs by a medallion which on one side exhibits the portrait of the King, and on the other Mars and Bellona, who are joining hands, with this device: virtus et honor.
Now imagine an assembly of people thus decorated, and arranged in rows. In the midst are placed large kettles, filled with meat cooked and cut into pieces, so as to be more readily distributed to the spectators. After a respectful silence, which indicates the importance of the meeting, certain Captains appointed by the different Tribes that are present at the feast begin to chant in succession. You Will easily imagine what this Savage music may be, compared with the delicacy and taste of European music. The sounds are formed, I should say, almost by chance; and sometimes they strongly resemble the cries and howlings of wolves. This is not the beginning of the meeting; it is only the announcement and the prelude, for the purpose of inviting the scattered Savages to come to the general rendezvous. When the assembly has been organized, the Orator of the Tribe begins to speak, and solemnly addresses the guests. This is the most sensible act of the ceremony. The panegyric of the King, the eulogy of the French Nation, the arguments that prove the lawfulness of the war, the motives of glory and of Religion, all of these are fitted to tempt the Young men to press on with joy to battle; this is the substance of that sort of address, [Page 97] which ordinarily bears no mark of Savage barbarism. I have more than once heard addresses which would not have been disavowed by our finest minds in France. An eloquence drawn wholly from nature does not cause any one to regret the help of art.
When the speech is finished, they proceed to name the Captains who are to command the party. As soon as one is named, he rises from his place and proceeds to seize the head of one of the animals which are to make the principal part of the feast. He raises it high enough to be seen by the whole assembly, crying aloud: Behold the head of the enemy. Shouts of joy and applause are then raised on every side, and announce the satisfaction of the assembly. The Captain, with the head of the animal still in his hand, goes through the lines singing his war-song, in which he exerts all his force in boastings and insulting defiance of the enemy, and in the exaggerated eulogies which he lavishes upon himself. To hear them extolling themselves in these moments of military enthusiasm, you might believe them all to be Heroes who are able to carry off all, crush all, vanquish all. As he passes in review before the Savages, these latter answer his chant by hollow cries, broken, drawn from the pit of the stomach, and accompanied with such ridiculous motions of the body that you must be familiar with them in order to witness them with composure. In the course of his song, he is careful to introduce from time to time some grotesque joke. Then he stops as if to applaud himself, or rather to receive the savage plaudits that a thousand mingled shouts reëcho to his ears. He continues his warlike march as long as the sport [Page 99] pleases him; if it cesse to please him he ends it by disdainfully throwing down the head that he has in his hand, in order to show by this affected contempt that food of a wholly different kind is necessary to satisfy his military appetite. He afterward resumes his place, where he is no sooner seated, than perhaps there is put on his head a pot of hot ashes; but this is an act of friendship, a mark of tenderness which is endured only from a well-known and acknowledged friend; a like familiarity from an ordinary man would be deemed an insult. This first warrior is followed by others, who greatly protract the meeting, — especially when it is a question of forming large parties, because with this kind of ceremony the enlistments are made. At last, the feast comes to an end with the distribution and consumption of the food.
Such was the war-feast that was given to our Savages, and such the ceremony that was observed. The Algonkins, the Abnakis, the Nipistingues, and the Amenecis were at this feast. In the meantime, more serious cares were demanding our presence > elsewhere, and it was growing late; we arose, and each Missionary, followed by his Neophytes, went to close the day with the usual prayers. A part of the night was spent in making the final preparations for our departure, which was fixed for the next day. This time, the weather favored us. We embarked after having put our journey under the special protection of the Lord by a Mass, chanted solemnly, and with more precision and devotion than you could imagine; the Savages always outdo themselves at this spectacle of Religion. The tediousness of the way was [Page 101] alleviated by the privilege that I had every day of celebrating the holy sacrifice of the Mass, — sometimes on an island, sometimes on the bank of a river, but always in a spot sufficiently open to favor the devotion of our little army. It was no slight consolation to the Ministers of the Lord to hear his praises sung in as many different tongues as there were Tribes assembled. Every day each Tribe would choose a suitable place, where it encamped by itself. Religious services were held as regularly as in their Villages; so that the satisfaction of the Missionaries would have been complete if all the days of this campaign had been as innocent as were the days of our journey.
We crossed lake Champlain, where the dexterity of the Savages in fishing furnished us a very interesting spectacle. Placed in the front of the canoe, standing, with spear in hand, they hurled it with marvelous skill, and drew out large sturgeons, — so adroitly that the little scales of the fish which the slightest awkward motion could displace did not appear turned the least in the world toward either the right or the left. In order to facilitate such profitable fishing, it was not necessary to discontinue our journey; the fisherman alone ceased to advance; but, in turn, he was charged with providing subsistence for all the others, and he succeeded. Finally, after six days’ travel we came to fort Vaudreuil, formerly named Carillon, which had been assigned as the general rendezvous of our troops. Hardly had we begun to distinguish the summit of the fortifications before our Savages drew up for battle, each Tribe under its own standard. Two hundred canoes placed in this fine order formed a sight that Messieurs [Page 103] the French Officers, who had flocked to the shore, did not deem unworthy of their attention.
As soon as I had landed I hastened to pay my respects to Monsieur the Marquis de Montcalm, whom I had had the honor to know in Paris. The regard with which he honors our Missionaries was known to me. He received me with an affability which indicated the goodness and generosity of his heart. The Abnakis, less for the sake of conforming to ceremony than for satisfying their inclination and their respect, lost no time in appearing before their General. Their Orator complimented him briefly, as he had been asked to do. My Father, he said, do not fear, these are not eulogies that I come to give thee. I Know thy heart, it disdains them; it is sufficient for thee to merit them. Well then, thou art rendering me a service; for I was in no slight perplexity at the impossibility of expressing to thee all that I feel. I therefore content myself with assuring thee that these are thy children, all of them ready to share thy perils, and sure indeed that they will soon share thy glory. The turn of this compliment may not seem natural to a Savage; but you would have no doubt about it if you knew the turn of mind of him who uttered it.
I learned from Monsieur de Montcalm the glorious defense that was made a few days before by a Canadian Officer, named Monsieur de Saintout; he had been sent to reconnoiter on Lake Saint Sacrement, with a party of ten men in a single bark canoe. In doubling a tongue of land, he was surprised by two English barges, which, lying in wait, suddenly attacked him. The numbers were unequal. One single discharge made at the right time on the canoe [Page 105] would have decided the victory or the defeat of the French. Monsieur de Saintout, as a prudent man, hastily gained an island that was formed in the Lake by a steep rock. He was closely followed by the enemy; but he very soon checked their ardor by a volley that, with as much prudence as success, he ordered his men to fire at them. The enemy, disconcerted for the moment, quickly returned to the charge; but they were again so well received that they resolved to land on the beach, which was within gunshot. The combat recommenced with more obstinacy than before, but still proceeded with the same success for us. Monsieur de Saintout, perceiving that the enemy were not inclined to come to attack him in his position, and that he could not go to them without the risk of seeing his canoe sink, decided to retreat. He did so, acting as a man of good sense, just as he had defended himself as a man of courage. He embarked in sight of the English — who, not daring to pursue him, were satisfied with constantly firing at him. In this encounter we had three men wounded, but slightly; Monsieur de Saintout was of the number. Monsieur de Grosbois, a cadet of the Colonial troops, was killed on the spot. The enemy, by their own avowal, had gone out of their fort thirty-seven strong; only seventeen returned to it. Such deeds are surprising in Europe; but here the valor of the Canadians has so often multiplied them that we would not be astonished to see them repeated more than once in the course of a campaign; the continuation of this letter will give you proof of this.
After having taken leave of Monsieur de Montcalm, [Page 107] I repaired to the quarters of the Abnakis. I sent word to the Orator to call together at once his tribesmen, and announce to them that, before going in a few days to attack the English fort, I expected from their religion that they should prepare themselves for this perilous undertaking by every step fitted to assure its success before God. I gave notice, at the same time, that my tent would be open at all times and to every one; and that I would always be ready, even at the peril of my life, to furnish them the aid that my office commands. My offers were accepted. I had the comfort of seeing some of them come as Penitents to Confession; and I prepared a few of these for the reception of the august Sacrament of our Altars. It was on the following Sunday, the twenty-fourth of July, that they enjoyed this blessing. I neglected nothing to give to this ceremony all the splendor that was in my power. I solemnly chanted the Mass, during which I gave them the first Abnakis exhortation that I had given formally. It hinged upon the obligation under which they were to do honor to their religion by their conduct in the presence of so many Idolatrous Tribes, who either were not acquainted with it or blasphemed it, and whose eyes were fixed upon them. I endeavored to present in striking colors the motives best fitted to make an impression on them; I did not neglect to recall to them the perils inseparable from war, which their courage and their valor would only serve to multiply. If the attention of the hearer and a modest deportment decided the effect of a discourse, I should have had every reason to congratulate myself on my feeble efforts. These [Page 109] services occupied us until late in the forenoon, but the Savage does not reckon the moments that he gives to Religion; they behave with propriety and earnestness in our Temples. The liberties which the Frenchmen allow themselves therein, and the weariness which they show even in their countenances, are only too often a cause of offense to our Savages. These latter have excellent dispositions, which may some day make of them Perfect Christians.
These were the occupations to which I devoted myself during our stay in the vicinity of fort Vaudreuil; it was not long; at the end of the third day we received orders to join the French army, encamped a league higher up, near the Portage, — that is to say, near the place where a great fall of water would oblige us to transport by land from Lake Saint Sacrement the munitions necessary for the siege. Preparations were being made for departure when they were stopped by a sight that attracted all eyes.
We saw appearing in the distance, in one of the inlets of the river, a little fleet of savage canoes which by their order and decorations announced a victory. It was Monsieur Marin — a Canadian Officer of great merit — who was returning glorious and triumphant from the expedition with which he had been charged. At the head of a body of about two hundred Savages, he had been detached to scour the country about Fort Lydis; he had had the courage with a small flying camp to attack the outer intrenchments, and the good fortune to carry a chief part of them. The Savages had only time to cut off [Page 111] thirty-five scalps from the two hundred men whom they had killed; their victory was not stained with a single drop of their own blood and did not cost them a single man. The enemy, numbering three thousand men, sought in vain to have revenge by pursuing them in their retreat, but it was made without the slightest loss. They were engaged in counting the number of barbarous trophies — that is to say, the English scalps — with which the canoes were decorated, when we perceived in another part of the river a French bark, which was bringing to us five Englishmen, bound, and accompanied by some Outaouacks, whose prisoners they were.
The sight of these unfortunate captives brought joy and gladness to the hearts of the spectators; but for the most part it was a ferocious and barbarous joy which manifested itself by frightful yells, and by, acts very sad to humane men. A thousand Savages — drawn from the thirty-six Tribes united under the French flag — were present and lining the bank. In an instant, without any apparent consultation, I saw them run with extreme haste to the neighboring woods. I did not know what was to be the result of such a sudden and unexpected retreat; but I very soon understood. A moment after, I saw these furious men return, armed with clubs which they were preparing in order to give to these unfortunate Englishmen the most cruel reception. I could not control my feelings at the sight of these cruel preparations. Tears flowed from my eyes; but, in the meantime, my grief was not inactive. Without stopping to deliberate I went to meet these ferocious brutes in the hope of calming them; but alas! what could my feeble voice do but utter some sounds that [Page 113] the tumult, the diversity of tongues, still more the ferocity of hearts, rendered unintelligible? At least the most bitter reproaches were not spared to a few Abnakis who chanced to come in my way; the Sharp tone that animated my words brought them to feelings of humanity. Confused and ashamed, they withdrew from this murderous company throwing away the cruel instruments which they were preparing for use. But what were a few arms less out of the two thousand determined to strike without pity? Seeing the uselessness of the agitation I was experiencing, I decided to retire so as not to be a witness of the bloody tragedy which was about to take place. I had only taken a few steps when a feeling of compassion recalled me to the bank, where I cast my eyes on those unfortunate victims whom they were preparing to sacrifice. Their condition renewed my sympathy. The fright which had seized them left them hardly sufficient strength to stand upright; their dismayed and dejected countenances were a true picture of death. Life was over for them: in fact, they were about to expire under a storm of blows, if their preservation had not come from the very heart of barbarism, and if the sentence of death had not been revoked by those very persons who, it seems, ought to have been the first to pronounce it. The French Officer who was commanding the bark had perceived the commotion which was being made on the shore; touched with that commiseration so natural to an upright man at the sight of the unfortunate, he endeavored to infuse it into the hearts of the Outaouacks, masters of the prisoners; he worked on their feelings so skillfully that he succeeded in rendering them sensitive, and [Page 115] interested them favorably in the cause of the wretched men. They took this cause up with an ardor which could not fail to succeed. Hardly was the barge near enough to the shore for a voice to be heard when an Outaouack began to speak fiercely, and exclaimed in a menacing tone: These prisoners belong to me; I wish you to respect me by respecting what belongs to me; let us have no ill treatment, of which the whole odium would fall back upon my head. A hundred French Officers might have spoken in the same tone, but their speech would have resulted only in drawing contempt upon themselves, and an increase of blows upon their captives; but a Savage fears his fellow-savage, and fears him only. Their slightest disputes lead to death; therefore they seldom engage in them. Accordingly, the wishes of the Outaouack were respected as soon as announced: the prisoners were landed without tumult and led to the fort; not the slightest shout attended them. At first they were separated; they underwent examination, in which it was unnecessary to use artifice in order to win from them the explanations that were desired. Their fright, from which they had not wholly recovered, loosened their tongues, and gave them a volubility which apparently would not have been the case otherwise. I visited one of them in a room of the Fort occupied by one of my friends. By signs I gave him the assurances best fitted to tranquilize him; I ordered for him some refreshments, which he appeared to receive with gratitude.
After having thus satisfied my compassion, as well as the needs of an unfortunate man, I went to hasten the embarking of my people; it was done forthwith. The passage was not long; two hours sufficed to [Page 117] complete it. The tent of Monsieur the Chevalier de Levi was placed at the entrante of the camp. I took the liberty of paying my respects to this Dignitary whose name announces his merit, and whose name even is his least title to respect. The conversation turned upon the act which had decided the fate of the five Englishmen whose perilous adventure I have just related. I was very far from knowing the circumstances; they are somewhat surprising. Listen to them.
Monsieur de Corbiere, a French Officer serving in the Colonial troops, had been commanded, the previous night, to go to cruise on Lake Saint Sacrement. His company numbered about fifty Frenchmen, and a little more than three hundred Savages. At the first peep of day he discovered a body of three hundred English, who had also been detached to cruise, in about fifteen Barges. The form of these boats — high on the sides, and strongly built, when contrasted with our frail canoes — counterbalanced sufficiently and more the slight superiority that we might have had in the way of numbers. Nevertheless, our men did not hesitate to begin the combat; the enemy at first appeared to accept the defiance readily, but that temper did not last long. The French and Savages, who could reasonably base the hope of victory only on the boarding that their number encouraged, — and who, besides, risked everything in fighting at a distance, — began to draw closer to the enemy, notwithstanding the activity of their firing. The enemy no sooner saw themselves pursued than fear made them drop their arms. It was no longer a contest; it was nothing more than a defeat. Of all ways, doubtless, the least honorable [Page 119] — but, what is more, the most dangerous — was to gain the beach. It was on this that they decided. In an instant, we saw them moving with haste to the shore; some of them, in order to reach it sooner, began to swim, flattering themselves with being able to escape to the shelter of the woods — an ill-planned undertaking, the folly of which they continually had to lament. Whatever be the speed which the increased efforts of rowers can give to boats that the science and skill of the workman have made capable of swiftness, it does not approach, by a great deal, the fleetness of a bark canoe; this glides — or, rather, it flies — over the water with the rapidity of an arrow. Therefore the English were soon overtaken. In the first heat of the combat all were massacred without mercy; all were cut to pieces. Those who had already gained the woods did not meet a better fate. The woods are the element of the Savages; they run through them with the swiftness of a deer. The enemy were overtaken there and cut to pieces. In the meantime, the Outaouacks, seeing that they were no longer dealing with warriors, but with people who allowed themselves to be slaughtered without resistance, decided to take them prisoners. The number of these amounted to a hundred and fifty-seven; that of the dead, to a hundred and thirty-one; only twelve were fortunate enough to escape captivity and death. The barges, the equipments, the stores, — everything was taken and pillaged. By this time, Monsieur, you doubtless suppose that so undeniable a victory cost us dear. The combat took place on the water, — that is to say, in a place wholly open; the enemy were not taken by surprise. They had every leisure to make [Page 121] their preparations; they fought mostly downward, so to speak; from the tops of their barges they discharged their musketry on frail barks, which a little skill — or, rather, a little presence of mind — would easily have sunk, with all those men who were defending them. That is true : nevertheless, such a complete success was purchased at the price of one single Savage wounded, whose wrist was put out of joint by a shot.
Such was the fate of the detachment of the unfortunate Monsieur Copperelh, who was the commander; and the general report is that he perished in the water. The enemy express themselves, on the disasters of that day, only in terms that indicate equally their grief and their surprise. They frankly admit the greatness of their loss. Really, it would be difficult to deny it in the slightest particular; the bodies of the Officers and their soldiers — some fioating on the water of Lake St. Sacrement, some still stretched out on the shore — would bear witness against that disavowal. As for their prisoners, the greater part are still groaning in the chains of Monsieur the Chevalier de Levi. I saw them go by in squads escorted by their victors, — who, barbarian- like, engrossed with their triumph, showed little inclination to alleviate the defeat of the vanquished. In the space of a league, which I was obliged to make in order to rejoin my Abnakis, I met several little companies of these captives. More than one Savage stopped me on my way to parade his captives before me, and to enjoy, in passing, my commendatien. Love of Country did not permit me to be insensible to a success which concerned the Nation. But the title of “ unfortunate ” is worthy of respect [Page 123] according not only to Religion but to simple nature. Besides, these prisoners were presented to me in a very wretched state, their eyes bathed in tears, their faces covered with perspiration and even with blood, and with ropes around their necks; at this sight feelings of compassion and humanity certainly had a right over my heart. The rum with which their new masters were filled had excited their brains, and increased their natural ferocity. I feared each instant to see some prisoner, a victim to both cruelty and drunkenness, murdered before my eyes and falling dead at my feet; so that I hardly dared to raise my head, for fear of meeting the gaze of some one of these unfortunate victims. I was very soon compelled to be witness of a spectacle much more horrible than what I had hitherto seen.
My tent had been placed in the midst of the Outaouacks’ camp. The first abject that appeared to my eyes on arriving there was a large fire; and the stakes of wood set in the ground betokened a feast. There was one indeed. But, oh, Heavens! what a feast! The remains of an English body, more than half stripped of the skin and flesh. I perceived a moment after, these inhuman creatures eating, with a famished avidity, this human flesh; I saw them taking large spoonfuls of this detestable broth, without being able to satiate themselves. I was told that they prepared themselves for this treat by drinking skullfuls of human blood: their still besmeared faces and their stained lips attested the truth of the report. The saddest thing was, that they had placed near them about ten Englishmen, to be spectators of their infamous repast. The Outaouack resembles the Abnakis; I believed that [Page 125] by mildly expostulating with these monsters of inhumanity I should gain some influence over them. But I flattered myself. A Young man began to speak, and said to me in bad French: Thou have French taste; me Savage, this meat good for me. He accompanied his remark by offering to me a piece of this English roast. I made no response to his argument, which was worthy of a barbarian; as to his offer. you may easily imagine with what horror I rejected it.
Having learned, by the uselessness of this attempt, that my services only could be wholly fruitless in behalf of the dead, I turned to the living, whose fate seemed to me a hundred times more to be pitied; and I approached the Englishmen. One of the company attracted my attention; from the military ornaments with which he was still decorated, I recognized him as an Officer; immediately I resolved to purchase him, and assure him of liberty and life. With this in view I approached an aged Outaouack, fully believing that, the insensibility of old age having mollified his ferocity, I would find him more favorable to my design; I held out my hand, saluting him politely, in the hope of winning him by courteous manners. But it was not a man with whom I had to deal; he was worse than a ferocious beast, which is at least appeased by caresses. No, said he in a thundering and threatening tone, — well fitted to fill me with dread, if I had been at that moment susceptible of any other feelings than those inspired by compassion and horror, — No, I do not wish thy friendship; go away! I did not think I ought to wait until he reiterated a compliment of that kind, and I obeyed him. [Page 127]
I went to shut myself in my tent, and give myself up to the reflections that Religion and humanity can suggest in circumstances of this kind. I had not thought of taking measures to warn my Abnakis against such shocking excesses. Although example is a formidable stumbling-block in matters of temperance and morals, they were incapable of proceeding to these excesses; I indeed owe them this justice, that at the time when they were plunged deepest in the darkness of paganism, they never deserved the odious name of cannibals. Their humane and docile temper on this point distinguished them even then from the greater part of the Savages on this continent. These reflections occupied me until far on into the night.
The next day, on awaking, I believed there would no longer remain about my tent a vestige of the preceding night’s repast. .I flattered myself that when the fumes of liquor had been dissipated, and the excitement inseparable from such an affair having been quieted, their brains would have become more calm and their hearts more human. I did not know the Outaouac nature and inclination. It was from choice — for the sake of delicacy, of daintiness — that they fed on human flesh. From the break of day they had had nothing so urgent as the recommencing of their execrable cooking. Already they were awaiting only the longed-for moment when they could satiate their more than canine hunger by devouring the wretched remains of their enemy’s body. I have already said that there were three Missionaries devoted to the service of the Savages. During the whole campaign, our quarters were common, our decisions unanimous, our measures [Page 129] harmonious, and our wishes perfectly in accord, This understanding served no little to alleviate the hardships inseparable from a military journey. After having consulted together, we all deemed that the respect due to the sacredness of our mysteries did not permit us to celebrate, in the verY center of barbarism, the sacrifice of the Lamb without spot; and the more so, as these people, devoted to the most grotesque superstitions, might take advantage of our mOSt solemn ceremonies in order to make them the substance, or even the ornament, of their juggleries. On this ground, we abandoned that place, proscribed by so many abominations, in order to bury ourselves in the woods. I could not make this move without separating myself somewhat from my Abnakis. It seemed that I was authorized in doing so; nevertheless I almost had reason to regret my first camping-place; you may judge of it from what follows. I was no sooner settled in my new abode than I saw reviving in the hearts of my ’ Neophytes their eagerness to come to Confession. The crowd increased so much that I had difficulty in satisfying their ardor . These oocupations, joined to the other duties of my Office, filled some of my days so full that they passed by almost without my perceiving it. HOW happy should I have been if I could have given myself onlY to such worthY duties. All my blood would not have been too much to PaY for such happiness; but the consolations of the Mini&ers of Jesus Christ are not lasting here below, because the success of the labors undertaken for the glory of their Master is not lasting. so many enemies are conspiring to thwart US that these Will, in the end, enjoy the sad triumph of their success. [Page 131]
While many of my Abnakis were striving like Christians for reconciliation and favor with God, others were seeking, in reckless fashion, to excite his anger and provoke his vengeance. An appetite for liquor is the favorite passion, the universal weakness of all the Savage Tribes; and unfortunately there are only too many hands eager to pour liquor out for them, in spite of divine and human laws. Unquestionably the presence of the Missionary, by the influence due to his character, prevents many disorders . For reasons that I have related above, I was somewhat distant from my people; I was separated from them by a little wood. I could not think of passing through it at night, to go to see if good order were reigning in their camp, without being exposed to some sinister adventure, not only on the part of the Iroquois attached to the English army, — who, at the very entrante of the camp, a few days before, had torn off the scalp of one of our grenadiers, — but also on the part of our own idolaters, on whom experience had taught me that we could not depend. Some Young Abnakis, joined with Savages of different Tribes, availed themselves of my absence and the darkness of the night to go, under caver of the prevailing sleep, noiselessly to steal some liquor from the French tents. When once they were in possession of their precious treasure, they hastened to make use of it; and very soon their brains were deranged. Savage drunkenness is rarely quiet, nearly always boisterous. This time it burst forth instantly into songs, dances, and noise; and, in short, it ended with blows. At daybreak it was at the height of its wildness; this was the first news brought to me on awaking. I promptly ran [Page 133] to the place whence the tumult proceeded. There everything was in alarm and agitation. This was the work of the drunken men. Everything was very soon restored to order by the docility of my people. I took them without ceremony by the hand, one after another, and led them unresisting to their tents, where I ordered them to rest.
The tumult seemed to be quieted when a Moraïgan [ i. e., Mohican] , naturalized and adopted by the Abnakis Tribe, renewed the uproar in a more serious manner; after having had words with an Iroquois, his companion in the debauch, they came to blows. The former, who was much the more vigorous, having thrown his adversary to the ground, dealt him a storm of blows, and, what is more, tore with his teeth his enemy’s shoulders. The contest was at the hottest point when I reached them; I could not obtain other help than that of my owa arms to separate the contestants, the Savages fearing each other too much ever to intrude, at any cost, in disputes among themselves. But my strength did not correspond to the greatness of the undertaking, and the Victor was too excited to release his prey immediately. I was tempted to let these furious creatures be punished by their own hands for their intemperance; but I feared that the scene might be stained with blood by the death of one of the champions. I redoubled my efforts, and by dint of shaking the Abnakis he at last perceived that he was being shaken; then he turned his head, but it was only with much difficulty that he recognieed me. Nevertheless, he did not recover his senses; he needed a few moments to come to himself, after [Page 135] which he gave the Iroquois full liberty to escape, of which the latter readily availed himself.
After having taken measures to prevent the renewal of the affair I went away, more fatigued than you could believe by the efforts that I had just made; but I was very soon obliged to renew them. I was informed that a company of my warriors assembled on the shore, near the boats in which the supply of powder was, were amusing themselves there with firing their guns, in spite of the guard, and even in contempt of the orders, or ,rather the prayers, of the Officers; for the Savage is his own Master and his own King, and he takes with him everywhere his independence. This time I did not have to struggle against drunkenness; it was only a question of curbing the inconsiderate youthfulness of a few heedless creatures; therefore my resolution was quickly formed. Imagine a crowd of pupils who fear the gaze of their masters. Such were in my presence those very redoubtable warriors; they disappeared at my approach, to the great astonishment of the French. With difficulty I was able to overtake one of them, of whom I asked in an indignant tone if he were weary of life or if he had plotted our destruction. He answered in a very subdued tone: “ No, my Father.” “ Wherefore then,” I added, “ wherefore were you exposing yourselves and also us to be blown into the air, by the explosion of the powder ? ” “ Tax us with ignorance,” he replied, “ but not with malice; we were not aware that it was so near.” Without wronging his probity, we might suspect the truthfulness of his excuse; but it was a great deal that he was willing to descend to a [Page 137] justification, and still more that he was willing to stop his dangerous joking, which he did immediately.
The inaction to which I saw our Christian Savages condemned, joined to their association with so many idolatrous Tribes, made me tremble, not for Religion, but for their conduct. I longed for the day when the necessary preparations for the expedition should be at last completed, so that we might be able to move. When the mind is occupied, the heart is in greater safety. At last the moment so much desired arrived. Monsieur the Chevalier de Levi, at the head of three thousand men, had made the journey by land, on Friday the 29th of July, so that he might protect the descent of the army that was to go by water. His march had none of those facilities that are furnished in Europe by those great roads, made with a Royal magnificence, for the convenience of troops. Here were dense forests to pierce, steep mountains to climb, miry swamps to traverse. After a forced march of a whole day, it was a great thing if they found themselves advanced 3 leagues; so that five days were needed to make twelve leagues. On account of these obstacles, which had been well foreseen, the departure of this body had preceded our own by a few days. It was on Sunday that we embarked with the Savages alone, who made at that time a body of perhaps I ,200 men, the rest having gone by land.
We had hardly made 4 or 5 leagues on the lake before we observed painful signs of our late victory; these were the abandoned English barges, which, after having floated a long time at the Will of the.winds and waves, had at last run aground on the beach. But the most striking spectacle was a somewhat large [Page 139] number of English bodies stretched out on t,he shore, or scattered here and there in the woods. Some were cut into pieces, and nearly all were mutilated in the most frightful manner. What a terrible scourge war appeared to me ! It would have been very consoling to me to procure by my efforts the honors of burial for these wretched remains of our enemies; but it was only by favor that we had landed in this bay. It was a duty and a necessity for us to resume immediately our journey according to the orders, which urged us to go on. About evening we landed at the place which had been assigned to us for a camp. It was a shore overspread with brambles and briers and was the haunt of an immense number of rattlesnakes. Our Savages, who chased them, caught several, which they brought to me.
If ever there was a venomous reptile, this is one. It has a head the smallness of which does not correspond with the size of its body; its skin is sometimes regularly spotted with deep black and pale yellow; at other times it îs entirely black. It is not armed with any sting, but its teeth are extremely Sharp. It has a quick and shining eye, it has under the tail several little horny pieces which it raises high and shakes violently against one another when it is irritated. The noise resulting from this has given rise to the name by which it is known. Its gall, smoke-dried, is a specific for toothache. Its flesh, also smoke-dricd and reduced to powder, is considered an excellent febrifuge. Salt moistened with saliva and applied to the wound is a certain remedy for its bite, of which the venom is so active that it causes death in less than an hour. [Page 141]
The next day, about four o’clock in the afternoon, Monsieur de Montcalm arrived with the rest of the army. We were obliged to continue OUT way, notwithstanding a deluge of rain that dreached US. We marched nearly the whole night, until we distinguished the camp of Monsieur de Levi by three fires. placed triangularly on the top of a mountain. We halted at this place, where a general council was held, after which the land troops began anew to march toward fort George, only four leagues distant. It was not until about noon that we again entered our canoes. We paddled slowly, in order to give the boats loaded with artillery time to follow us. They were far from being able to do it. By evening we were more than a full league ahead. However, as we had come to a bay the point of which we could not double without wholly exposing ourselves to the enemy, we decided to spend the night there, while waiting for new orders. It was marked by an unimportant fight, which was the prelude to the siege.
About eleven o’clock two barges, which had left the fort, appeared on the lake. They were sailing with a confidence and composure which they soon gave up. One of my neighbors, who was watching over the general safety, descried them at a considerable distance. The news was carried to all the Savages, and preparations for receiving them were concluded with admirable activity and silence. I was at once called upon to attend to my own safety by going to the land, and thence to the heart of the woods. It was not from a bravery inappropriate to a man of my profession that I turned a deaf car to the advice which they had the goodness to give me; but I did not think the matter serious, because I [Page 143] thought that I had reason to suspect the truth of the news. Four hundred boats or canoes, which for two * days had covered the surface of lake Saint Sacrement, made too great a show to have escaped the watchful and char-sighted eyes of an enemy. Holding this opinion, I had difficulty in persuading myself that two barges would have the temerity, I do not say to measure themselves with such superior forces, but to appear before them; I was arguing, and it was only necessary to open my eyes. One of my friends, a witness of everything, warned me again, in a tone too serious for me not to yield, that I was out of place. He was right. All the Missionaries were together on a somewhat large boat. A tent had been put on this in order to protect us from the in jurious eff ects of the air during the nights, which in that climate were somewhat chilly; this awning, thus set up, made in the air a sort of shadow that was easily discovered by the light of the stars. Eager to inquire into it, the English steered directly toward us. TO take such a course and to wn to death was almost the same thing. Few, in truth, would have escaped it, if, fortunately for them, a slight circumstance had not betrayed us a few moments too soon. A sheep belonging to our people began to bleat; at this cry, which disclosed the ambush, the enemy faced about, steered ‘for the opposite shore, and plied their oars that they might escape undcr caver of the darkness and the woods. This manoeuver being imm.ediately understood, what was to be done? Twelve hundred Savages began to move, and flew in pursuit of them, with yells as terrifying by their duration as by their number. Nevertheless, both sides seemed at first to respect [Page 145] each other; not a single gunshot was fired. The aggressors, not having had time to form themselves, were fearful of shooting each other; and, besides, they wished to take prisoners. The fugitives were using their arms to advantage in accelerating their flight. They had nearly reached their point when the Savages, who perceived that their prey was escaping them, fired. The English, pressed too closely by some canoes in advance, were obliged to answer it. Very soon a gloomy silence followed all this uproar. We were in expectation of success when a pretended brave undertook to do himself honor by a fabulous Account of the combat, at which he had assuredly not been present. He began by asserting that the action had been deadly for the Abnakis. That was sufficient to make me set out. Supplied with the Holy Oils, I leaped hastily into a canoe to go to meet the combatants; and, at every instant, I besought my guides to make all possible haste. There was no need, at least on my account. I met an Abnakis, who — better informed, because he had been braver — told me that this very deadly action had ended with one Nipistingue killed and another wounded in the boarding. I did not wait for the rest of his story; I hastened to rejoin our people, in order to cede my place to Monsieur Mathavet, the Missionary of the Nipistingue Tribe. I was arriving by water when Monsieur de Montcalm — who, at the report of the Musketry, had landed a little above — came through the woods; he learned that I had come with news from the place, and applied to me that he might better understand the affair; my Abnakis, whom I recalled, gave him a short report of the combat [Page 147] The darkness of the night did not permit us to learn the number of the enemy’s dead; their barg& had been seized and three men had been taken prisoners. The rest were wandering at random in the woods. Monsieur de Montcalm delighted with these details retired, that he might, with his sccustomed prudence, consider the operations of the next day.
The day had hardly begun to dawn when the party from the Nipistingue Tribe proceeded to the funeral ceremony of their brother who had been killed on the spot in the action of the preceding night, and had died in the errors of paganism. These obsequies were celebrated with all savage pomp and splendor. The body had been adorned with all the ornaments — or, rather, overloaded with all the finery — that the most whimsical vanity could use on occasions sad enough in themselves; porcelain necklaces, silver bracelets, ear and nose rings, magnificent garments, — everything had been lavished on him; they had borrowed the aid of Paint and vermilion in order to make the paleness of death disappear under these brilliant colors, and give the countenance an air of life that it did not possess. None of the decorations of a military Savage had been forgotten : a gorget, tied with a flame-colored ribbon, hung carelessly over his breast; the gun resting on his arm, and the war-club in his girdle; the calumet in the mouth, the lance in the hand; at his side the kettle, filled. In this lifelike and war- like attitude they had seated him on an eminence covered with grass, which served as a bed of state. The Savages, ranged in a circle around the body, maintained for a few moments a gloomy silence, which somewhat resembled grief. The Orator broke [Page 149] this by pronouncing the funeral Oration for the dead; then followed chants and dances, accompanied with the sound of tambourines set around with little bells. In all this appeared an indescribable sadness, sufficiently in accordance with a mournful ceremony. At last, the funeral rites were finished by interring the dead man, with whom they took good care to bury an abundant supply of provisions, fearing doubtless that for want of food he might die a second time. It is not as an eye-witness that I speak; the presence of a Missionary would hardly be in keeping with this sort of ceremony, which is dictated by superstition and adopted by a stupid credulity; I am indebted to the spectators for this account.
In the meantime, the bay in which we had anchored resounded on all sides with noises of war. Every one was in motion and action. Our artillery, which consisted of thirty-two guns and five mortars, put on platforms which had been laid on boats fastened together, took the lead. In passing the tongue of land which concealed us from the sight of the enemy, we took care to salute the fort by firing a volley — which was, to begin with, but mere ceremony, but which announced more serious volleys. The rest of the little fleet followed, but slowly. Already a body of Savages had established their camp in the rear of fort George, or on the way to fort Lydis, in order to cut ‘off all communication between the two English forts. The force of Monsieur the Chevalier de Levi occupied the defiles of the mountains, which led to the place chosen for our landing. Favored by such wise measures, our descent was made without opposition to a good half- league below the fort. The enemy had too many [Page 151] affairs of their own to undertake throwing obstacles in our way. They were expecting anything rather than a siege; but I hardly know from what cause their confidence sprang. The vicinity of the forts was occupied by a multitude of tents, which at our arrival were still standing. We observed there a number of barracks, well fitted to favor the besiegers. The enemy were obliged to clear the outworks, take down the tents and burn the barracks; these movements could not be made without their being exposed to many volleys on the part of the Savages, who are always ready to avail themselves of advantages that are given to them. Their fire would have been move active and more deadly if another abject had not attracted part of their attention. Herds of cattle and horses, which the enemy had not had time to put in safety, were roving on the lowlands situated in the neighborhood of the fort. The Savages at once gave their whole attention to chasing these animals; a hundred and fifty oxen killed or taken, and fifty horses, were the first-fruits of this little war; but this was only one of the precursors and preparations of the siege.
Fort George was a square flanked by four bastions; the curtains had fraises, the ditches were dug to the depth of eighteen or twenty feet, and the scarp and counterscarp were embanked with moving Sand. The walls were formed of large pine-trees, filled in with earthwork, and sustained by extremely heavy stakes; this gave them a terre-plein of fifteen to eighteen feet, which they had taken care to sand entirely. Four or five hundred men defended the fort, with the aid of nineteen guns — two of which were of thirty-six, the others of less caliber, — and [Page 153] with four or five mortars. The place was not protected by any other outwork than a fortified rock faced with palisades secured by heaps of stones. The garrison consisted of seventeen hundred men, and continually relieved that of the fort. The chief defense of this intrenchment was its position, which overlooked the surrounding country, and which was accessible to artillery only on the side of the fort, as mountains and swamps skirted the different avenues leading to it. Such was fort George, according to the information which I gained on the spot after the surrender of the place; it was not possible to invest it and entirely block all the ways to it. Six thousand Frenchmen or Canadians and seventeen hundred Savages, who formed our whole force, were not sufficient for the immense amount of ground that it would have been necessary to encircle in order to succeed in this; hardly would twenty thousand men have been able to do it. Accordingly, the enemy always possessed a back door by which they could slip into the woods, — which could have served them as an advantageous resource if they had not had the Savages in front: but a person rarely escapes from their hands in this way. Besides, the quarters of the Savages were placed on the Lydis road, — so close to the neighborhood of the woods, and where they were so often on the scout, that it would indeed have been risking life to seek an asylum in that direction. At a short distance were quartered the Canadians, holding the summit of the mountains, and always in condition to assist the Savages. Lastly the regular troops who came from France — t0 whom properly belonged the hardships of the siege — occupied the edge of the wood, very near the ground where the [Page 155] trenches were to be opened; then followed the reserve, composed of sufficient troops to protect it from every attack.
These arrangements having been made, Monsieur the Marquis de Montcalm sent to the enemy some propositions, which would have spared them much blood and many tears had they been accepted. The summons was couched in nearly the following words, and was addressed to Monsieur Moreau, Commandant of the fort in the name of His Britannie Majesty. Sir: I have come with troops sufficient to carry the place you hold, and to cut off all aid which might come to you from elsewhere. I number among my soldiers a crowd of Savage Tribes, whom the least shedding of blood might exasperate to the point of rooting out in them forever all feelings of moderation and clemency. Love of humanity urges me to summon you to yield at a time when it will not be impossibe for me to make them agree to terms honorable for you and advantageous for all. I have, etc. Signed, Montcalm. The bearer of the letter was Monsieur Fontbrane, Aide-de-camp of Monsieur de Levi. He was received by Messieurs the English Officers, several of whom were his acquaintances,’ with a politeness and consideration from which the laws of honor excuse no person when he makes war like an honest man. But this favorable reception decided nothing as to the surrender of the fort, as was shown by the answer. Here it is: Monsieur the General Montcalm: I am especially obliged to you for the kind offers that you make me, but I cannot accept them. I am little afraid of barbarity; besides, I have under my orders Soldiers who are determined, like myself, to die or to conquer. I have, etc. Signed, Moreau. The haughtiness of this answer was [Page 157] very soon proclaimed by the noise of a volley from the enemy’s artillery. We were far from being in condition to reply immediately. Before we were able to plant a battery it was necessary to drag our guns, for a full half-league, over rocks and through the forests. Thanks to the voracity of the Savages, we could not have for this work the aid of any of our beasts of burden; being weary, as they said, of Salt meat, they had not scrupled to seize these animals and feast on them, some days previously, without considering anything but their own appetite. But, instead of that aid, so many hands animated by courage and by devotion to the Sovereign lent themselves so readily to the toil that obstacles were very soon conquered and removed, and the work brought to completion. During all this commotion I was staying near the Hospital, where I hoped to be within call so that I might perform the duties of my office for the dying and for the dead. I remained there some time, without having the least tidings of my Savages. This silence disturbed me; I had a great desire to assemble them once more, that I might avail myself of the dangerous circumstances in which they were, to bring them all, if it were possible, to feelings approved by religion. Thereupon I resolved to go in search of them. The trip had its difficulties and dangers, in addition to its length; I was obiiged to pass near the trenches, where a Soldier — occupied in wondering at the extraordinary effect of a cannon-ball on a tree — was very soon himself, at a few steps from me, the victim of his own indiscretion. In making my way, I admit to you that I was struck by the mariner with which the French and the Canadians bore themselves [Page 159] in the difficult and dangerous labor to which they had been assigned. On seeing the joyous manner with which they carried to the trenches the fascines and the gabions, you would have taken them for men invulnerable to the rapid and continual fire of the enemy. Such conduct indicates much bravery and much love of country; but then that is characteristic of the Nation. I went through all the quarters, finding only a few platoons of Abnakis scattered here and there; I therefore returned from my trip without having any other merit than that of good Will. Thus separated from my people I could scarcely be of great use to them; but, at least, my services in behalf of a Moraigan prisoner were of some use; his Tribe is friendly to England, and almost wholly under her authority. He was a man whose appearance was surely neither prepossessing nor pleasing. A head enormous in its size, with small eyes, a bulky and ponderous corpulence joined to a stunted stature, large and short legs, all these marks and many others would have given him, most assuredly, a just title to be classed among deformed men; but, although disfigured by nature, he was no less a man , — that is to say, he had no less right to the notice and consideration of Christian charity; nevertheless he was only too greatly the victim of his repulsive appearance, as well as of his unhappy fortune. He was tied to the trunk of a tree, where his grotesque figure attracted the inquisitive attention of the passers-by; yells were not spared in the beginning, but the bad treatment came afterward, — to such a degree, that by a blow, roughly dealt, one of his eyes was nearly torn from its socket. This proceeding shocked me; I went to the help of the [Page 161] afflicted man, from whom I drove away all the spectators, with a tone of authority which I doubtless would never have dared to take had I been less impressible to his misfortune. I stood guard by his side part of the day; at length I did so well that I succeeded in interesting the Savages (his masters) in his favor, so that there was no longer need of my presence to shield him from persecution. I hardly know if he were really conscious of my services, — at least, a dull glance was all that I could obtain from him; but, independently of religion, I was only too well rewarded by the mere pleasure of having succored an unfortunate person. There were other people whose fate was also to be pitied. Every day, savage activity and bravery multiplied the prisoners, — that is to say, the wretched. It was not possible for the enemy to take a step beyond the fort without being exposed either to captivity or to death, so alert were the Savages. You may judge of it by this single account. An English woman ventured to go to gather vegetables in a kitchen- garden almost adjoining the trenches. Her boldness cost her dear; a Savage concealed in a bed of cabbages perceived her, and with his gun killed her on the spot. The enemy had no opportunity of coming to take away her body; the victor, still concealed, kept guard all day long, and took off her scalp.
In the meantime, all the savage Tribes were very weary of the silence of our “ great muskets,” — it is thus that they designate our cannon; they were anxious no longer alone to bear the brunt of the war. In order, therefore, to satisfy them, it was necessary to hasten the work on the intrenchments, and plant our first battery. The first time when it was fired [Page 163] there were cries of joy, and all the mountains resounded with the uproar. It was not necessary during the whole course of the siege to make great efforts in order to be aware of the success of our artillery; the shouts of the Savages every moment brought news of it to all the quarters. I thought seriously of leaving mine; the inaction to which I was condemned there, on account of the separation from my Neophytes, influenced me in this; but, before this change, we had to endure a great fright. The frequent journeys that the enemy had made to their boats during the day had aroused suspicions that they were getting ready for some decisive blow. The report spread that their design was to come to set fire to our supplies of food and ammunition; and Monsieur de Launay, Captain of Grenadiers in a French Regiment, was ordered to watch over the safety of the boats in which these were stored. The preparations that he had made, as a man who knew his profession, almost led us to regret that the enemy did not show themselves. When this alarm was dispelled, I rejoined my Abnakis, with the purpose of not separating myself from ‘them again in the whole course of the campaign. No other remarkable event took place for some days, unless it were the cheerful alacrity and the activity with which the work on the intrenchments was advanced. The second battery was placed in two days. This was a new holiday which the Savages celebrated in military fashion. They were continually around our gunners whose dexterity they admired. But their admiration was neither inactive nor fruitless. They wished to try everything, so as to make themselves more useful. They aspired to become gunners [Page 165] and one of the number distinguished himself; after having himself pointed his gun, he shot accurately into the reëntrant angle that had been assigned to him for a mark. But he refused to repeat it, notwithstanding the solicitations of the Trench, — alleging as reason for his refusal, that, having attained in his very first attempt that degree of perfection to which he could aspire, he ought not to hazard his fame by a second trial. But the cause of their chief astonishment was those several zigzags which, forming the different branches of a trench, are so many covered ways, very useful for protecting the besiegers against the guns of the besieged. They examined with an eager curiosity the manner in which our French grenadiers proceeded to give to this sort of work the perfection which it required. Having been taught by their eyes, they very soon tried their hands at the practical part. Armed with shovels and pickaxes they were seen making a covered way to the fortified rock, the attack on which had fallen to their lot. They pushed it forward so well that they were very soon within gunshot. Monsieur de Villiers, brother of Monsieur de Jumonville, — an Officer whose mere name is a eulogy, — improved these advances by coming, at the head of a Body of Canadians, to attack the outer intrenchments. The action was Sharp, disputed for a long time, and deadly for the enemy. They were driven from their first position, and it is to be presumed that the great intrenchments would have been carried that very day if their capture could have decided the surrender of the fort. Every day was marked by some Splendid act on the part of the French, the Canadians, and the Savages. [Page 167]
In the meantime, the enemy were continually sustained by the hope of speedy aid. A little event, that happened at this time, ought indeed to have diminished their confidence. Our scouts met in the woods three messengers coming from Fort Lydis; they killed the first, took the second, and the third escaped by his swiftness in running. They seized a letter put into a hollow ball and so well concealed on the body of the dead man that it would have escaped the scrutiny of any other than that of a military man who knows this sort of stratagem of war. The letter was signed by the Commandant of Fort Lydis and addressed to the Commandant of Fort George. It contained in substance the deposition of a Canadian, taken prisoner on the first night of our arrival. According to his declaration our army numbered eleven thousand men, and the Corps of our Savages two thousand; and our artillery was most formidable. There was a mistake in this reckoning. Our forces were in this letter exaggerated far beyond the truth. This error ought not, however, to be attributed to fraud and deceit — which, although useful to the Country, cannot be justified to the conscience of an honest man, even the most zealous and the most patriotic. Before this war, the most numerous armies of Canada had scarcely exceeded eight hundred men; surprise and astonishment would magnify abjects to eyes unaccustomed to see large ones. In the course of this campaign, I have been witness of much greater mistakes of this kind. The Commandant of Lydis concluded his letter by telling his colleague that the interests of the King his master not permitting him to dismantle [Page 169] his fort, the other would better capitulate, and procure as advantageous conditions as possible.
Monsieur de Montcalm did not think that he could put this letter to better use than to forward it as addressed, by the very messenger who had fallen living into our hands. He received from the English Officer thanks, accompanied by the modest request that he would continue to him for a long time the same civilities. Such a compliment either partook of the nature of trifling, or it promised a long resistance. The actual state of the fort did not indicate this: part ‘of its batteries dismounted and out of service, through the success of our own; the fear prevalent among the besieged, who were now retained as soldiers only by means of a liberal supply of rum; and, lastly, the frequent desertions, — all these tokens announced its approaching fall. Such, at least, was the general opinion of the deserters, the number of .whom would have been very much greater than it was if the savage troops had not multiplied the dangers of desertion.
Among those who came to surrender to us, there was one, the subject of a neighboring Republic which is our faithful ally; I enjoyed the sweet consolation of preparing the way for his speedy reconciliation to the Church. I went to visit him in the hospital, where his wounds detained him. At the very beginning of the conversation, I understood that it was not difficult to make a man of good sense approve of the dogmas of the true Religion, when the heart is in the condition of being no longer alive to the deceitful charms of human passions.
I had hardly returned from this trip, which had cost me a walk of three leagues, — the fatigue of which [Page 171] was much alleviated by the motive that inspired it, and by the success that crowned it — when I perceived a general commotion in all the quarters of our camp. Every Corps was in motion, — French, Canadians, and Savages; all were running to arms, all were preparing to fight. A reported arrival of the help so long expected by the enemy had produced this sudden and general activity. In this moment of alarm Monsieur de Montcalm, with a presence of mind which revealed the General, attended to the safety of our intrenchments, the service of our batteries, and the defense of our boats. He then went to .take his place again at the head of the army.
I was sitting calmly at the door of my tent, from which I saw the troops marching by, when one of my Abnakis came to disturb my tranquillity. Without any ceremony, he said to me: My father, thou hast promised us that even at the peril of thy life thou wouldst not hesitate to give us the help of thy ministrations; could our wounded come to thee here across the mountains which separate thee from the place of combat? We are going away, and we expect the performance of thy promises. so energetic an appeal made me forget my fatigue. I hastened my steps, I made my way through the regular troops; at length, after a forced march, I reached a piece of ground where my people, at the head of all the Corps, were awaiting the combat. I immediately sent a few of them to collect those who were scattered. I was prepared to suggest to them religious acts suitable to the circumstances, and to confer upon them a general absolution at the approach of the enemy; but the latter did not appear. Monsieur de Montcalm, that he might not lose the reward of so many attempts, [Page 173] contrived a stratagem which would make an opportunity for the action that we had come to seek at so great cost; he resolved to order the French and the Canadians to fight with each other a mock battle. The Savages, concealed in the woods, were to face the enemy, who would not fail to make a vigorous sally. The expedient laid before our Iroquois was an admirable artifice; but they pleaded that the day was too far advanced. The rest of the Savages vainly challenged this opinion, but the excuse was judged admissible, and accepted; thus each one went back to his place without having seen anything but the preparations for a combat. Finally, on the morrow, — the eve of Saint Lawrence’s day, and the seventh day after our arrivai, — the intrenchments having been pushed forward as far as the gardens, we prepared to plant our third and last battery. The proximity of the Fort led us to hope that in three or four days we should be able to make a general assault, by means of a suitable breach; but the enemy spared us the trouble and the danger; they hoisted a French flag, and asked to capitulate.
We are near the surrender of the fort and the bloody catastrophe which followed. Doubtless every corner of Europe has resounded with this sad occurrence, as with a crime the odium of which perhaps falls back on the Nation and disgraces it. Your fairness Will at once judge if such a glaring imputation rests on any other basis than on ignorance or on malignity. I shall relate only facts of such incontestable publicity and authenticity that I could, without fear of being contradicted, support them by the testimony of even Messieurs the English Officers, who were the witnesses and victims of them [Page 175] Monsieur the Marquis de Montcalm thought that he ought, before consenting to any terms, to take the opinion of all the Savage Tribes, in order to appease them by this condescension, and to render the treaty inviolable by their assent. He assembled all the chiefs, to whom he communicated the conditions of capitulation, which granted to the enemy the right of going out of the fort with all the honors of war; and imposed on them, with the obligation of not serving against His Most Christian Majesty for eighteen months, that of restoring liberty to all Canadians taken in this war. All these articles were universally approved: stamped with the seal of general approbation, the treaty was signed by the Generals of the two Crowns. Accordingly the French army, in order of battle, advanced to the fort to take possession of it in the name of His Most Christian Majesty; while the English troops, ranged in good order, went out to take refuge until the next day in the intrenchments. Their march was not marked by any contravention of the law of nations; but the Savages lost no time in violating it. During the military ceremonial which accompanied taking possession, crowds of them had penetrated into the fort through the gun-embrasures, that they might proceed to pillage what we had agreed to give up to them, but they were not content with pillaging. A few sick soldiers had remained in the casemates, their condition not permitting them to follow their fellow-countrymen in the honorable retréat accorded to their valor. These were the victims upon whom they pitilessly rushed, and whom they sacrificed to their cruelty. I was a witness of this spectacle. I saw one of these barbarians come [Page 177] out of the casemates into which nothing less than an insatiabIe avidity for blood could make any one enter, so insupportable was the stench which exhaled from them. He carried in his hand a human head, from which trickled streams of blood, and which he displayed as the most Splendid prize that he could have secured.
This was only a very faint prelude to the cruel tragedy of the next day. At the very dawn of day, the Savages reassembled about the intrenchments. They began by asking the English for goods, provisions, — in a Word, for all the riches that their greedy eyes could see; but these .demands were made in a tone that foretold a blow with a spear as the price of a refusai. The English dispossessed and despoiled themselves, and reduced themselves to nothing, that they might buy at least life by this general renunciation. Such complaisance ought to soften any heart; but the heart of’ the Savage does not seem to be made like that of other men: you would say that it is, by its nature, the Seat of inhumanity. They were not on this account less inclined to proceed to the harshest extremes. The body of four hundred men of the French troops, selected to protect the retreat of the enemy, arrived, and drew up in a line on both sides. The English began to defile. Woe to all those who brought up the rear, or to stragglers whom indisposition or any other cause separated however little from the troop. They were so many dead whose bodies very soon strewed the ground and covered the inclosure of the intrenchments. This butchery, which in the beginning was the work of only a few Savages, was the signal which made nearly all of them so many ferocious beasts [Page 179] They struck, right and left, heavy blows of the hatchet on those who fell into their hands, However, the massacre was not of long continuance, or so great as such fury gave us cause to fear; the number of men killed was hardly more than forty or fifty. The patience of the English, who were content to bend the head under the sword of their executioners, suddenly appeased the weapon, but did not bring the tormentors to reason and equity. Continually uttering Ioud cries, these began to take them .prisoners.
In the midst of all this I arrived. No, I do not believe that any one can be a man and be insensible in such sorrowful circumstances. The son torn from the arms of the father, the daughter snatched from the bosom of the mother, the husband separated from the wife; Officers stripped even to their shirts, without regard for their rank or for decency; a crowd of unfortunate people who were running at random, — some toward the woods, some toward the French tents; these toward the fort, others to every place that seemed to promise an asylum, — such were the pitiable abjects that were presented to my sight; nevertheless the French were not inactive and insensible spectators of the catastrophe. Monsieur the Chevalier de Levi was running wherever the tumult appeared the most violent, endeavoring to stop it, with a courage inspired by the kindness so natural to his illustrious blood. A thousand times he faced death — which, notwithstanding his birth and his virtues, he would not have escaped if a special providence had not watched over his life and had not restrained the savage arms already raised to strike him. The French Officers and the Canadians [Page 181] imitated his example, with a zeal worthy of the humanity which has always characterized the Nation; but the main part of our troops, occupied in guarding our batteries and the fort, was, on account of the distance, unable to give them aid. Of what help could four hundred men be against about fifteen hundred furious Savages who were not distinguishing us from the enemy? One of our Sergeants, who had strongly opposed their violence, was thrown to the ground by a blow from a spear. One of our French Officers, in reward for the same zeal, received a severe wound which brought him to the gate of death; besides, in this time of alarm people did not know in what direction to turn. Measures which seemed dictated by the greatest prudence led to disastrous and sinister ends. Monsieur de Montcalm — who was not apprised of the affair for some time, on account of the distance to his tent — came at the first notice to the place of the uproar, with a celerity which showed the goodness and nobility of his heart. He seemed to be in several places at once, he would reappear, he was everywhere; he used prayers, menaces, promises; he tried everything, and at last resorted to force. He thought it due to the birth and the merits of Monsieur the Colonel Yonn to rescue his nephew, with authority and with violence, from the hands of a Savage; but alas! his deliverance cost the life of some prisoners, whom their tyrants immediately massacred, through fear of a similar vigorous act. In the meantime, the tumult was continually increasing, when happily some one thought of calling out to the English, who formed a large body, to hasten their march. This forced march had its effect; the [Page 183] Savages — partly through the f utility of their pursuit, partly satisfied with their captures — retired; the few who remained were easily dispersed. The English continued their way in peace to fort Lydis, where they arrived — numbering, at first, only three or four hundred. I do not know the number of those who, having gained the woods, were fortunate enough to reach the fort by the help of a cannon which our people took care to fire, for several days, in order to guide them. The remainder of the garrison, however, had not perished by the sword, neither were they groaning under the weight of chains. Many of them had found safety in the French tents, or in the fort, whither I repaired, after the disorder had been once quieted. A crowd of women came &d, with tears and groans surrounding me, threw themselves at my feet; they kissed the hem of my robe, uttering from time to time lamentable cries that pierced my heart. It was not in my power to dry up the source of their tears; they asked the return of their sons, their daughters, their husbands, whose capture they were deploring. Could I restore these to them? However, the opportunity of diminishing the number of these wretched creatures was soon offered, and I eagerly embraced it. A French Officer informed me that a Huron, at that very time in his camp, was in possession of an infant six months old, whose death was certain if I did not immediately go to its rescue. I did not hesitate. I ran in haste to the tent of the Savage, in whose arms I perceived the innocent victim, who was tenderly kissing the hands of its capter and playing with some porcelain necklaces that adorned him. This sight gave a new ardor to my zeal. I began by [Page 185] flattering the Huron, with all the eulogies that truth could permit me to bestow on the bravery of his Tribe. He understood me at once: Here, said he to me very civilly, dost thou see this infant? I have not stolen it; I found it deserted in a hedge; thou wishest it, but thou shalt not have it. It was in vain that I pointed out to him the uselessness of his prisoner, its certain death for lack of food suitable to the tenderness of its age; he showed me some tallow with which he would feed it, adding that after all, in case of death, he would find a spot for burying it, and that I should then be free to give it my blessing. I replied to his remarks by making an offer to give him a comparatively large sum of money if he would relinquish his little captive, but he persisted in the negative; afterward, he unbent so far as to exact in exchange another Englishman. If he had in no way diminished his claims, the life of the Child would have been lost. I believed the death-sentence already pronounced, when I perceived that the man was consulting in Huron with his companions; for until then the conversation had been held in French, which he understood. This conference made a ray of hope dawn on my eyes : this hope was not deceived. The result was that the infant belonged to me, if I would hand over to him an enemy’s scalp. The proposition did not embarrass me: It will soon be seen, I replied to him on rising, if thou art a man of honor. I set out in haste for the camp of the Abnakis. I asked the first one I met if he were the possessor of any scalp, and if he would do me the favor of giving it to me. I had every reason to rejoice at his readiness to oblige me; he untied his bag, and gave me my choice. Supplied with one of [Page 187] those barbarous trophies, I carried it in triumph, followed by a crowd of French and Canadians eager to know the outcome of the adventure. Joy lent me wings; in a moment I was with my Huron. “Here,” said I on meeting him, “here is thy payment.” Thou art right, he answered me, it is indeed an English scalp, for it is red. In reality it is this color which more commonly designates the English Colonists of these districts. Well then! here is the infant, take it away; it belongs to thee. I did not give him time to withdraw from his agreement. I immediately took into my hands the little unfortunate creature. As it was nearly naked, I wrapped it up in my robe. It was not accustomed to be carried by hands so unskillful as mine. The poor child nttered cries that apprised me as well of my clumsiness as of its sufferings; but I consoled myself with the hope of very soon quieting it, by holding it out to more tender hands. I reached the fort; at the cries of the little one, all the women came to me in haste. Each one hoped to find the abject of her maternal tenderness. They examined it eagerly; but neither the eyes nor the heart of any one of them recognized in it her son. They withdrew apart, to give anew free vent to their groaning and lamentation. I found myself in no slight embarrassment by this retreat, separated as I was forty or fifty leagues from any French dwelling: how was it possible to feed a Child of so tender an age ? I was buried in my reflections when I saw an English Officer, who spoke the French language very well, pass by. I said to him in a decided tone: “ Monsieur, I have just rescued this infant from slavery, but it Will not escape death unless you order some one of these[Page 189] women to take the place of its mother and nurse it, until I can provide for having it brought up elsewhere.” The French Officers who were present seconded my request. Thereupon he spoke to those English women. One of them offered to render this service if I would answer for her life and that of her husband, be responsible for their maintenance, and have them taken to Boston by way of Montreal. I immediately accepted the proposal; I begged Monsieur du Bourg-la-Marque to detach three Grenadiers for the purpose of escorting my English people as far as the camp of the Canadians, where I hoped to find help in fulfilling my new engagements; that worthy Officer responded to my request with kindness.
I was preparing to leave the fort when the father of the infant was found; he had been wounded by the explosion of a shell, and was unable to help himself; he could only acquiesce with pleasure in the arrangements that I had made for the safety of his son. Accordingly I set out, accompanied by my English people under the safeguard of three grenadiers. After a fatiguing, but safe walk of two hours, we came to the place where the Canadians were encamped. I &all not attempt to reproduce to you faithfully the new circumstance that crowned my tmdertaking : it was one of those events which a person would in vain attempt to portray to the life. We were hardly at the first entrante to the camp when a quick and Sharp cry suddenly struck my ears; was it grief? was it joy? It was all that and much more; for it was the mother, who from far away had recognized her son, so clear-sighted are the eyes of maternal tenderness. She ran up with [Page 191] a haste which showed what she was to that Child. She snatched it from the hands of the English woman, with an eagerness that seemed to indicate her fear lest it should be taken away from her a second time. It is easy to imagine the transports of joy to which she abandoned herself, especially when she was assured of the life and liberty of her husband, to whom she thought she had spoken her last farewells; their happiness lacked only their reunion. I believed that I owed that also to the completion of my work.
I again took the way to the fort. My strength scarcely sufficed for me to reach it; it was more than an hour after noon, and I had taken no food, so I nearly fainted on arriving there. The politeness and benevolence of Messieurs the French Officers very soon helped me to continue my good work. I sent for the Englishman in question, but for several hours the search was unsuccessful. The suffering from his wound had obliged him to retire into the most solitary part of the fort, that he might obtain some rest; at last, he was found. I was preparing to lead him away, when his wife and Child appeared. Orders had been given to collect all the English scattered through the different quarters, to the number of nearly five hundred, and conduct them to the fort, so that their food could be more certainly supplied until they could be taken to Orange; this last was successfully accomplished some days afterward. Demonstrations of joy were renewed with still greater outbursts than before. Hearty thanks were given me, not only by those interested, but also by Messieurs the English Officers, who had the goodness to repeat them to me more than once. As [Page 193] to their offers of service, they pleased me only for the sake of the feelings from which they sprang. A man of my profession has no reward but to wait upon God alone.
I ought not to pass over here in silence the reward that the other English woman received for her kindness, she who was obliged to serve as mother to the infant in the absence of the true mother; Providence brought about for her through the agency of Monsieur Picquet the recovery of her son, who had been iniquitously taken from her. I remained a few days longer in the vicinity of the fort where my ministrations were not fruitless, — either to some prisoners, whose chains I was happy enough to break; or to some French Officers whose lives were threatened by savage drunkenness, and whom I succeeded in protecting.
Such were the circumstances of the unfortunate expedition which dishonored the bravery that the Savages had displayed throughout the course of the siege , and which have made even their services burdensome to us. They pretend to justify their deeds , — the Abnakis, in particular, by the law of retaliation, alleging that more than once in the very midst of peace, or of conferences, such as that of last winter, their warriors had come to death by treacherous blows in the English Forts of Acadia. I have neither the ability nor the information that would permit me to judge a Nation, which, although our enemy, is not on that account, for many reasons, less worthy of respect. Furthermore, I do not know that in the composition of this narrative I have mentioned a single circumstance the certainty of which could justly be weakened; still less am I able [Page 195] to persuade myself that malignity could discover one single action which would authorize it to cast upon the French Nation the infamy of that event.
We had made the Savages consent to the treaty of capitulation; could we more surely prevent its infraction ?
We had assigned to the enemy, in order to guarantee their retreat, an escort of four hundred men, — some of whom had even been victims of a too lively zeal in repressing the disorder; could we more efficaciously hinder the non-observance of the treaty?
Finally, we went so far as to ransom the English, at great expense, and take them from the hands of the Savages by paying money; so that nearly four hundred of them are in Quebec, ready to embark for Boston. Could we more sincerely make amends for the violation of the treaty? These statements seem to me unanswerable.
The Savages, then, are alone responsible for the infringement of the law of nations; and it is only to their insatiable ferocity and their independence that the cause of it can be ascribed. The news of that fatal deed, having spread abroad through the English cofonies, produced in them such grief and dread that one single Savage actually dared to carry his temerity so far as to go to carry away captives almost at the gates of Orange, without having been disturbed either in his expedition or in his retreat. Therefore the enemy planned no undertaking against us at the time which followed the capture of the fort. Nevertheless, nothing was more critical for us than the situation in which the French army then was. The Savages, with the exception of the Abnakis and Nipistingues, had disappeared on the very day of [Page 197] their wretched expedition; twelve hundred men were occupied in demolishing the fort; and nearly a thousand were employed in transporting the immense supplies of food and ammunition that we had seized. Hardly a handful of men remained to tope with the enemy, if they had assumed the offensive. Their tranquillity gave us the opportunity of accomplishing our work. Fort George has been destroyed and razed to the ground and the ruins consumed by fire. It was only during the burning that we comprehended the greatness of the enemy’s loss. Casemates and secret underground passages were found filled with dead bodies, which for several days furnished fresh fuel for the activity of the flames. As for our loss, it consisted of twenty-one dead — three of whom were Savages — and of about twenty-five wounded; that was all.
At length, on the day of the Assumption, I entered a boat going to Montreal; the weather was very rainy and very cold. This voyage was marked only by the continuity of storms and tempests, which almost submerged one of our barges, and nearly caused its guides to perish. But the anxieties of the journey were much alleviated not only by the society of the other Missionaries, but also by that of Monsieur Fiesch, who was sent to Montreal as a hostage. This Officer, a Swiss by birth, and formerly in the service of France, is one of the most honest men that can be found. During his stay in the midst of the Colony, he served the Nation to which he is bound with a fidelity worthy of all praise.
When I arrived at Montreal I intended to take some necessary rest; but the Savages so greatly [Page 199] increased my occupations there, and these were all so little satisfying to my profession, that I hastened my departure to my Mission. I had another reason to press me on; it was to fulfill the promise which I had given to Messieurs the English Officers, not to spare myself in this village in urging the Savages to make a restitution of the remaining prisoners. It was time to come to begin the work. One of our Canadians, who had escaped from the prisons of New England, was incessantly talking of the bad treatment that he had experienced there; he even reported that an Abnakis, taken in the action of Monsieur de Dieskau, had perished from hunger that winter in the prisons of Orange. If this report had been noised abroad it might have caused many innocent people to perish. I succeeded in burying it in a profound silence, which furthered the departure of all the English unjustly detained in captivity.
You have here a faithful account of all the events that have marked this campaign which has just closed; you have seen with satisfaction that French valor has been sustained with splendor, and has worked wonders. But you must also have perceived that passions, everywhere the same, produce everywhere the same ravages; and that our Savages, although Christians, are not on that account more blameless in their conduct. Their wandering and vagabond life is not one of the least causes of their misfortunes. Left as they are to themselves, and struggling with their passions without being sustained by the aid of even any outward religious performance, they escape for the greater part of the year the endeavors even of the most active zeal — which, during this long time compelled to the [Page 201] saddest inaction, dwindles to the power of uttering in their behalf only prayers, which are almost always useless and superfluous. Perhaps the God of mercy Will some day enlighten these unfortunate creatures on the dangers of their strange manner of life and Will restrain them from their instability and their wanderings; but although that is an event which a Missionary is indeed permitted to desire, it is not in his power to bring it about.
I have the honor to be, etc. [Page 203]
Of the Hurons.
1ST. In 1626, Fathers Breboeuf and De Noue, Jesuits, and Father Joseph De la Roche, Recollet, went to the Huron country in the autumn of that year, to learn their language, and thereby to place themselves in a position to instruct them and teach them Christianity.
2nd. The Hurons were then settled on the shores of the lake that still bears their name, — that is to say, on the shores of lake Huron.
3rd. According to the Relations of the first Jesuits who were sent at that time among the Hurons, to labor in instructing them, the Hurons were divided into twenty villages — which, united together, formed a nation of thirty thousand souls.
4th. In 1649, on the 16th of March, the Iroquois — with whom the Hurons had been at war since the year 1638 — suddenly, to the number of fifteen hundred, swooped down on one of their largest villages, and burned it. They seized some villages, alarmed others, and thereby compelled the Hurons to flee precipitately, and to disperse.
5th. The Hurons then retired: some to a distance of a hundred leagues from lake Huron — and their descendants now constitute the Huron village at Detroit; others are said to have settled among the Illinois; others went down to Three Rivers, and others still to Quebec. Most of those who were at [Page 205] Three Rivers joined those of Quebec, on the 26th of April, 1654.
6th. There was at that time a considerable number of Hurons who had been settled at Sillery for about ten years. These were Hurons who loved a peaceful life, and who — ever since a house had been built, in 1637, at Sillery for them, and for the savages of other nations who wished to dwell there — had gradually settled there among the Algonquins and formed a considerable village.
7th. The Sillery Hurons joined those of Quebec in 1651, on the 29th of March, the day on which they were taken to the Island of Orleans to reside there.
8th. The Hurons dwelt on the Island of Orleans from the 29th of March, 1651, to the 4th of June, 1656 — that is to say, five years and some days.
9th. On leaving the Island of Orleans, the Hurons came to live in Quebec. They remained there until the month of April of the year 1668, when they left to go to Beauport, where they remained about a year. Afterward, about the spring of 1669, they went to settle at côte St. Michel, where they remained from the spring of 1669 to the 28th of December of the year 1673. From that place they went to live at Vieille Lorette, where they remained from the 28th of December, 1673, to the autumn of 1697. Finally, from the autumn of 1697 to this present year 1762, they have lived at Jeune Lorette.
10th. Jeune Lorette has no dependencies. It is not a seigniory. It is only a small piece of land of the côte Petit St. Antoine, seigniory of St. Michel, on which the Jesuit Fathers, to whom the seigniory [Page 207] belongs, consented to allow the Hurons to settle, about the end of 1697.
11th. The Jesuits have been seigniors of the Seigniory of St. Gabriel from the 2nd of November, 1667 — On which day Monsieur Robert Giffard, the first seignior of the said seigniory, in concert with Madame Renouard, his wife, gave it to the Reverend Jesuit Fathers. [Page 209]
Bannissement Des Jésuites de la Louisiane
[François Philibert Watrin]
à Paris, le 3 septembre 1764
Source: Copied from Carayon’s publication thereof (Paris, 1865). [Page 211]
Banishment of the Jesuits from Louisiana.
You write me, Monsieur, that you were surprised to learn of the arrival at Paris of Jesuits banished from Louisiana by a decree pronounced against them in that colony. You wish to know the reasons for this decree, and what followed its execution. I am familiar with the affair that interests you, and likewise with all that can in any way relate thereto. I lived for almost thirty years in Louisiana, and only departed thence at the beginning of this year. I am persuaded that your curiosity has no other motives than your love for religion and for truth. In the recital which I am about to give you, I shall be careful to say nothing which will depart in the least from these two rules.
In the month of June, 1763, the Jesuits of New Orleans, the capital of Louisiana, were still between hope and fear as to their future fate. As early as the preceding year, they had seen their enemies distribute with a triumphant air, manuscript copies of the decree given by the Parliament of Paris, August 6, 1761. But people worthy of respect had calmed their fears. They were expecting a great deal from the information given in their favor, and, above all, from the petition addressed to the King by the bishops of France. They finally learned what they were to expect, at the arrival of the ship, which brought, with the news of peace, orders for their destruction. [Page 213]
There came upon the ship Monsieur d’Albadie, commissary-general of the navy and controller of Louisiana, and with him Monsieur de la Frenière, procurator-general of the superior council of this colony — both newly appointed to their positions Monsieur the commissary did not delay to notify the superior of the Jesuits of what was brewing against them. “I believe,” he said to him, “ that Monsieur the procurator-general is charged with some order that concerns you.” This was a sufficient warning, for any one who could have understood him; but the Jesuits, too confident, were disposed to believe that, in spite of the example of so many Parliaments of France, nothing would be done against them in Louisiana; and, at a moment so critical, they did not take the slightest precaution about protecting their property.
Proceedings were begun. It was decreed that the Institute of the Jesuits should be brought to the council, to be examined. It was a great undertaking for this tribunal. All the judges who composed it ought at least to have studied theology and civil and ecclesiastical law. But, above all, they ought to have understood the language in which the institute is written. Now, this is not the kind of knowledge that is required from judges of colonies. In selecting them, search is not made for pupils of universities, but those among the habitants who show some capacity for business are chosen. Accordingly, one finds in these councils elderly shopkeepers, physicians, and officers of troops. Those who are best educated are usually the pupils of the naval bureaus; it is they who, up to the present, have been most often chosen, at least in Louisiana, as presidents of [Page 215] councils, an honor attached to the office of intendant or commissary-controller.
For these reasons, we are justified in saying that it was a great undertaking for the council of New Orleans to pronounce upon the Institute of the Jesuits. In truth, it is reasonable to suppose that Monsieur de la Frenière, instructed from his youth in the Latin language, had also studied civil law during the long sojourn that he had made in France; but his ability could not communicate itself to the judges who were to pronounce their decision upon his requisition; the majority of them, at least, could be reproached for their ignorance of the language of the document which they were about to judge. In that there was a great lack of competency, there was another still greater, — I mean to say, the lack of authority and jurisdiction. The matter upon which these judges undertook to pronounce was a spiritual matter, if ever there were one; now, they all were only lay judges. And, after the opinion declared by the council of Trent regarding the Institute of the Jesuits, if a new examination were to be made, to whom could such inquiry pertain except to the Church universal?
None of these considerations deterred the council of Louisiana. One powerful motive encouraged the judges to enter upon the affair; there had arrived several volumes of requisitions and reports upon the same subject rendered in different parliaments of France, with the decrees pronounced in consequence thereof.
To these Gentlemen, it was enough to believe themselves well informed; one could not go astray [Page 217] while following such guides. The requisition was announced by Monsieur the procurator-general; the decree which we are about to report will show what was demanded. The matter came to judgment; it is not certain whether the votes of the councilors-in- ordinary were entirely unanimous, but it is certain that besides this number there was one ballot favorable to the Jesuits; it was that of Monsieur de Châtillon, lieutenant-colonel of the regiment of Angoumois. In this capacity he had the right to be present at and vote in the council. This worthy old man did not fear to declare himself for those to whom so little protection then remained.
The decree was declared on the 9th of July. It was said that the Institute of the Jesuits was hostile to the royal authority, the rights of the bishops, and the public peace and safety; and that the vows uttered according to this institute were null. It was prohibited to these Jesuits, hitherto thus styled, to take that name hereafter, or to wear their customary garb, orders being given them to assume that of secular ecclesiastics. Excepting their books and some wearing apparel which was allowed to them, all their property, real and personal, was to be seized and sold at auction. It was ordained that the chapel ornaments and the sacred vessels of New Orleans should be delivered up to the Reverend Capuchin Fathers; that the chapel ornaments and sacred vessels of the Jesuits living in the country of the Illinois should be delivered up to the Royal procurator for that country, and that the chapels should then be demolished; and that, finally, the aforesaid Jesuits, so-called, should return to France, embarking upon the first ships ready to depart, [Page 219] prohibiting them, meanwhile, from remaining together. A sum of six hundred livres was assigned to pay each one’s passage, and another, of 1, 500 francs, for their sustenance and support for six months. They were enjoined to present themselves, after that term, to Monsieur the duke de Choiseul, secretary of State in the department of marine, to ask him for the pensions which would be assigned from the proceeds of the sale of their property.
I have mentioned above the general motives for the condemnation of the Jesuits of Louisiana, motives copied from the decrees of the Parliaments of France; but, in that which the council of New Orleans issued, it undertook to insert something special and new. It stated that the Jesuits established in the colony had not taken any care of their missions; that they had thought only of making their estates valuable; and that they were usurpers of the vicariate-general of New Orleans.
If their own interests alone had been at stake, the Jesuits of Louisiana, after the loss of their property, could still have borne in silence the attack upon their reputation made by this decree. But there are times when silence is an admission, and it is not permitted to admit the wrong imputed when a scandal would result therefrom. Now, what a scandal if missionaries sent to America for the instruction of the French and the savages, missionaries subsisting there upon the benefactions of the King — if such men should be forced by the voice of conscience to acknowledge, at least tacitly, that they took no care of their missions; that they only gave their attention to their estates; and, besides, that they are usurpers of the vicariate-general of an episcopate! But no, conscience Will not oblige the Jesuits of Louisiana to acknowledge what is imputed [Page 221] to them! It obliges them, on the contrary, to speak, and, in what they have to say for their justification, they do not fear to be convicted of falsehood; at least, they do not fear that anything true or substantial will be opposed to them.
There is to-day hardly any province in France where there is not some prominent person who has lived in Louisiana; of these persons, there is not one who has not known Jesuits there, and most of them have even been able to scrutinize these Jesuits very closely. Now, the Jesuits await with confidence the testimony that can be rendered concerning them, upon the points in question here; still more, they dare to cite, as witnesses of their conduct, three governors of Louisiana, and a vicar-general of the episcopate of Quebec for this same colony. All were still living in this month of June of this year, 1764; no one has begged for their suffrages; no one has even informed these gentlemen of what is about to be cited from them.
The first witness Will be, then, Monsieur de Bienville, now captain of the Royal ships, who twenty- two years ago retired to Paris. He must be regarded as the founder of the colony of Louisiana; it was he who in 1698 accompanied his brother, Monsieur d’Iberville, when that illustrious naval officer discovered the mouth of the Mississipi, which sieur de la Salle, that famous adventurer, had missed. Monsieur de Bienville was then left upon the shores of this river, to begin a settlement there; it was he who governed this colony for 44 years, with the exception of a few intervals; it was he who put it nearly in the condition in which it is to-day, by building New Orleans and the fort of Mobile, and by forming the [Page 223] other posts that are seen in Louisiana. During so long a government, he was always very attentive to all that was taking place in the various parts of this vast province; he knew the worth of all those who were employed there. Now, no one in this country can have forgotten the very special kindness with which he honored the Jesuits of this colony; would he have acted thus toward missionaries who, failing in the care of their mission, had failed in the most essential of their duties?
The second witness Will be Monsieur the Marquis de Vaudreuil, late governor of New France; he succeeded Monsieur de Bienville in the government of Louisiana. The Jesuits found in him also a protector, and even an openly declared friend; it would be difficult to add anything to the tokens of kindness which he constantly conferred upon them. But what was it that could win for them such kindness? It was, without doubt, the impression which they made upon him by their fidelity to their principal duties. No, the integrity of Monsieur de Vaudreuil would not have permitted him to treat so honorably missionaries who, neglecting the duties of their occupation, would have deserved from him only reproaches and coldness.
A third witness for the Jesuits of Louisiana is Monsieur de Kerlerec, captain of a ship, and last governor of this colony; a single proof suffices to show what he thought of them. It is a letter which he wrote to them, a little before their ruin; he recalled to them these words of Our Lord to his disciples: Beati eritis cùm vos oderint homines, et persecuti vos fuerint, et dixerint, omne malun adversun vos mentientes, propter me: gaudete et exultate! Is it credible [Page 225] that Monsieur de Kerlerec would have chosen to apply this text to missionaries who did not give any care to their missions?
Finally, a fourth witness will be Monsieur the abbé de L’Isle Dieu; for more than 30 years he has been in Paris, vicar-general of the episcopate of Quebec, and especially charged with the affairs of that diocese which concern Louisiana, Now, it is also this abbé who has shown what he thought of the Jesuits of Louisiana when he wrote to them after the, decree of the 6th of August, 1762 — that they were passing away with the regrets of the episcopal body and of all good people. In writing thus, it is probable that he did not regard them as people who had failed to care for their missions.
“But,” someone will say, “cannot the Jesuits of Louisiana defend themselves, then, except through the testimony of others? Ought they not to let the work that they have done in their missions, the operations and the fruits of their zeal speak for them? Every estimable person ought to be praised, above all, before his judges, by his good actions: Laudent eam in portis opera ejus.” The Jesuits Will not fear to accede to what is here asked from them; and, to show what they, accomplished in their missions, I am going to separate these into two portions. The first includes the missions of the Illinois country, which are the older; the second comprises the mission of New Orleans, with that of the Chactas and the Alibamons, In the country named Illinois, the Jesuits had four permanent missions. The first was that one where the savages called Cascakias were instructed, and these are the exercises which were carried on there: At sunrise, the bell rang [Page 227] for prayer and mass: the savages said prayers in their own language, and during the mass they chanted, to the air of the Roman chant, hymns and canticles, also translated into their language, with the suitable prayers; at the end of the mass, the missionary catechized the children. Having returned to his house, he was occupied in instructing the adult neophytes and catechumens, to prepare them for baptism or for penitence, for communion or for marriage; as soon as he was free, he went through the village to arouse the believers to fervor, and to exhort unbelievers to embrace Christianity. The rest of the day was needed for reciting the divine office, studying the language of the savages, and preparing the instructions for Sundays and feast-days; for so many exercises, so varied and so continual, there was surely needed care, and a great deal of care. The savages, at least, certainly believe that the Jesuits took care of them; as for the first news of the decree declared against their missionaries, they wished to go to find the officer who commanded in that country, to beg him at least to leave them Father Meurin, who was charged with their mission. And what other idea could they have of the Jesuits? a single one of the latter could represent them all, as men entirely devoted to the instruction of the savages. Such was Father de Guyenne, who died in 1752 [sc. 1762]. Having spent 36 years in the missions of Louisiana, he had traversed those of the Alibamons, the Arkansas, and the Miamis. He had been curé of fort Chartres, and had everywhere been respected as a man of rare virtue, of singular discretion, and of an inviolable attachment to the duties of a missionary. Since the [Page 229] year 1763 [sc. 1743?] he had devoted himself to the Illinois mission Called to more honorable and easier positions, he had remained with his savages; and by his constancy he had preserved religion, which had become much unsettled in that nation; he had even greatly revived their fervor by his untiring application to all the exercises. Finally, four years before his death, afflicted by a partial paralysis which rendered him incapable of movement, and feeling a great weakness in his chest, — an old trouble, which left him hardly enough strength to make himself heard, — he did not cesse receiving at all times his dear neophytes, who came from a long league’s distance to be instructed. He catechized them, exhorted them, and heard their confessions; he prepared them for the communion; and, in the capacity of superior of the house, he used his power to relieve their poverty. Does not a man so faithful to his ministry up to the last day of his life make it presumable that, among the Jesuits established amid the Illinois, there remained some zeal and care in regard to their missions?
At one and one-fourth leagues from the village of the Illinois savages, there was a French village also named Cascakias; for 44 years there has been in this village a parish, which has always been governed by the Jesuits. Now, we dare to repeat here, regarding those who were charged with this employ, what has been said above of their associates in general, — that there is hardly any province in France where there are not still witnesses of the exactness of these curés in discharging their functions, that is, in visiting the sick and in relieving the poor. These too are witnesses of their assiduity at the [Page 231] tribunal of penance, and at the almost daily instruction of the children, — to which must be still added the instruction of the negroes and the savages, slaves of the French, to prepare them for baptism and for the reception of the other sacraments. Besides, every evening, a public prayer was said in the church, and some pious book was read; finally, on Sundays and feast-days, two instructions in the catechism were given, one for the French children and the other for the black slaves and the savages, — without counting the solemn mass, and the vespers that were sung punctually with the benediction [of the Blessed Sacrament]. But here is something which is more than care; since the year 1753, there has been in the French village of Cascakias a newly- built parochial church; this church is 104 feet long and 44 wide. Now, it never could have been finished if the expense of the building had not been drawn from the building fund and from the contributions of the parishioners. Three Jesuits, successively curés of this parish, — Father Tartarin, Father Watrin, and Father Aubert, — have employed for this purpose the greater part of what they obtained from their surplice and their mass-fees. When the curés have the construction and ornamentation of their church so much at heart, it is also probable that they do not fail in their other duties.
But here is yet another proof of the care that the Jesuits have taken of this parish: fifteen years ago at a league from the old village, on the other bank of the Mississipi, there was established a new village under the name of Sainte Geneviève. Then the curé of Cascakias found himself obliged to go there to administer the sacraments, at least to the sick; [Page 233] and, when the new inhabitants saw their houses multiplying, they asked to have a church built there. This being granted them, the journeys of the missionary became still more frequent, because he thought that he ought then to yield himself still more to the willingness of his new parishioners, and to their needs. However, in order to go to this new church he must cross the Mississipi, which, in this place, is three eighths of a league wide; he sometimes had to trust himself to a slave, who alone guided the canoe; St was necessary, in fine, to expose himself to the danger of perishing, if in the middle of the river they had been overtaken by a violent storm. None of all these inconveniences ever prevented the curé of Cascakias from going to Sainte Genevieve when charity called him thither, and he was always charged with this care until means were found to place at Sainte Geneviève a special curé, — which occurred only a few years ago, when the inhabitants of the place built a house for the pastor. These two villages, that of Cascakias and that of Sainte Geneviève, made the second and the third establishment of the Jesuits in the Illinois country. There is no need to call attention to the fact that, to accomplish only a part of the work that has just been indicated, care, courage, and constancy were necessary.
At eighty leagues from the Illinois was the post called Vincennes or Saint Ange, from the names of the officers who commanded there. This post is upon the river Ouabache, which, about seventy leagues lower down, together with the Ohio, which it has joined, discharges its waters into the Mississipi; there were, at the last, in this village at least sixty [Page 235] houses of French people, without counting the Miami savages, who were quite near. There too was sufficient cause for care and occupation, — which the Jesuits did not refuse, — a conclusion which must be reached if one considers that this post was every day increasing in population; that the greater part of its new inhabitants, having long been voyageurs, were little accustomed to the duties of Christians; and that, to establish among them some manner of living, many instructions and exhortations, private and public, were necessary. Now, the proof that the Jesuits acquitted themselves of their duty in this respect is proved by the complaints that the parishioners made against them; for these people claimed that their curés went beyond their duty, and assumed too much care. This is precisely the opposite of what the council of Louisiana stated. But what did the Jesuits do for the Alibamons and the Chactas? For the Alibamons: The French were established near the savages; the missionary discharged the duties of curé toward them. In this capacity Father Leroi had pledged them not to trade any more brandy to the savages, that promise being made by them publicly. It is true that that resolve, so useful and so necessary to religion, and even to the temporal interests of the savages and of the French, did not last long, the old custom being soon reëstablished; the hope of sordid gain prevailed over the most righteous arguments. But sensible people have not forgotten the service that the missionary had rendered.
And what did he do for the savages? He lived with them, always ready to teach them the Christian doctrine as soon as it pleased God to open their hearts; meanwhile, he kept them in alliance and [Page 237] friendship with the French, and he succeeded in this all the better, bccause these people saw clearly, by his conduct, that he was not in their midst to make a fortune. This disinterestedness established his credit, and through that he became useful — we dare to say, even necessary — to the colony.
It was especially in the Chactas nation that the missionaries rendered this essential service; those who know Louisiana know of what importance it was to maintain an alliance between this nation and ours. If alienated from our interests and excited against US, they could some day destroy the colony by sacking New Orleans, a City which is without defense. It was to prevent such acts that the missionaries endured the burden of living with the Chactas, so barbarous a people, and made them feel how advantageous to them was the friendship of the French, and of what value in their estimation ought to be the presents brought to them regularly every year. If these presents were to fail, as happened during the war, it was for the missionary to keep up their good Will by promising to indemnify them. What services did the Jesuits not render also when every year they went with Messieurs the Governors to the fort of Mobile, where the Chactas assembled for the distribution of presents? To do that usefully and judiciously, it was necessary for the Governor to know at least the principal individuals of the nation, and among them the most friendly and the most important. Now who could give them these ideas, if not the missionary who lived with them, — who kept in touch with the most trusty, and who, to learn what was going on in the thirty villages of the Chactas, visited them regularly? Yet if it had only [Page 239] been necessary to visit the villages! But, either in going through them, or in remaining in his cabin, during how many years was not the missionary exposed to death, when the Chactas, divided among themselves, — some being in favor of, others against, the French, — were killing one another! How much did the missionary then not have to fear for his life, from those who would have willingly avenged upon a Frenchman the deaths of their compatriots, killed by the partisans of the French? That was the price at which the missionary then rendered services to the colony. That is what was done for twenty years by Father Baudoin, — who, having become superior at New Orleans, was condemned, at the head of those whom the decree of condemnation reproaches with not having taken any care of their missions.
However, it is hard to believe that there were not some apparent motives for thus reproaching them. This, perhaps, was the occasion for it: In 1763, there were no more missionaries among the Arkansas, where the Jesuits had been obliged by the terms of their foundation, to furnish one. Several years before, Father Carette had left this post; his brethren had decided that he ought to have left it sooner. In spite of the little hope that there was of leading the savages of the place to Christianity, the Father studied their language a long time, and labored to correct the morals of the French, but reaped hardly any fruit from his toil. He nevertheless followed both the French and the Savages in their various changes of location, occasioned by the overflowing of the Mississipi, near which the post is situated. Notwithstanding so many annoyances, the missionary was not discouraged at seeing his efforts [Page 241] rendered useless by the conduct of those who ought to have sustained them; he continued in patience, until the event which we are about to describe. In the fort of the Arkansas there was no longer any chapel, no longer any room wherein one could say mass, except the room where the commandant took his meals. This was not a very suitable place, not only because it was a dining-room, but on account of the bad conduct and freedom of language of those who frequented it; everything that was in the fort entered there. even to the fowls. A chicken, flying over the altar, overturned the chalice, which had been left there at the end of the mass. The spectators were not affected by this; one of those who ought to have been most concerned about it, exclaimed: Ah! behold the shop of the good God thrown down! To these sentiments, so little religious, corresponded a life as little Christian. Father Carette at last concluded that he must withdraw, at least until he should see a chapel built in the fort, and until they were disposed to respect religion there; besides, he was necessary elsewhere, for work from which better success was expected.
Since we have called attention to the occupations of the Jesuits at the different posts of Louisiana, it is right to speak also of what they did at New Orleans. In that city there is a royal hospital, established for the troops. The title of chaplain of this hospital was given to Father d’outreleau in 1737, and it has ever since been continued to the Jesuits of New Orleans; it was an office sufficient t0 occupy one missionary. In the same City is a monastery of Ursuline nuns; by their endowments they are charged with the education of thirty orphan [Page 243] girls maintained at the expense of the King, and there were always many inmates besides; it is known that the Ursulines are bound by their institute to instruct also in their schools girls from outside, and in their house they received many Young ladies as boarders. Now the superior of the Jesuits has been for thirty years superior also of this house; and, not being able alone to render all the services needed there, it was necessary that he should be assisted by one of his brethren.
Finally, the Jesuits had upon their estates a hundred and twenty or a hundred and thirty slaves; ought not the care of instructing and governing these to give some of these missionaries enough to do? Fourteen families suffice for the formation of a parish.
But, if it be now asked what fruit the Jesuits of Louisiana have gathered from their missions, we might answer that the missionaries owe their labor, and that it is God who gives the fruit when it pleases him. Moreover, the most laborious missions have often appeared the most sterile; thus, in Canada, the missionaries who devoted themselves to the instruction of the Outouas, the Poutouatamis, the Sauteurs, the Outagamis or Renards [Foxes], and the Miamis, produced scarcely any perceptible fruit there. And yet, they have not been less revered as truly apostolic laborers. Such was the opinion that the late Monseigneur de Ponbriand, bishop of Quebec, had of one of these missionaries, Father Chardon, during a very great number of years that he spent at the bay, with the Outagamis and other savages. This Father had not seen any apparent result from his work; having retired to [Page 245] Quebec, in his extreme old age, the prelate deigned to honor him with a visit when he was almost dying, and asked him for his benediction. The humble missionary threw himself at the feet of his bishop, to ask him for his; and, having obtained it, he was obliged to consent to what Monseigneur de Ponbriand asked from him.
However, the missionaries of Louisiana did not labor absolutely without result; in the missions, the most precious fruits are the virtues that are practiced there. The principal one of these doubtless is charity, especially when it attains that eminent degree at which it pledges a minister of Jesus Christ to give his life for his brethren; now, this is to what several Jesuits, who died in Louisiana, have come in the actual exercise of their ministry.
Thus, in 1729, Father du Poisson, established among the Arcansas, being present at the fort of the Natchez on the very day which they had chosen for slaughtering the French, was included in the general massacre. This conspiracy may well be compared to the Sicilian Vespers. The French established at that post treated with the utmost insolence this nation of the Natchez, the most useful and the most devoted to the colony; and they undertook to avenge themselves. Father du Poisson had been requested to remain one day for some ministerial function which presented itself, in the absence of the curé; he consented to do it, and was the victim of his devotion and his charity.
One month afterward, the Yasous, another savage nation, having entered into the same conspiracy, also slew the French who lived near them. Father Souël, their missionary, was not spared; he was so beloved by the negro who served him that this [Page 247] faithful slave was killed in trying to defend or avenge his master. About the same time, Father d’Outreleau descended with several voyageurs from the Illinois country, for the affairs of the mission, and halted upon the banks of the Mississipi, to say mass. A band of these same Yasous, who had killed Father Souël, arrived at the same place, with other savages, their allies; they watched the time when the French, and especially the Father, were occupied with the holy sacrifice, and they fired a volley from their guns, which killed some Frenchmen and wounded others. Father d’outreleau received a wound in the arm and several grains of coarse shot in his mouth; it was regarded as a very remarkable effect of God’s protection that he was only slightly wounded. This disaster did not dismay him; his firmness reassured his fellow-travelers, and they escaped the savages and proceeded to New Orleans. Soon afterward, it was a question of avenging upon the barbarians the deaths of the French, especially of all those who had perished among the Natchez; an army was sent thither, of which Father d’outreleau was the chaplain, and in that employ he always conducted himself in the same resolute manner.
In 1736, Father Senat, missionary to the Illinois, was appointed to accompany Monsieur d’Artaguiette, who conducted a party of French against the Chacachas. The enterprise was a failure; the French were upon the point of being surrounded by the savages, when the missionary was warned that he still had time to escape; he was offered a horse, but refused it, remembering the purpose of his voyage, and the need that the French captives would soon have of his succor. He was seized with them, and led, as they were, to the torture; a savage [Page 249] woman, utterly ignorant of the Christian religion, was a witness of their death; She reported, a little while afterward, that the French who were captured by the Chacachas had been thrown upon a lighted pile of wood in a large cabin, after they had sung in order to go on high. Seeing their manner and their gestures, she had comprehended that the prayers which they were singing were to guide them to heaven.
Four years before, in 1732, Father Auneau was with Monsieur de la Vérenderie, fils, who commanded a party of voyageurs, seeking to discover the Western sea. This Young officer had joined a band of Christineaux, savages who were going to war against the Sioux, another very barbarous nation; the latter recognized the French mingled with their enemies, and resolved to be revenged upon them. Some time afterward, they arranged an ambuscade for other Frenchmen, who were also on a journey, and killed twenty-two of them. Father Auneau was among the number of the dead.
In the month of July, 1759, when the fort of Niagara was closely pressed by an English army which was besieging it, one thousand two hundred Frenchmen were sent to the help of this post, so important for the preservation of Canada. Father Virot was chaplain of the French army; it was put to rout, and the missionary, having fallen into the hands of the Iroquois, was cut to pieces.
Finally, in the month of July, 1763, at the time of the revolt of the savages of Canada against the English, the Sauteurs of Michilimakinac threw themselves upon the English garrison which occupied that post. They had already destroyed a large part of it, when Father du Jaunay, a Jesuit, opened his [Page 251] house to serve as an asylum to what remained of the soldiers and of the English traders; but to save their lives, he greatly endangered his own. The savage youth, irritated at seeing half of their prey snatched away from them, tried to make amends for their loss at the expense of Father du Jaunay; and the old men of the nation had difficulty in pacifying them. Behold to what trials the Jesuit missionaries in Canada and Louisiana were exposed; but it is these which may be counted as most precious fruits of their missions, for such trials must of necessity be expected by all those who establish themselves in the midst of barbarians, especially when they journey upon the Mississipi. Since the revolt of the Natchez in 1729, there is no longer any safety in ascending that river, — almost every year is marked by the death of some Frenchmen; and it is true that the precautions which must be taken during that voyage — which, to reach the Illinois, occupies three months — cannot be sufficiently careful to avert the danger. Now, since the melancholy period of 1729, one can count at least twenty-six or twenty-seven voyages made by the Jesuits upon the Mississipi. Moreover, the Missions of Louisiana have been joined here with those of Canada, because formerly these missions were united, and because to-day the same functions are still exercised there, and the same risks are run.
But if any one persist in asking the Jesuits of Louisiana for those results that are desired and expected from these missions, see what they are: In the three French parishes of the country of the Illinois we could Count a quite large number of true Christians. It was they who resisted the evil [Page 253] examples and immoral maxims which the proximity of other colonies had begun to spread in Louisiana; but among the Illinois, at least, the missionaries checked the progress of these. Many thoroughly temperate people were seen there, in spite of the crowd of drunkards, among those who were perverting the savages by the brandy which they furnished to them. There were many others who preferred to deprive themselves of the most necessary provisions rather than to engage in so pernicious a traffic. There were, it is true, some heads of families who greatly neglected the care of their children and of their slaves; but there were also many others who themselves gave to these, or procured for them, the necessary instructions, and who knew how to keep them within the bounds of duty. There were Christians who seemed to have forgotten the precepts of fasting and abstinence, of communion and confession, and even the obligation to attend mass; but others, in great numbers, were very faithful to these duties and frequented the sacraments. How many curés there are in France with whose work people are content when they can gather like fruits!
As for the mission of the Illinois savages, the word of God was not announced there, also, without result. Despite the inconstancy of this people, the religion that was long ago established there has been preserved up to the present, the superstition called jugglery having been almost destroyed. Even the unbelievers were zealous in having their children baptized; many neophytes, judged worthy of the communion, did not dishonor, by their conduct, the opinion that had been formed of them; and many resisted the passion, so strong among these tribes, [Page 255] for brandy, and kept themselves within the bounds of temperance, even when they could drink without any cost to themselves. How much other fruit would not have been produced in this mission if serious effort had been made to stop the traffic in brandy! — Which, in this country, is the ruin of religion. It is true that this commerce was prohibited by the law of the Church and by the orders of the King; but several of those who made public the latter prohibitions, and who ought to have enforced their observance, were the first to distribute the forbidden liquor.
The first complaint noted in the decree of the council of Louisiana which condemns the Jesuits, is this: That they have not taken care of their missions. By all that has just been said, the reader has been able to ascertain whether this imputation was well founded.
The second grievance: That the Jesuits of this colony have only taken care to extend their estates. But in answering the first complaint, has not the second one been answered at the same time? For, if the Jesuits have taken care of their missions, as has been proved, they have, in consequence, had other cares than those of their estates. But perhaps some one has chosen to say that it is not becoming for missionaries to possess great estates, because these are a distraction to the spiritual ministry. This may readily be granted; but, to avoid this embarrassment it would, then, have been necessary to provide otherwise for their subsistence, for the expenses of their journeys, for the construction and maintenance of their houses and their chapels. Now from their endowment the Jesuits received, perhaps each one [Page 257] a pension of eight hundred livres (he who writes this letter is not quite sure on this point); and, to build and maintain six houses and six chapels, they had received fifteen thousand livres. This was once repaid by a contract — hazardous, it is true, but one from which they were no longer at liberty to release themselves. Where would they, then, have found funds for these expenses, even for their food and clothes, when, in the needs of the State, the treasurers of the colony no longer paid the debts most entitled to preference? when an ell of stuff or an ell of very common linen cloth cost fifty écus at New Orleans, an ordinary handkerchief a hundred francs; and a cask of wine was sold at two thousand five hundred francs, and was not delivered at Illinois without the payment of five or six hundred livres, which was demanded for the freight? Was it not then, necessary to have an estate, and to take care of it, to obtain therefrom the means of subsistence? Ah! how then has the council of New Orleans made it a crime in them, and a reason for condemnation in their decree?
There remains a third motive of condemnation to be discussed: the usurpation of the vicariate-general of the episcopate of Quebec. As for New Orleans, the judges of this town impute such usurpation to the Jesuits; but they have supposed, then, that every one had forgotten that, a few years before, they themselves had pronounced precisely the contrary.
Here are the facts: about eighteen or twenty years ago the late Monseigneur de Ponbriand, bishop of Quebec, sent letters to Father Vitry, superior of the Jesuits of New Orleans, constituting him his vicar-general there; these letters were registered in [Page 259] the superior council. Father Vitry having died in 1750, Father Baudoin received the same commission, and peaceably exercised its functions for some time. But afterward there arose disputes; the Reverend Capuchin Fathers thought that their rights were infringed by the appointment of the Jesuits to the grand-vicariate. They persuaded themselves that, the name and function of vicar-general having been given to their superior by Monseigneur the bishop of Quebec, at the same time when the company of the Indies had named him for the curé of New Orleans, these two titles ought to be thereafter inseparable, and accordingly belong to them; their pretensions were well known to Monseigneur de Ponbriand. The Jesuits themselves (many people Will not believe it, but the statement is no less true), the Jesuits directed all their efforts to be freed from a position which was for them only a source of annoyances and opposition. The prelate persisted in an absolute decision that the office should continue with those whom he had named; the Capuchin Fathers refused, however, to recognize Father Baudoin. The affair was finally brought to the council, which, after several disputes, adjudged to the Jesuits, by a decree, the legitimate possession of the grand-vicariate; and the registers of the council testify to this. The exercise of the duties of this office was continued to the Jesuits; to which New Orleans and the whole colony are witnesses. Father Baudoin, despite past disputes and some passing opposition which arose from time to time, had the name and performed the duties thereof until the day on which the decree of destruction was issued. Will it be believed hereafter, — if Louisiana [Page 261] is worthy of having a place in history, — Will it be believed that the council established to administer justice there has dared to contradict itself by a solemn decree, which expressly denies another decree issued a little while before upon the same matter, — a matter too important to be forgotten, a matter which during several years had occupied the minds of people in New Orleans? Will it be believed that those who had been declared legitimate possessors could, a little while afterward, without the least change in the matter having occurred, be condemned as usurpers? In reflecting upon this decree, — declared without information, without examination, without giving those interested the least liberty to defend themselves, — is it not natural to think that the council of New Orleans has regarded the Jesuits as people against whom one could say all and dare all?
We have finished the examination of the several reasons set forth in the condemnation of the Jesuits, namely, That the Jesuits did not take care of their missions, that they only cared for their estates, and that they were usurpers of the vicariate-general for New Orleans. It is time to speak of the execution of the decree; it was to be carried out first at New Orleans, and afterward in the Illinois country, at a distance of four or five hundred leagues. There was in that country, as has been said above, a mission of the Jesuits, established at four different posts. They were not forgotten, and a courier was sent to carry the decree of destruction. Meanwhile, it was executed promptly against those of New Orleans. Their establishment was quite near this town, and proportioned to the needs of twelve missionaries; there was [Page 263] a quite large gang of Slaves for cultivating the land, and for plying other trades, as is the custom in the colonies; there were also various buildings, with herds of cattle and suitable works. Everything was seized, inventoried, and sold at auction, and this execution lasted a long time; those who were employed therein took their meals in the house. These were the higher officers of justice, with the lesser agents; it is right to suppose that the former kept themselves within the decent behavior that beseemed them, but the others did not consider themselves obliged to assume any disguise. They found themselves well feasted, and they were sure that their employment was a very lucrative one; so they did not dissemble their feelings. The superior of the Jesuits was obliged to be present at the great feasts which were given at his house during the depredation, and he saw the joy that was shown there. After the sale of the real and personal property, there remained the Chapel, with its ornaments and sacred vessels: it was stated in the decree that these effects should be taken to the Reverend Capuchin Fathers; this was done, and it was the least objectionable use that could be made of them. After that, the chapel was razed to the ground; and the sepulchers of the bodies buried for thirty years in this place, and in the neighboring cemetery, remained exposed to profanation. The Jesuits who came back from Louisiana to France have often been asked the reason for this proceeding; they have been told what astonishment and horror was felt at this event; it has been said to them that this was only to be expected from open enemies of the Catholic religion: the Jesuits could only answer these sayings by silence. [Page 265]
The execution of the decree lacked nothing, save to send back the condemned to France; those who were at New Orleans did not wait to be notified of the order to depart. Father Carette embarked to cross over to San Domingo; Father Roy took refuge at Pensacola at the very time when the English entered this port to take possession of it, and the Spaniards evacuated it by virtue of the treaty of Peace; he entered the ship which was to bear the Governor of that place to Vera Cruz. The Father was welcomed there, by the Spanish Fathers of the college, with the greatest kindness; a little while afterward he was made an associate in the province that the Jesuits have in Mexico, by Father François Zéballos, superior of that province. His letter written upon this subject expressed most generous and most Christian sentiments, and all the Jesuits banished from the lands under French domination were invited thither to the same refuge. Father Le Prédour was among the Alibamons, at a distance of about two hundred leagues, and much time was necessary for transmitting a copy of the decree to him. Then, after he had received it, he was obliged to await an opportunity to reach the fort of Mobile, and from that place, New Orleans; we have recently learned that he has returned to France. There were no more to send away, then, but Father Baudoin, superior of all the missions; but he was seventy-two years old, and infirm, — as one may expect of a man who had passed thirty-five years in Louisiana, and of those thirty-five years about twenty in the midst of the forests, with the Chactas; he had no relatives in France, nor was be accustomed to this country; as he was born in [Page 267] Canada, he was permitted to remain. He was assigned a pension of nine hundred livres, which would be equivalent in France to the sum of three or four hundred francs. Monsieur Boré, an old resident of the country, offered him an asylum with himself, upon his estate, and thus proved the sincerity of the friendship which he had always shown toward the Jesuits.
Meanwhile, the courier despatched to Illinois to bear the decree, arrived on the night of September 23 at fort Chartres, distant six leagues from the residence of the Jesuits. He delivered to the procurator of the king the commission which charged him to execute the decree; and on the next day, about eight or nine o’clock in the morning, that officer of justice repaired to the house of the Jesuits, accompanied by the registrar and the bailiff of that jurisdiction. Some days afterward, he tried to turn to account the moderation that he had used in not arriving during the night, “ as his orders directed,” said he; with that exception, they ought to have been satisfied with his exactness. He read to Father Watrin, the superior, the decree of condemnation, and, having given him a copy of it, he made him at once leave his room to put the seal upon it; the same thing was done with the other missionaries who happened to be in the house. There remained one hall where they could remain together, although with great inconvenience; but this favor was refused them, because the guards placed in custody of the property seized opposed this; they were unwilling that the Jesuits should be able to watch their conduct so closely. The procurator of the King feared to displease these guardians, and would not [Page 269] even permit the Jesuits to remain at the house of one of their confrères, — who, being curé of the place, had his private lodging near the parish church; they did not put the seal thereon, because there was nothing there to seize. The missionaries, driven from their own house, found quarters as best they could. The superior, sixty-seven years old, departed on foot to find a lodging, a long league away, with a confrère of his, a missionary to the savages; and the French who met him on this journey groaned to see persecution begin with him.
As soon as the savages learned that he had arrived among them, they came to show to him and to Father Meurin, his associate, the share which they took in the distress of their Fathers; the news of their condemnation had already caused many tears to be shed in the village. They were asked why they were thus treated, especially in a country where so many disorders had been so long allowed. The old missionary, after several repeated interrogations, finally replied: Arechi Kiécouègane tchichi ki canta manghi, — It is became we sternly condemn their follies. They comprehended the meaning of this answer, — indeed, they knew that the Jesuits, in whatever place they may be established, consider themselves bound by their profession to combat vice; and that, in fighting it, they make enemies for themselves.
The Christian savages proposed then to send their chief men to Monsieur Neyon, commandant, and to Monsieur Bobé subdeputy-commissary of the country, to ask that at least Father Meurin, their missionary, be kept in his mission. The two Jesuits told them plainly to do nothing of the kind, because this proceeding would be scoffed at and ineffectual, [Page 271] as having been suggested. They wished, then, to ask that at least the chapel and the house of the missionary be preserved, in order that the best instructed person among them might assemble the children and repeat the prayers to them; and that every Sunday and feast-day he might summon those who prayed, — that is to say, the Christians, — by the ringing of the bell, to fulfill as well as possible the duties of religion. They did, in fact, make such a request, and obtained what they asked.
Meanwhile, the Procurator of the King relaxed a little in his severity. About the same time he received in a single day four letters from Monsieur Bobé, the commissary, who begged him to moderate his zeal, and allowed the Jesuits to live together with their brethren, the curés of the French. They were closely crowded there, in a house that was built for only one man. Their rooms had been opened, in order that each one might be able to take out his mattress and blankets, which they spread upon the floor in the house of the curé. This way of taking their rest, which lasted nearly a month, prepared them for the voyage which they were soon to make upon the Mississipi, for upon the banks of that river one encamps in hardly other fashion. The Jesuits were also permitted to take their clothes and their books, which the decree had left to them. At last, the support of these Fathers was provided for until the time when they should embark to go down to New Orleans. The greater part of the food that was found in their house, was given up to them, and this provision was, in fact, sufficient for the rest of the time that they passed in Illinois.
Finally, it came to making the inventory; time [Page 273] was necessary to collect and put in order the furniture of a large house, the chattels of an important estate, and the cattle scattered in the fields and woods. Besides, there was reason for not hurrying too much; the longer the delays the better they paid those who were employed in that task.
During this long execution, the people of the country were reasoning upon what was taking place before their eyes. The news of the condemnation of the Jesuits had made the savages groan; it threw most of the French people into consternation, and was regarded as a public calamity. Parishioners justly attached to their pastor saw themselves upon the point of losing him, without even a thought being given to providing a successor to him. There was no delay in presenting, in the name of nearly all the habitants, a petition addressed to the commandant and the commissary of the country, in order to secure the retention of at least Father Aubert, the curé of French Cascakias; and as the answer seemed to be deferred too long a time, a little while afterward a second petition was sent. While waiting for an answer to this, the more intelligent of the habitants asked by what right the government had taken possession of the property of the Jesuits; and what power it had over their persons in a country ceded by the treaty of peace to the crown of England. It was also asked by what reason the Jesuits were excepted from the privilege, granted without distinction to all the habitants of Illinois, of having eighteen months to choose either to remain in this country, or to go elsewhere. Above all, they were indignant at the seizure made of the sacred vessels of a chapel belonging to the Hurons [Page 275] of Detroit, which Father Salleneuve, missionary to that nation, had brought to the Illinois country when he had taken refuge there, two and a half years before. There was another cause for astonishment: this Father, who had come from Detroit, and Father de la Morinie, from the post of Saint Joseph, did not belong to Louisiana, but to Canada; it was extreme want that had obliged them to withdraw to the country of the Illinois, and they had remained there only for lack of the necessary opportunities to return to their posts. Father Salleneuve had no work in the Illinois mission, and Father de la Morinie had only taken charge of the church of Sainte Geneviève through the motive of a zeal that refuses itself to nothing; it was plain that the council of New Orleans ought to have neither known nor thought of them. But those who had the authority in Illinois did not think thus, and the Jesuits submitted to every interpretation that the officials chose to give to the decree; they did not attempt, they did not say anything for their defense. What could they have done? Protest against the decree and its execution? The notary who would have had to receive their protest was interested in their destruction; he acted as registrar in the execution of the decree; and he did not even keep within the bounds of decorum. Would they have given public notice of their protest? They would assuredly have been treated as people revolting against public authority; they would have been seized, and perhaps placed in irons, as malefactors; orders had been given on that point. In fine, the Jesuits’ only care was to carry out the order given them by their superior at New Orleans, or rather to yield to the [Page 277] request which he had made them, in the name of Jesus Christ, to submit to everything, and all to proceed to that town, without regard to any reason which might seem to excuse them from doing so. They remembered that they were disciples of the divine Master who had yielded to him who judged him unjustly, and, as the lamb before his shearer, did not open his mouth. Perhaps, at least for this time, no one was displeased with them for having practiced blind obedience!
They did more: fearing that the requests presented by the habitants might arouse against them the suspicion of an intrigue and of instigating revolt, they wrote to Monsieur the Commandant and to Monsieur the Commissary, urging them not to have any regard to the representations that were being made to them, and to hasten the departure ordered by the decree. But those gentlemen paid less attention to this letter than to the danger of a riot with which they were threatened; and they ordered that Father Aubert, the curé of Cascakias, should remain until the council of New Orleans should decide his case.
Meanwhile, the auction was finished; the house, the furniture, the cattle, the lands, had been sold; the slaves were to be taken to New Orleans, to be sold there for the benefit of the king; and the chapel was to be razed by the man to whom the house had been adjudged. The Jesuits were then permitted to reënter their former home, the use of which was, by a clause inserted in the bill of sale, reserved to them until their embarkation. They found it well cleared; nothing was left except the bedsteads and the straw mattresses; and, in order to lodge there [Page 279] they were obliged to borrow from their friends each a chair and a little table. They found their chapel in a still more melancholy condition: after the sacred vessels and the pictures had been taken away, the shelves of the altar had been thrown down; the linings of the ornaments had been given to negresses decried for their evil lives; and a large crucifix, which had stood above the altar, and the chandeliers, were found placed above a cupboard in a house whose reputation was not good. To see the marks of spoliation in the Chapel, one might have thought that it was the enemies of the Catholic religion who had caused it.
It was at that time that the Jesuits of Illinois saw their associate, Father de Vernay, arrive; he came from the post of Saint Ange, seventy or eighty leagues distant. The order to carry out the decree in regard to him had been sent there also; this order was so exactly followed that from the seizure and sale of his possessions they did not except a little supply of hazelnuts which was found in his house. Meanwhile, Father de Vernay had had the fever for six months; it remained with him until his arrival in France, six months later. This was no reason for deferring his departure; the order to leave had been given, and how would he have remained in a house stripped of furniture and provisions? He set out on his way; it was then the month of November; he had to travel across very wet woods and prairies, exposed to the cold and rain. It was in this condition that Father de Vernay came to join the band of banished missionaries, who were awaiting their embarkation. It was for their advantage that this embarkation was not too long deferred; they had [Page 281] reason to fear the ice, which from the end of November is sometimes found in abundance upon the Mississipi, upon which they were to embark. These pieces of ice, if they happened to crowd together, could soon crush the boat that became surrounded by them; at least they could stop it, and reduce the travelers to a great scarcity of provisions. Finally the day set for the embarkation came; it was the 24th of November. The baggage of the Jesuits did not greatly embarrass the vessel in which they had taken passage; they had only their beds and their clothes in small quantities, with some provisions which they had saved for the voyage; this food served not only for them, but for forty-eight negroes embarked with them. These slaves, who keenly felt the scarcity prevalent throughout the colony, no longer belonged to the Jesuits, having been confiscated for the benefit of the King. But their former masters always preserved the same care in regard to them, and shared quite willingly with these wretches the provisions which they had saved. This charity was then very necessary; the supply of food that had been shipped by the order of the King was very moderate; it had been given as if for a journey of fifteen or twenty days, but, at that season, the journey ought, from the experience of many years, to have been estimated as lasting forty or forty-five days. Fortunately, Monsieur de Volsey, officer of the troops, himself provided for what was lacking; he was in another boat with about twenty Englishmen, whom the savages, who had revolted against them, had captured some months before, and whom they had taken to the Illinois country in order to deliver them to the French. The commandant [Page 283] of fort Chartres then sent them to New Orleans; they all were People with good appetites. Monsieur de Volsey — who, in the capacity of commandant, directed the journey — was careful, every evening after landing, to go into the woods to hunt. The trouble. that he took was not fruitless; accompanied by some other hunters, he killed some bears and wild cattle which supplemented the too moderate provisions.
Monsieur de Volsey had another care. In this winter season, considerable time was necessary to embark and disembark so great a number of slaves, — old men, women, and children; in the evening, upon leaving the boat, they had to climb up the banks of the river, which were high, steep, and slippery, in danger of falling into the Mississipi and drowning there. After having gained the top of the bank, they had to go into the woods with which this river is everywhere bordered, to seek a suitable place in which to encamp; often they did not find one until after they had cleared such a place, all bristling with thickets, brambles, and squine. It was necessary also to provide a stock of wood sufficient to light and keep up seven or eight great fires during the night : finally, they had to work to protect themselves from the cold by putting up tents, which were very necessary in the most severe season of the year. The Jesuits, very opportunely, had provided themselves with some tents, for themselves and for their slaves, — in the seizure of their furniture, they had heen permitted to take this precaution; Monsieur de Volsey, too, always had the kindness to grant the time that was necessary for all these proceedings.
The voyage, which might have been very long, [Page 285] lasted only twenty-seven days, because the weather was not so bad as it usually is at that season. The Jesuits found means to say mass every Sunday and every feast-day. In this journey, which covers about four hundred leagues, one finds only two posts established, — that of Arkansas and that of Pointe Coupée; for the post of the Germans, which is too near the town, is not reckoned here. Passing to Arkansas, a village about one hundred and fifty leagues from Illinois, Monsieur Labaret d’Estrépy, commandant of that post, gave the Jesuits a gracious and honorable welcome; and at Pointe Coupée, Monsieur d’Esmazilières, the captain commanding that post, treated them in the same way. But, above all, Reverend Father Irénée, a Capuchin, who at the same place has charge of a parish of twelve or thirteen leagues in extent, did for their reception all that he could have done for the dearest of his brethren. Finally, at seven or eight leagues from New Orleans, they reached the estate of Monsieur de Maccarty, former lieutenant of the King in that City, who by his kind attentions recalled to their remembrance the benevolence he had always shown at Illinois, where he had been major-commandant- general. After they arrived in the town, he gave them several other tokens of his friendship.
But, on departing from that estate, they found themselves in great perplexity. They saw that they were about to enter New Orleans, and they’ did not know where they could lodge; they were unable to enter their old house, knowing well that it was sold and occupied by other masters; and they no longer dared to Count upon their old acquaintances. The Providence of God made provision for this need [Page 287] Monsieur Foucaut, controller of the navy, who had command at New Orleans during the absence of Monsieur the commissary-controller, had learned through Monsieur de Volsey the embarrassment of the Jesuits. He had them come to the government house, where he lived, and directed them to the lodging that he had procured for them at the house of Monsieur le Sassier, assessor of the council. They went thither, and were treated with much courtesy; this Gentleman even invited them to stay with him until their departure for France.
Meanwhile, the Reverend Capuchin Fathers, hearing of the arrival of the Jesuits, had come at six o’clock in the evening (it was the 21st of December) to the landing-place, to manifest to them the interest that they took in their misfortune, and their intention of rendering them all the kind offices that they could. This was to the Jesuits an urgent motive to go, the next morning, to thank these Fathers, who received them with all the demonstrations by which charity can make itself known. They begged them not to take their meals anywhere else but with them. The Capuchin Fathers could not lodge them in the house where they were; they had rented it, and they themselves were not all lodged there. But the Jesuits took a neighboring house, accepting with great joy the invitation that had been given to them; and, during the six weeks which elapsed before they embarked, there were no marks of friendship which they did not receive from these Reverend Fathers. Touched by deep gratitude, they wished to show it in some manner, and found means for doing so. Their books at New Orleans had been spared to them by provision of the decree issued against them; [Page 289] these formed a little library, valuable in a country newly established, and they prayed the Capuchin Fathers to accept it.
Still other persons of the town, even more distinguished, gave the Jesuits proofs of friendship, which, on this occasion, were not suspected. Monsieur the Procurator-general honored them with a visit, and assured them of the pain that he experienced in discharging toward them a disagreeable duty. A little before their departure, Monsieur d’Albadie, commissary-controller, delivered to them a letter which he had written in their favor to Monsieur the duke de Choiseul, secretary of State for the marine, and which they were to present in person. In this. letter he asked, for each one of them, a pension; and, before closing it, he had it read to one of them; in this letter he gave evidence favorable to their conduct.
However, the Jesuits perceived that their departure was desired. The season was disagreeable, it being still the month of January, the time for rough seas. But an entirely new and well-built ship presented itself; it was La Minerve, of Bayonne, commanded by Monsieur Balanquet, a famous ship-owner in the last war, and very much esteemed for his integrity. These reasons determined the Jesuits to embark upon this ship. There were two, however, out of their band of six, who parted from them. Father de la Morinie, remembering that he had suffered upon the sea every evil that can be felt there, almost to death itself, postponed his departure until spring, when the sea would be calmer; and Father Meurin asked the Gentlemen of the Council for permission to return to the Illinois. This was a brave resolution, [Page 291] after the sale of all the property of the Jesuits: he could not Count upon any fund for his subsistence, the French were under no obligation to him, and the savages have more need of receiving than means for giving; furthermore, the health of this Father was very poor, as it had always been during the twenty- one years which he had spent in Louisiana. But he knew in what danger the Illinois neophytes were of soon forgetting religion if they remained long without missionaries; he therefore counted as nothing all the other inconveniences, provided he could resume the duties of his mission. His request was granted, and a promise was given to him that a pension of six hundred livres would be asked for him at the court. The four other Jesuits who embarked on the 6th of February had the pleasure of finding themselves in the company of Monsieur the abbé Forget du Verger, of the Missions Étrangères, who came also from the Illinois country, where he was vicar-general for the episcopate of Quebec. During a ten years’ sojourn in this country, he had given to the Jesuits a thousand marks of his friendship, and his company aided them much in bearing the trials of the voyage. They had quite favorable weather until they neared the Bahama channel, but it was necessary to pass the famous reef of the martyr’s Island. The captain, who was very vigilant, did all that he could to avoid it. For nearly twelve hours he steered to the east; and yet, in spite of this precaution, the ship, borne on by the current, was found toward midnight to be upon the rocks which border the Martyr. The shock experienced when the ship struck was terrible; a craft less strong would have been shattered, or at least its seams would have opened [Page 293] La Minerve did not take in an inch of water more than usual. The people had recourse to prayer, and many vows were made. At sunrise, we were already at a little distance from the rocks; all day we beat from one Shore to the other, and in the evening we had forty-five brasses of water, and soon afterward could no longer find bottom. Our people took breath, and the next day we sang the Te Deum as an act of thanksgiving. All the rest of the voyage was quite calm, except the day and night of the 6th of March on the eve of which Saint Elmo’s fire had announced bad weather; the tempest was violent and extended so far that at Bayonne, a thousand leagues distant from the ship, it was equally felt.
Finally, on the 6th of April, La Minerve entered the roadstead of Saint Sebastian, in Spain, because the weather did not permit her to proceed to the Bar of Bayonne. The Jesuits of the college at Saint Sebastian received the French missionaries with the kindness that one naturally feels toward strangers, especially when one sees them unjustly persecuted. These Fathers were greatly astonished that persecution had gone into the midst of North America in search of missionaries who were there only to convert unbelievers and to maintain the French in the practice of religion and piety. Another cause of astonishment for them was what bas already been mentioned, “What claims could France have upon subjects ceded to the crown of England by the treaty of peace?” To this astonishment of the Spanish Fathers succeeded, in turn, the surprise of the recently- arrived Jesuits. They had been sent to France, and they saw their brethren of France, banished from the kingdom, now coming to Spain; but they [Page 295] were informed of the decrees of the parliament of Paris, and of others, which had ordered this exile against those who would not consent to become apostates by abjuring the institute. They saw, two days afterward, the arrival of Father Nektous, the last provincial of the Jesuits of Guyenne. This was for them a new embarrassment; how present themselves at the frontiers of France, when their brethren were being driven thence? They reassured themselves, however, and remembered that they were the bearers of a letter addressed to Monsieur the duke de Choiseul, and that they were to present it themselves. They resolved, therefore, to cross the Pyrenees, and at Saint Jean de Luz they found three Jesuits who were making their way to Spain. The two eldest were nearly eighty years of age; the third, who was Young, was charged with conducting the two old men across the mountains. Their calmness and cheerfulness were for the missionaries of America an incentive which encouraged them to continue the new journey which they had undertaken. They reached Bayonne on the eve of Palm Sunday; they there found various bands of their fugitive brethren, who were seeking refuge in Spain; all were welcomed with the greatest kindness by Monseigneur the bishop of Bayonne. This prelate did them the honor of giving them, on the day of Holy Thursday in the cathedral, the communion with his own hand, after Messieurs the Canons of that Church; and on the next day he received twelve of them at his own table. He has given them since then, various other proofs of his kindness. The Jesuits received such tokens also from many other persons, but especially from Monsieur the baron [Page 297] d’Oriol, during their sojourn at Bayonne, which lasted two weeks. This Gentleman hardly left them at all, and rendered them all the kind offices that they could have expected from a most zealous member of their own order. On leaving Bayonne, the Jesuits of Louisiana obtained a passport from Monsieur the marquis d’Amou, commandant in that town; this is a precaution which strangers are obliged to use, in order to enter the kingdom and to travel there with safety. The Jesuits regarded themselves henceforth as strangers in France, and they wished to protect themselves from any bad treatment that might befall them. At Bordeaux they found also a great number of their brethren, who were uncertain of their fate, and who feared that the parliament of that town would follow the example that the parliament of the Capital had just set; they mutually consoled one another over their adventures.
Until then, the four Jesuits of Louisiana had journeyed together; upon leaving that town they separated, and each proceeded to the province whither his private affairs led him. Two joined each other again at Paris. Upon their different routes they still found many persons who gave them proofs of friendship, especially at Orleans, — where, as had happened at Bordeaux, the Reverend Carthusian Fathers renewed toward them the evidences of attachment which at all times their holy order has shown toward the Jesuits.
But everywhere the same surprise was expressed that the cession made to the English had not protected the Jesuits. People were still more astonished at their calmness in regard to past events, and to the troubles that they had to fear for the future. It is [Page 299] true, they realized the difficulty of finding places of refuge suitable for them, and, at the same time, the means of subsistence; but they put their confidence in the Providence of God, who, up to that time, had not abandoned them; and they were inwardly persuaded that, when the help of man fails, it is then that the beneficent hand of the Lord makes itself better felt.
Finally, having arrived at Paris, they received, although they were not known there, the same tokens of friendship that had been shown them throughout their journey. Persons of different conditions, even the most distinguished, at all times attached to the Jesuits, signalized themselves on this occasion by new proofs of their kindness. After a time, they all repaired to Versailles, to present to Monsieur the duke de Choiseul the letter entrusted to them; but, as the day appointed for his first audience was still very distant, they had this letter delivered in the ordinary way, and withdrew to the places where they hoped to receive the assistance that justice demanded for them.
I believe, Monsieur, that I have exactly fulfilled the promise that I made you at the beginning of this letter, not to deviate from the truth; nor do I think, besides, that there is anything herein at which any one has the right to be offended; you may, therefore, communicate it to all those who shall desire to see it.
I have the honor to be, etc.
Paris, September 3, 1764. [Page 301]
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA : VOL. LXX
For bibliographical particulars of this account-book of the Huron mission upon Detroit River, see Vol. LXIX.
Same reference as for data upon Doc. CCXVII., also in our Vol. LXIX.
This is a letter by Pierre Joseph Antoine Roubaud, Jesuit missionary to the Abenakis, giving an account of the French-Indian campaign against Fort William Henry. It was published anonymously in Lettres édifiantes, t. vi., pp. 189-253, from which we reprint; but Sommervogel and other authorities agree in attributing the document to Roubaud, as above stated.
We obtain this brief account, by titienne .de Villeneuve, of the wanderiags of the Huron converts until their establishment at Jeune Lorette, from L’Abeille for January 23, 1879 (vol. xii., p. 76).
The report to the Propaganda, undoubtedly written by François Philibert Watrin, upon the expulsion of the Jesuits from Louisiana, was first printed in the [Page 303] following work, from which our publication is made:
Bannissement | des Jesuites | de la Louisiane | Relation et Lettres inédites | publiés | Par le P. Auguste Carayon | de la Compagnie de Jésus. | [Printer’s ornament.] | Paris | L’ficureux, Libraire, | rue des Grands-Augustins, 3 | 1865.
An abridgment of the memoir, translated into English by the Rev. D. Lynch, S. J,, of St. Louis, with notes by Oscar W. Collet, of that City, was published in the Magazine of Western History, vol, i., pp. 263-269. Another, and inferior, English translation appeared in the American Catholic Historical Researches, vol. xvii., pp. 89-92.
The original Latin MS. of this abridgment was discovered in the archives of the Propaganda, at Rome, by the Rev. H. Van der Sanden, chancellor of the archdiocese of St. Louis. In the same archives also rests the Latin MS. of the complete document as published by us from Carayon’s edition, above cited. [Page 304]
NOTES TO VOL. LXX
(F@re~ in &wentkeses, fdlowing zumbar of note, vef8.v to dages
of Englisk text.)
...FACSIMILE OF HANDWRITING OF PIERRE POTIER, S.J.'
1 From a MS. sermon, dated July 2. 1746, preserved in the archires of St. Mnry’s College, Montreal. 1...
 (p. 21). — Jacques Godfroy (Godefroy) de (or dit) Marbœuf, was born at Three Rivers in 1684; in 1710 he formed a partnership with Paul Chevalier and Joseph Senécal (Burton’s Cadillac’s Village, p. 27; but Tanguay makes him Adrien Senécal), for trading at Detroit. In 1716 he married Marie Anne Chesne, by whom he had ten children; he died in November, 1730. His eldest son, Jacques (born in 1722), was also a fur trader; he was proficient in several Indian tongues, and acted as Indian interpreter for many years, acquiring great influence over the savages who resorted to Detroit, as well as among the French habitants. In 1764, he was arrested on suspicion of treason, as a supposed sympathiser with Pontiac, but was afterward released. In 1758, he married Louise Clotilde, daughter of Dr. Chapoton (vol. lxix., note 71), by whom he had three children; he died in 1795.
One of Cadillac’s colonists (1706) was Joseph Parant (Parent) of Beauport, Que. Another of this name, Laurent Parant, of Montreal (born 1703), married at Detroit Marie Dauzet (1731) and Jeanne Cardinal (1 734); by the latter he had eleven children. The time of his death is not recorded, but it was not earlier than 1760. One Pierre Parant, a voyageur and trader, was married at Detroit (1765) to Jeanne Casse; he died before 1771. Albert Parant was buried at Detroit, Sept. 9, 1750, having been “killed by a gunshot at Miami River” (Tanguay); he is probably the one mentioned in the text as “Parant of les Miamis.” The carpenter of that name can hardly be identified from the data given by Tanguay; but Elliott thinks (U. S. Cath. Hist. Rev., vol. iv., p. 443) that this man was Charles Parant, “proprietor of a water-mill, where Parant’s river crossed Jefferson Avenue.” The other Parant, he thinks, was Pierre, “who had a windmill near the Miami village;” but he cites no authority for this opinion.
Alexis Trotier dit Desruisseaux (born in 1688) came to Detroit in 1708, where he became a prominent merchant. In 1735, he married Marie Louise Roy, who died within the year. In December, 1739, [Page 305] he married Catherine Godfroy, by whom he had four children; his death occurred in 1769.
 (p. 21). — Jean Casse dit St. Aubin, a corporal in the French troops, came to Detroit in 1707, directly after his marriage to Marie Louise Gautier; they had ten children. He died in 1759, aged 100 years. His son Charles is the Charlot mentioned in our text.
 (p. 23). — “It would appear from the above, and other entries in the manuscript of a similar nature, that Father de la Richardie has purchased and sold ‘houses at the fort;’ which means buildings within the inclosure of the palisades of Fort Pontchartrain. . . .It is probable they may have been provided for business purposes, such as for the storage and inspection of furs prior to their shipment to Montreal, and to enable the Hurons to make their exchanges on that side of the straits.” (Elliott’s note, in U. S. Cath. Hist. Mag., vol. iv., p. 299.)
 (p. 25). — “The ‘convoy’ . . . was the great event of the year in colonial life at Detroit. It was the annual shipment from Montreal of the year’s supplies, of the government’s stores and money, and of the consignments of the factors and merchants at Montreal, Three Rivers, and Quebec to their correspondents at Detroit. . . . It was a fleet of trading canoes and batteaux with armed protection, and arrived during the month of September.” (Elliott, ut supra, p. 159.)
The statement in this paragraph of the text, and other allusions, indicate that Potier copied these accounts from another book — probably a sort of day-book kept by his superior, La Richardie.
 (p. 27). — By Francheville is apparently meant François Xavier Godet, youngest brother of Jacques Godet (vol. lxix., note 77), born 1723. At the age of thirty-two, he married Angélique Rivard, by whom he had two children. The date of his death is not recorded.
Pierre Perthuis (born 1686), son of the Montreal merchant of that name, came to Detroit about 1719; by his wife, Catherine Malet, he had eleven children. The time of his death is not known.
 (p. 29). — Bonaventure Compain dit L’Espérance, a French soldier, came to Detroit in 1706 or 1707. By his first wife, Marie Catherine Badaillac (according to Tanguay; but Burton says Laplante), he had a son Pierre (born 1710), who is the one mentioned in the text; by his second, Catherine Poupard, a son Charles (born 1716).
François Bienvenu dit Delisle was one of Cadillac’s colonists; he died in September, 1751, leaving at Detroit a large family. The reference in the text is probably to his eldest son, Alexis, born 1701. In 1740, he married Elizabeth Bouron, by whom he had six children. he died in 1763. [Page 306]
Pierre Boyer, born in 1707, was married at Detroit (1744) to Marie Anne Louise Pepin, by whom he had eleven children; he died in 1765.
Jean Barthe dit Belleville came to Detroit in 1706, and soon afterward brought his wife, Charlotte Chaudillon, by whom he had four children. André Charles (son of Théophile Barthe, an armorer at Montreal), married at Detroit (1747) Marie Thérèse Campeau; and Pierre (said to be a brother of André) married Charlotte Chapoton in 1700. These brothers were wealthy fur traders, operating at Mackinac and on the Miami River.
Paul Dumouchel, of Montreal, came to Detroit in 1708; he was twice married, but died in 1780, leaving no issue.
Claude Gouin, born in 1710, settled at Detroit, where he married (1742) Marie Joseph Cuillerier, by whom he had thirteen children. Under the French régime, he served as royal surveyor of lands. His death occurred in 1776.
 (p. 31). — Claude Charles Morand, of Quebec (born 1722), married at Detroit (1751) Marie Anne Belleperche, by whom he had ten children. He was assassinated in 1775. Another Charles Morand (dit Grimard) settled at Detroit, where he married (1767) Marguerite Simard; she died four years later, and Charles in 1785.
Antoine Mesny(Mini). from Laprairie, Que., was married at Detroit (1742) to Jeanne Seguin-Laderoute, by whom he had fourteen children; he died in 1794.
 (p. 33). — Charles Chauvin, born at Quebec in 1702, settled at Detroit, where he married (1726) Marie Anne Casse, by whom he had eleven children; he died in 1772.
 (p. 35). — Pierre Menard dit Carignan, born at Boucherville in 1728, at the age of thirty married Geneviève Sicard, by whom he had seven children. The date of his death is not recorded.
“Pierrot la Bute” refers to Pierre, eldest son of Pierre Chesne (vol. Ixix,, note 77), both dit La Butte. The younger Pierre married (1750) Marie Anne Cuillerier, by whom he had seven children. The date of his death is not recorded.
 (p. 39). — “It would appear from the two foregoing transactions that the balance of trade, contrary to what might be supposed, was against Montreal, when drafts on the latter City were negotiated at Detroit, at a discount of 30 per cent” (Elliott, ut Supra, p. 310).
Henri Catin (born in France, 1653) was married at Montreal (1679) to Jeanne Brossard, by whom he had thirteen children; he died in 1720. His younger son, Henri, is the creditor mentioned in our text; he died at Detroit in June, 1749. The elder son, Henri Nicolas (born in 1697), was a voyageur and trader; in 1732, he married Anne [Page 307] Chauvin, by whom he had six children. This family resided at Montreal.
 (p. 41). — Guillaume Laforest (born 1725). belonging to a family of Baie St. Paul, Que., married there (1746) Marie Marguerite Tremblay, and in 1749 removed his family to Detroit. He had twelve children by this wife, and four more by a second marriage. The time of his death is not known, but it was not earlier than 1776.
Begarding the blankets here mentioned, Elliott says (ut supra, p. 312): “Blankets marked with ‘points’ were formerly manufactured in Europe especially for the northwestern American trade, and during the present Century were distinguished commercially as ‘Mackinac blankets.’ They were made of good honest wool, half-inch thick, with two black stripes at each end. The size was marked by a black line four inches long and about half an inch wide, woven in a corner of the blanket. The sizes were 2½, 3, 3½, and 4 ‘points,’ and indicated by these black lines. The 3½-point blanket would make an ordinary overcoat; but the 4-point was generally used, as from it could be made the capot of the habitant, with the capuchon, which protects the neck, head, and face in severe weather.”
 (p. 43). — Zacharie Chiquot (Chicot, Cicotte), of Boucherville, Que., born in 1708, settled at Detroit, where he married (1736) Marie Angélique Godefroy, by whom he had ten children. He was a prominent merchant of that colony, and died there in 1775.
Jean Leduc, of Montreal (born 1684) married there (1721) Marie Catherine Descary, by whom he had nine children. The date of his death is not recorded.
 (p. 45). — At the time of this document there were at Detroit two brothers named Pilet, belonging to a Boucherville family. Jacques (born 1703) had at the age of twenty-one married Marguerite Viau, by whom he had eight children; it is not known when he brought his family to Detroit; he died there in 1765. Jean Baptiste, six years younger, married at the same place Anne Provost, in 1738; he died in 1762. Joseph, a son of Jacques, born in 1726, was married at Detroit (1752) to Jeanne Belleperche, by whom he had six children; he died but a few months before his father.
Augustin Gibaut, born in 1723, died at Detroit, at the age of forty years, leaving no issue.
 (p. 43). — Jacob de Marsac, born at Poitiers in 1667, was an officer of the French troops, and came to Detroit with Cadillac, afterward becoming a merchant there. By his wife, Thérèse David, he had three children. Reference is made in the text to the youngest of these, François (born 1706); he was married in 1734 to Thérèse Cécile Campeau, by whom he had nine children, and died in 1777. [Page 308]
 (p. 47). — The Raymond here mentioned is the same whom Céloron found at Fort Miami. He was a French offrcer of ability, and his name occurs in connection with several milltary enterprises of the period.
Laframboise is a sobriquet applied to various persons of digerent families, and as used here cannot be identified. A remarkable woman of this name — Madeline, widow of François — was a licensed trader, operating (1809-21) for the American Fur Company on Grand River, Michigan. Alexander, a brother of François, had a trading post at Milwaukee as early as 1785. — See Wis. Hist. Colls., Vol. Xi.. pp. 239, 373.
 (p. 55). — Bas jaunes (“yellow stockings”): probably a local nickname. — Crawford Lindsay.
 (p. 55). — De Quindre is simply the appellation of Louis Césaire Dagneau (vol. lxix., note 68).
 (p. 65). — Louis Villers dit St. Louis, a native of Lorraine (born 1708), was an ensign in the French troops at Detroit. He married there (1746) Madeleine Morin, by whom he had seven children; his death occurred in 1765. It is said that he was called St. Louis on account of his great piety. Pierre Durand dit Montmirel, a native of Champagne (born 1706), settled at Detroit, where he married (1750) Catherine Guignon, by whom he had three children; he died in 1792.
François Leduc dit Persil was born at Montreal in 1727; he married at Detroit (1754) Marie Angélique Fauvel. by whom he had four children.
 (p. 67). — Regarding the location of the mission and of the Huron village, see vol. lxix., notes 48, 66. See also, for sketches of Detroit early habitants, notes 66-78 of same volume; and note 73 for citations regarding St. Anne’s church at Detroit. C. M. Burton, of that City, writes to the Editor (Aug. 13, 1900): “The records of St. Anne commenced in 1701, and I have made a complete copy from that date until about 1845. These are entirely in French and Latin, except a few entries in English. The records of the Church of the Assumption (the Jesuit church at Sandwich, on the Canadian side of the river) commenced about 1750, and my copy is complete to date. These copies include, in both cases, not only the records of births, deaths, and marriages, but also those of the commercial and business transactions, during the entire period. My copies were first substantially bound and then carefully indexed, and now comprise twenty large volumes, very closely written.” Mr. Burton also possesses large collections of transcripts (from Paris and Montreal archives) of documents relating to Detroit; and some 300 volumes of private [Page 309] correspondence and other papers (extending back to 1760), written by men prominent in the early history of that City.
 (p. 81). — Jean Baptiste de la Brosse, a native of Poitou, was born Feb. 29, 1724, and entered the Jesuit novitiate at the age of sixteen. In September, 1754, he came to Canada, where he was for some time occupied as curé in various parishes; he was finally sent (in the summer of 1760) to the Tadoussac mission, where and in Gaspé he spent the rest of his life-dying at Tadoussac, April 11, 1782. During these labors he composed a Montagnais dictionary, and translated the gospels into that language; the latter work he taught his savage pupils to copy, as he could not have it printed. He was the last Jesuit missionary in the Saguenay region.
 (p. 85). — Jean Baptiste de Salleneuve came to Canada in 1743, at the age of thirty-five years, and was assigned to the Huron mission near Detroit. He remained there until March, 1761, when the disturbances arising between the Indian tribes of the region, the English, and the French, compelled him to take refuge in Illinois. Salleneuve assisted the Fathers in that mission, especially at Ste. Geneviève, until the expulsion of the order in 1763, — returning to France early in 1764.
 (p. 87). — Jean Baptiste de la Morinie, born at Périgueux, France, Dec. 24, 1705, became a Jesuit novice at the age of eighteen; and in 1736 came to Canada. His name appears in the records of St. Anne’s church, at Detroit, from Nov. 1, 1738, to April 13, 1739; and in those of the Michillimackinac parish from 1741 to 1752. He was later in charge of the Miami mission, from which he was, like Salleneuve, compelled to flee (in 1760 or 1761); he went thence to Illinois, and ministered in French villages, especially at Ste. Geneviéve. With his brethren who were expelled from Louisiana, he returned to France in 1764.
 (p. 87). — The Hurons referred to in this paragraph are those of the Lorette mission.
 (p. 89). — Sébastien Louis Menrin, a native of Champagne, was born in 1707, and entered the Jesuit novitiate in 1729. He came to Canada in 1741, and was sent in the following year to the Illinois mission, where he labored among the savages, mainly at Kaskaskia, until the expulsion in 1763. He alone of the Jesuits obtained permission to remain in the country; he accordingly returned to Illinois, becoming curé of the French parish at Cahokia. He also officiated occasionally at St. Louis, up to 1768. Meurin was appointed vicar-general in the West by Bishop Briand; but as he himself explains (in doc. ccxxxii., post) he was for a long time unable to exercise vicarial powers, and was practically restricted to the curacy of the French [Page 310] parishes in that region. He died at Prairie du Rocher (in the present Randolph county, Illinois), Aug. 13, 1777.
 (p. 91). — The letter here reproduced from Lettres édifiantes was written by Pierre Joseph Antoine Roubaud. He was born at Avignon, May 28, 1724, and at the age of fifteen became a Jesuit novice. In 1756 he came to Canada, and was sent to the Abenaki missions. After the conquest of Canada, he became a supporter of English interests, and was later sent to England, to give the ministry information about American affairs. There he renounced his religious faith, married, and became a political agent of the English government. The Hist. Mag., 2nd ser., vol. viii. (1870), pp. 282-291, publishes, with a prefatory note by J. G. Shea, a curious document written by Roubaud (dated Feb. 24, 1781) to Lord North — a memorial entitled Mr. Roubaud’s deplorable case; it recounts his services to the English government, and asks for pensions for himself and wife, as both are in broken health. Sommervogel says of his career after leaving Canada: “But he never became an apostate; having retrieved his errors, he found refuge at St. Sulpice in Paris, where he died after 1781.” Sir Guy Carleton, writing from Quebec in 1768, says of Roubaud: “Here he is very generally disliked and despised by all sorts of men, both old and new subjects; some that knew him particularly well, talk of him as a Man of Genius, a fine Imagination and a Masterly Writer, but void of Truth, without one Spark of Honour, or of Honesty” (Amer. Cath. Hist. Researches, vol. x., p. 41; cf. p. 42). See also Parkman’s Montcalm and Wolfe, vol. i., p. 514.
 (p. 103). — Fort Carillon was built by the Canadian government in 1755, at Ticonderoga, in order to command the outlet of Lake George. Its name was changed, within the year, to Fort Vaudreuil, in honor of the Canadian governor. It was the first fortification built at that point — a different structure from that later known as Fort Ticonderoga.
 (p. 105). — Louis Joseph, marquis de Montcalm-Gozon de St. Véran, was born near Nîmes, France, Feb. 29, 1712. At the age of fifteen, he entered the French army, where he fought in Italy, Bohemia, and other countries, winning distinction and promotion. In January, 1756, he was appointed to the command of the French troops in North America, with the rank of major-general; he conducted the war against the British armies there, with varying successes, — capturing Oswego and Fort William Henry, and gaining the battle of Ticonderoga; but losing Louisbourg, Fort Frontenac, and Fort Duquesne, — until 1759. In the summer of that year, an English expedition attacked Quebec, under the command of General [Page 311] James Wolfe; and, after a protracted siege, the campaign was ended by the battle of Quebec (Sept. 13), and the capitulation of the city five days later. Wolfe was killed in this battle, at the moment of victory; and Montcalm, fatally wounded, was carried within the walls, dying on the following morning. A stone column (erected in 1827) to the memory of Wolfe stands on the Plains of Abraham, where the battle was fought. Regarding its location, see Quebec Lit. and Hist. Soc. Trans., 1898-1900; and Doughty’s paper in Canad. Roy. Soc. Proc., 2nd ser., vol. v.. sec. 2, pp. 359-425. — See Parkman’s Montcalm and Wolfe, and Casgrain’s Montcalm and Lévis (Quebec, 1891).
 (p. 105). — Saintout is merely a corruption of St. Ours. Pierre, the founder of this family (born in 1643), was an Officer in the French troops sent to Canada about 1669; he died in 1724. One of his grandsons, Roch de St. Ours, is probably the officer mentioned in our text; he was married at Quebec, in 1745, to Charlotte Deschamps, by whom he had five children. The time of his death is not recorded.
 (p. 119). — Gaston François, chevalier (afterward duke) de Lévis, a native of Languedoc (born 1720), and a distinguished military officer, was appointed second in command under Montcalm, when the latter was sent to Canada. After the capture of Quebec, Lévis attempted to retake the City from the English; but, after a long siege, he was compelled to abandon the enterprise (May 16, 1760). Retreating to Montreal, he held that City until forced by an English army to surrender it, with all New France, on Sept. 8 following; Lévis and his army were sent back to France. For his gallant defense of Canada, he was promoted in military rank; and his subsequent services in the French army brought him distinguished honom. He died at Arras, Nov. 26, 1787.
 (p. 123). — These battles are described in N.Y. Colon. Docs., vol. x., pp. 591 et seq. The name Copperelh is a blunder for Parker, the name of the English commander, This was Colonel John Parker, commanding a regiment from New Jersey.
 (p. 157). — “Moreau” is a Gallicized rendering for Monroe. This was Lieut.-Col. George Monroe, of the 35th regiment of foot; he received a commission as colonel, Jan. 1, 1758, but died a few weeks later.
 (p. 167). — The family of Coulon de Villiers was prominent in Canadian military affairs, and at this time numbered five officers in the troops of the colony. Of the two here mentioned, Louis (born in 1710), a captain, performed many brilliant exploits — among these, taking from the British the post of Grand Pré, Acadia (1747), [Page 312] and Fort Necessity (July 3, 1754). At the latter place, he took George Washington a prisoner. His younger brother, Joseph, sieur de Jumonville, had been killed, but a few weeks before, in an encounter between his troops and Washington’s — a skirmish which was the beginning of the French and Indian War.
 (p. 183). — By “Yonn” is meant Major John Young, of the Royal Americans, afterward lieutenant-colonel of the 60th regiment of foot. Upon the surrender of Quebec, he was appointed judge of police in that City, a post which he filled to the satisfaction of both French and British. He died in November, 1762.
 (p. 191). — Bourg-la-Marque: better known as Bourlamaque (François Charles, chevalier de); a distinguished French officer, third in command under Montcalm. After winning honors in that capacity, in Canada, he was, after the conquest, appointed governor of the island of Guadaloupe, where he died (1764).
 (p. 199). — See accounts of this siege given in N.Y. Colon. Docs., vol. x., in various documents from p. 544 to p. 629.
 (p. 213). — The name of Father Watrin is not mentioned in connection with the authorship of this narrative, but it is inferred from the author’s statement that he had lived “about thirty years in Louisiana.” No one but Watrin could have said this; he went there in August, 1732, and left that region in 1764 — A. E. Jones, S. J.
At the time referred to in the text, a keen hostility to the Jesuit order had arisen in most of the European states, and repressive measures against them had been begun by several governments. In 1750, Don Sebastian Carvalho (later created marquis de Pombal) became prime minister of Portugal; he was an enemy of the Jesuits, and soon laid upon them severe restrictions. An attempt upon the life of the king, Joseph I., was made on Sept. 3, 1758; the Jesuits were accused of complicity therein, and the king ordered (Jan. 19, 1759) the sequestration of all their estates, and (Sept. 3 following) the expulsion of all Jesuits from the kingdom.
In France, the order had many enemies. Their controversies with the Jansenists had aroused violent partisanship on both sides; their great ecclesiastical and political influence had excited the jealousy of other religious orders; Jeanne Poisson, marquise de Pompadour, Louis XV.‘s favorite, was bitterly hostile to them; and it was she whose influence had raised to power the duke de Choiseul (Étienne François, Count de Stainville), who was minister of foreign affairs (most of the time in conjunction with his cousin, César Gabriel de Choiseul, duke de Praslin) from 1759 to 1780. Choiseul was, moreover, opposed to clerical ascendancy — an attitude in which he was supported by the large party of free-thinkers, then so numerous and [Page 313] influential. An incident occurred, early in his ministry, which led to the expulsion of the Jesuits in France. Antoine de Lavalette, procurator-general of the Jesuit missions in the Caribbee Islands, who resided at Martinique, was engagea in extensive commercial operations for the support of the missions. In 1753. he was ordered to go to France, to render account to his superiors and to the government of his conduct in those enterprises. His two years’ absence from his affairs, and the capture (1756) of some of his ships by English cruisers, caused him losses so great that he could not meet his creditors’ claims. Some of these men, merchants of Lyons, held against him protested bills of exchange amounting to 1, 500,000 livres; and he was compelled to go into bankruptcy, with liabilities of three millions. As Lavalette could not pay, the creditors brought suit against the entire order, — the latter having refused to aid Lavalette in his embarrassments, on the ground that the order could not, under its constitution, be responsible for the debts of its several houses, each of these being alone accountable therefor. Judgments against the order were rendered by the courts; the Jesuits appealed from these decisions to the Parliament of Paris, which ordered them to pay Lavalette’s debts, in full, within a year. The Parliament also investigated the constitution of the order, as embodied in the Institutum (vol. ii., note 69), and (Aug. 6, 1761) condemned many publications of the Jesuits during the previous seventy years to be burned by the public executioner. Lavalette was found, by his superiors, guilty of having engaged in trade, contrary to the rules of the Society, and was accordingly expelled from its membership (1762). On April 1, 1762, the Parliament of Paris closed all the Jesuit colleges in its jurisdiction, and defied Louis XV. in his efforts to annul its decrees; and, on Aug. 6 following, decreed the suppression of the order, and the confiscation of its estates. Other provincial parliaments (except at Besançon and Douay, and in Alsace and Lorraine) quickly followed this example; and finally a royal decree (Dec. 1, 1764) ordered the dissolution of the order throughout the king’s dominions — permitting the Jesuits, however, to reside therein as private citizens. It is said that at this time the Jesuits of France numbered four thousand.
All Jesuits residing in Spain or in her colonies were suddenly expelled therefrom, April 1, 1767, and shipped to the Papal States — to the number of 6,000. Naples and other Italian states did likewise; and finally Pope Clement XIV. issued a brief (July 1, 1773) abolishing the Jesuit order throughout the world; according to Daurignac (Clements’s trans., Cincinnati ed., 1865, vol. ii., p. 180), it then contained over 22,000 members. The general of the order, Lorenzo Ricci, was imprisoned in the castle of St. Angelo, where he died [Page 314] (Nov. 24, 1773), at the age of Seventy-two years. Catherine II. of Russia and Frederic II. of Prussia refused to expel the Jesuits from their dominions; elsewhere, they were compelled to live as secular priests only.
The order was restored by Pope Pius VII. (Aug. 7, 1814), and Spain was the first country to which the Jesuits were recalled. They have been, however, expelled at various times since then from most of the continental European states — See Daurignac’s Hist. Soc. Jesus (ut supra), pp. 91-217; “The Jesuits and their Expulsion from Germany,” in Fraser’s Magazine, May, 1873; H. H. Milman’s “ The Jesuits and Clement XIV., in Quarterly Revue, June, 1848; Amer. Cath. Quart. Rev., vol. xiii., pp. 696-706; Ranke’s Hist. of Popes (Bohn’s ed., 1871), vol. ii., pp. 441-452; Sismondi’s Hist. des Français (Brussels, 1847), t. xvii., pp. 153-163; and Guizot’s Pop. Hist. of France (Black’s trans., Boston, 1876), vol. vi., pp. 241-244.
 (p. 215). — D’Albadie is usually, and probably more correctly, written D’Abbadie. The officer of this name who is referred to in our text was appointed (March 16, 1763) by Louis XV. to the command of that portion of Louisiana not included in the recent cession of that province to Great Britain. He superseded Louis Billouart de Kerlérec, who had been governor of Louisiana since February, 1753, having succeeded Pierre Rigaud de Vaudreuil in that post. D’Abbadie landed at New Orleans June 29, 1763, and managed the affairs of the colony as well as he could, with little money and few troops, and in the midst of great financial and social disorders. One of his letters informs the home government that “three-fourths, at least, of the inhabitants are in a state of insolvency.” In October, 1764, D’Abbadie was notified by the king that he had ceded to Spain his remaining possessions in Louisiana; and the commandant was ordered to deliver these to the Spanish authorities, when the latter should require it. Spain did not, however, occupy her new possessions until March 5, 1766. D’Abbadie did not live to see that event; in feeble health, and harassed by the difficulties of his official situation, he expired on Feb. 4, 1765. — See Gayarré’s Louisiana : French Domination, vol. ii., pp. 95-132.
The long war between England and France and Spain was ended by the treaty of Paris (Feb. 10, 1763), by which France surrendered to Great Britain all her possessions on the North American continent, east of the Mississippi; the latter power also acquired, from Spain, the province of Florida, and all Spanish possessions east of the Mississippi.
 (p. 231). — The date 1752, here given, is evidently a typographical error. Guyenne arrived in 1727, and 36 added to that date would give 1763. The date should be that year or 1762. — A. E. Jones, S. J. [Page 315]
Another misprint is apparent in the sentence, “From 1763, he had devoted himself to the Illinois missions;” the date should probably be 1743.
 (p. 233). — Reference is made here probably to the establishment of the parish, and perhaps to the village organisation, of Ste. Geneviève, in what is now the State of Missouri. The first settlers had gone there at an earlier date — most of them being miners, who followed up the explorations of Philippe François Renault. He came to Fort Chartres in 1720, with 200 miners and artisans, and 500 negro slaves. Thence he sent out prospecting parties, who opened the lead mines in the Ste. Geneviève district and elsewhere; the ore was smelted there, and conveyed by pack-horses to Fort Chartres, and thence down the Mississippi in boats. Renault pursued this industry until 1744; he then returned to France, selling his slaves to the colonists.
The general local tradition is that Ste. Geneviéve was settled by the French as early as 1735. The village was built on the river bottom, three miles from its present site; but it was inundated in the great flood of 1785, and the people were drlven for safety to the higher land, where they built the present town. — See Switzler’s Hist. Missouri (St. Louis, 1879), pp. 142, 143; Dunn’s Indiana, p. 258; Billon’s St. Louis, pp. 225, 226.
 (p. 235). — Various dates (from 1702 to 1735) have been assigned for the founding of Vincennes; but the most probable is that assumed by Dunn (Indiana, pp. 54-61), 1727. It received its name from its founder, François Margane (Morgan) de la Valtrie, sieur de Vincennes (a seigniory in the present Bellechasse county, Que., granted to the Bissot family in 1672); he succeeded to this title in 1719, at the death of his uncle, Jean Baptiste Bissot (born in 1668), — a French officer, who was prominent in Illinois and Detroit affairs and possessed great influence with the savages. François (born in 1672) was sent in 1720 to the Miami village of Kekionga (vol. lxix., note 47), where Bissot had died; and later (about 1727) was induced by Perier, governor of Louisiana, to establish a fort on the lower Wabash River, in order to counteract English influence with the savages, and to secure for the French the control of the fur trade. Accordingly, he established Poste Vincennes, or Poste du Ouabache, as it is variously designated. Some Canadian families settled there, a few years later, and thus began the town of Vincennes. François Margane remained in command of this post until 1736, when he joined the Louisiana troops in their campaign against the Chickasaws: being, with his leader D’Artaguiette, captured by those savages, he was burned at the stake (vol. lxviii., note 21).
He was succeeded in the command at Poste Vincennes by his [Page 316] lieutenant, Louis St. Ange de Bellerive — a position which the latter held until 1764. St. Ange then took command of Fort Chartres, which he delivered to the English on Oct. 10, 1765. He then proceeded to St, Louis (which had been founded in March, 1764, by Pierre Laclede), and was commandant there until 1770 — in the Spanish service, after 1766. He died at St. Louis, Dec. 26, 1774. In 1721, he had escorted Charlevoix through the Western region.
 (p. 245). — Reference is here made to Green Bay, in Wisconsin. In regard to Chardon and the Green Bay mission, see vol. lxvi., note 43.
 (p. 247). — An allusion to the massacre, in 1282, of the French in Sicily by the natives of that country; so called because the signal for the uprising was given by the first stroke of the vesper bell on Easter day.
 (p. 253). — An English garrison was placed in the fort at Michillimackinac (then located on the south shore of the strait) in the autumn of 1761. The Ojibwa Indians of the vicinity accepted Pontiac’s proposals for a conspiracy against the English, and on June 4, 1763, treacherously seized the fort, and massacred most of the garrison. — See Parkman’s Consp. of Pontiac, vol. i., pp. 322-354; vol. ii,, pp. 336, 337; also our vol. x., p. 328.
The phrase “four years before, in 1732,” (p. 251) is evidently a lapsus calami, for Aulneau was slain in 1736.
 (p. 259). — This contract was evidently made with the Company of the Indies; but, when that association surrendered its charter (1731; vol. lxvii., note 37), its obligations were transferred to the French govemment.
 (p. 261). — This difficulty regarding the vicariate-general is narrated by Shea in his Church in Colon. Days, pp. 582, 583.
Vitry died on April 5, probably in 1749, rather than 1750.
 (p. 279). — Captain Philip Pittman says — in his Europ. Settlements on Mississippi (London, 1770), p. 43 — of the Jesuits’ estates at Kaskaskia: “The jesuits plantation consisted of two hundred and forty arpens of cultivated land, a very good stock of cattle, and a brewery; which was sold by the French commandant, after the country was ceded to the English, for the crown, in consequence of the suppression of the order. Mons. Beauvais was the purchaser, who is the richest of the English subjects in this country; he keeps eighty slaves; he furnished eighty-six thousand weight of fleur to the king’s magazine, which was only a part of the harvest he reaped in one year.”
Conceming this Beauvais, the following information is given by E. G. Mason, in his “Lists of Early Illinois Citizens,” in Fergus [Page 317] Hist. Series, no. 31, p. 77, note*: “Vitol Ste. Gême Beauvais. One of the six sons of Jean Baptiste Ste. Gême, called Beauvais, from his native place in France, who settled at Kaskaskia about 1750. He bought the property of the Jesuits there on its sale under the decree for the suppression of that order, and became the wealthiest Citizen of his time in Kaskaskia. Vitol Ste. Gême Beauvais was one of the judges of the court of Kaskaskia, elected by the people, under the governorship of Col. John Todd, Jr., and afterward resided at Ste. Geneviève, Mo.” The name of this family is now corrupted to St. Gem.
 (p. 283). — Pierre François de Volsay (born about 1730, at Paris) was a captain in the French service. He was stationed at Fort Chartres, where in 1758 he married Elizabeth Coulon de Villiers, daughter of Neyon de Villiers, the last French governor of Illinois, Upon the cession of that fort to the English (note 40, ante), Volsay went to St. Louis, where he spent the remainder of his life, dying Sept. 28, 1795.
 (p. 285). — Squine: a climbing plant, Smilax pseudo-China, with tuberous roots. [Page 318]