The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents Volume 65

The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents

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Travels and Explorations

of the Jesuit Missionaries

in New France

1610—1791

THE ORIGINAL FRENCH, LATIN, AND ITALI-

IAN TEXTS, WITH ENGLISH TRANSLA-

TIONS AND NOTES; ILLUSTRATED BY

PORTRAITS, MAPS, AND FACSIMILES

EDITED BY

Reuben Gold Thwaites

Secretary of the State historical Society of Wisconsin

COMPUTERIZED TRANSCRIPTION BY

Tomasz Mentrak

Vol. LXV.

Lower Canada, Mississippi Valley

1696—1702

CLEVELAND: The Burrows Brothers

Company, PUBLISHERS, M DCCC XCIX

THE JESUIT RELATIONS

AND

ALLIED DOCUMENTS

Vol. LIX

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The edition consists of sev-

en hundred and fifty sets

all numbered.

No.________

The Burrows Brothers Co.

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EDITORIAL STAFF

Editor	Reuben Gold Thwaites

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The Imperial Press, Cleveland

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CONTENTS OF VOL. LIX.

Preface To Volume LXV.		11
Documents:—
CLXIX.	Les affaires de Canada En 1696. (With later memoranda.) [Jacques de Lamberville;] n.p., [1696-97]		24
CLXX.	Le Vie d’vn Missionaire Montagnaix presentée aux Successeurs Montagnaix pour Leur instruction et pour leur plus grande consolation. François De Crépieul; Chegoutimÿ, April 21, 1697		42
CLXXI.	Deux lettres à Monseigneur de Laval. Jacques Gravies; Ville-Marie, September 17, 1697, and Michilimakinak, September 20, 1698		52
CLXXII.	Lettre à un Père de la Compagnie de Jéfus. Julien Binneteau; du Pays des Ilinois, [January,] 1699.
CLXXIII.	Lettre à un Père de la Compagnie de Jésus. Gabriel Marest; du Pays des Illinois, April 29, 1699.		78
CLXXIV	Lettre à un Père de la Compagnie de Jésus. Jacques Bigot; du Pays des Abnaquis, [October 26,] 1699		86
CLXXV.	Relation ou Journal du voyage en 1700 depuis le Pays des Illinois Jusqu’a 1’Embouchure du Fleuve Mississipi. Jacques Gravies; Fort de Mississipi, February 16, 1701		100
CLXXVI.	Les Revenus des Jéuites en Canada, 1701. Martin Bauvart, François Valiant, Pierre Rafaix; Quebec, October 4, 1701.		180
CLXXVII.	Lettre à M. Louis Hector de Callières, gouverneur. Étienne de Carheil; Michilimackinac, August 30, 1702.		188
Bibliographical Data; Volume LIX			293
Notes			305

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[INSERT GRAPHIC HERE]

ILLUSTRATIONS TO VOL. LXV.

I.	Reduced facsimile of MS. missionary map of country northwest of Lake St. John, P. Q., made ca. 1695	Facing 44
II.	Facsimile of handwriting of François Vaillant de Gublis, S. J., first missionary of Detroit; selected from a MS. in the archives of St. Mary’s College, Montreal.	Facing 186.

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PREFACE TO VOL. LXV

Following is a synopsis of the documents contained in this volume:

CLXIX. An unsigned document (probably written by Jacques de Lamberville) gives a brief account of “Canadian affairs in 1696.” The leading event of the year is Frontenac’s expedition into the Iroquois country. The Onondagas retreat before him. A detachment is sent against the Oneidas. The Christian woman who had saved Milet’s life comes to meet the French, with proposals for peace and for the removal of herself and her Christian tribesmen to the reduction at Sault St. Louis; but the French troops, without waiting for the conclusion of this arrangement, rush into the village, which causes the terrified inhabitants to take flight. “Their village was burned, and their indian corn cut down, as at onnontagué.” Frontenac and Callières wish to punish the Cayugas also; but the militia are anxious to get home to gather in their harvests, and the expedition — “which has Cost the King more than 50 thousand écus “— returns to the St. Lawrence, after having captured only an old man, almost blind, and a lame old woman. These are given to the Christian Iroquois, among whom they find relatives; the French troops, however, not only insist that this poor old man be put to death, but they themselves [Page 11] burn him at a slow fire. “He greatly loved us, and had often given food to the jesuit who now Confessed him and assisted Him at death — encouraging him to suffer bravely, and as a Christian, The torture of fire that they were about to make him endure.” Meanwhile, the Mohawks are harrying the French settlements, burning and slaughtering whereverthey go.

An extract from a letter by Lamberville describes the condition of affairs at the Sault St. Louis mission. The church therein is prosperous and well organized; but much evil has been wrought among the new Christians by the use of brandy, which is sold to them by the French. The writer describes with enthusiasm the honor paid by devout persons throughout Canada to the tomb of Catherine Tegakwita, and the miraculous cures that are wrought there through her intercession. Among the persons thus benefited are Champigny and Du Luth.

Another letter reports the flourishing state of Gravier’s Illinois mission, wherein he counts more than 2,000 baptized persons. The martyrdom of a Christian Iroquois woman, at the hands of her pagan tribesmen, is recounted in detail. At the end of this MS. are written a number of detached and often fragmentary memoranda, relating mainly to business matters — apparently of Montreal habitants, and occasionally of nuns and Jesuits.

CLXX. Crépieul, the Montagnais veteran, describes the “long and slow martyrdom” which Constitutes “the Life of a Montagnais Missionary” — a Pathetic record of continual hardship, privation, and danger. The final sentence is truly characteristic: “Suffering and hardship are the appanages of [Page 12] these holy but arduous missions. God grant that in them may long remain, and die, the useless servant of the missions, François, S. J.”

CLXXI. Gravier writes to the late bishop, Laval (September 16, 1697), thanking him for his kind interest in the Western missions, but complaining that Frontenac has driven him and Pinet from their mission at Chicago. He asks Laval to induce St. Vallier to reinstate Pinet in that mission. He also expresses profuse thanks to Laval for the latter’s offering to the Illinois mission of silver utensils for the altar — for which Laval has given “almost all his own plate.”

Again (September 20, 1698) Gravier writes to Laval to announce the arrival at Mackinac of the priests sent to the Western missions by the Seminary of Quebec. He and his brethren will aid these new missionaries to the best of their ability.

CLXXII. Julien Binneteau, who is stationed in the Illinois mission, writes to a friend (about January, 1699) regarding his difficulties with the Indian medicine-men. They are, however, “polite to the missionaries;” and some of them even resort to the Fathers in illness. The young men are as averse as the medicine-men to the new religion, as it is a check to their licentious lives; but the women are well inclined to the truth, and show great constancy in maintaining their profession. The Father praises certain pious families, who “would be a good example to the best regulated households in France.” He eulogizes the abilities and zeal of his colleague, Gabriel Marest, who “is doing wonders.” They have three chapels, and are busily occupied in this large village. Binneteau mentions a visit that he [Page 13] has made to the Tamaroa savages, who live on the banks of the Mississippi. He describes the mild climate of Illinois, and the fruits and the game animals that abound there; also the life led by the savages, their hunting of the buffalo, and their manner of preserving its flesh for food. The women do nearly all the work, while the men live in idleness, which “is the cause of all their debauchery.”

CLXXIII. Marest, who is now also among the Illinois, writes to a friend (April 29, 1699) some account of his mission. The number of converts has so increased that a new and larger church has been built. The two Fathers stationed here “have occupation beyond their strength.” Marest outlines their labors and responsibilities, which barely leave them time for sleep. The Seminary priests sent to this region visit these Jesuits, who, notwithstanding their poverty, aid them in various ways.

CLXXIV. This is a letter (1699) of Jacques Bigot to a friend, describing the new Abenaki village in Maine where he is now stationed. He is greatly cheered by the fervor and piety of these Christians, various instances of which he recounts. The savages exchange prisoners with the English, and many of the English children piteously beg that they may be allowed to remain with the savages, lest they be perverted from the true faith by returning to their own people. The English attempt, but in vain, to persuade the Abenakis to drive away the French missionaries. Bigot goes to Quebec, to inform the governor of affairs in Acadia; while returning to his mission, he is attacked by a fever, which almost causes his death. [Page 14]

CLXXV. In September, 1700, Jacques Gravier left Chicago for a voyage down the Mississippi, to Iberville’s new fort thereon. This journey is described by him in a letter (dated February 16, 1701) to Jacques de Lamberville. Upon reaching Peoria, he finds that the Kaskaskias settled there have resolved to migrate to the shores of the Mississippi — a step which he heartily disapproves, but cannot prevent. The Peoria tribe, also settled there, promise Gravier to remain until his return, and not to change their abode until he and Iberville shall direct them to do so; but he adds, “I am very doubtful whether they will keep their word.”

Gravier proceeds with the Kaskaskias — who are accompanied by their faithful pastor, Father Marest — as far as Cahokia, where there is a French trading post. There he embarks with a band of Frenchmen, who are bound for Iberville’s fort near the mouth of the Mississippi. Several of the party being attacked by malarial fever, Gravier is able to cure them by a relic and novenas: “a small piece of Father François Regis’s hat, which one of our servants gave me, is the most infallible remedy that I know of for curing all kinds of fever.” He describes the course of the river; the bluffs, mines, and other features of the region; and the wild animals with which the country abounds. Not far south of the Ohio are seen high banks of sand, in which report has located an iron mine; but Gravier satisfies himself that the sand, although colored like iron, does not contain that metal.

Below the St. Francis River, the Frenchmen meet a band of Arkansas savages, who hospitably entertain them. At the village of that tribe, they hear [Page 15] of a trader, apparently an Englishman, who had been there the year before. The chief of the savages remembers the visit of Marquette to his town in 1673. When the Father is about to take his leave, the chief urgently requests him to remain a day longer, in order to “sing the calumet” to him; but he declines, knowing that they hope to gain presents from him. Gravier here describes the calumet, and its importance among the savage tribes. At the Tonica River, Gravier halts to visit the Seminary priest Davion, whom he finds ill with fever. He gives various interesting particulars about the tribes of that district, but his efforts to discover their religious rites and superstitions are futile. He finds that the heads of their infants are compressed, in order to flatten them; also that the men till the soil, and do much other work that in Canada is done by the women. Their clothing, dwellings, and furniture are described. “Nothing can be cleaner than their Cabins.” They manufacture pottery; some of their jars are “as pretty as any that can be seen in france.” They have a small temple, in which fire is kept always burning. During Gravier’s visit to Davion, the latter’s colleague, St. Cosme, arrives at Tonica; he gives a disheartening account of the Natchez mission, where he is stationed. Among these people human sacrifices are practiced, and they are fire-worshipers. They are ruled not only by a chief, but by his sister, who is called “the sun woman.” Gravier returns thither with St. Cosme, and after a short halt resumes his journey; he next visits the Houmas, above the mouth of the Red River. Here he finds the Jesuit Joseph de Limoges, who has just arrived after a disastrous voyage down [Page 16] the great river, in which the wreck of his canoe causes the loss of all his possessions. The Houmas are brave warriors, but are indolent, amiable, and docile. Their woman chief who died last year was an Amazon, “having in person led several war-parties;” the highest honors were accordingly paid her. These savages have abundance of poultry; but they will not kill or eat a chicken, apparently regarding these creatures as mere curiosities. The customs and dress of these people are described, also the temple in which they keep a perpetual fire.

Our missionary visits the Baiagoulas, who are being punished by famine and disease for an act of treachery committed against an allied tribe. On the lower reaches of the great river, the French find no large game, “and, if we have found a few bustards or wild geese, they have been so lean that they were .as tasteless as wood.” They are also tormented by the clouds of insects, and depressed by the heavy rains and excessive heat. On December 17, Gravier and his men, after a voyage of sixty-eight days, reach Iberville’s fort, of which a picturesque description is given. Provisions are beginning to fail the little garrison left therein; but they patiently await the coming of the ships from France, in March.

That entire region is so inundated that it will be necessary to remove the fort to the higher ground farther up-stream. Gravier also visits and describes Biloxi, Iberville’s principal post. The Spanish governor of Pensacola visits this fort, and is hospitably received by the French; and they afterward aid him when he is shipwrecked, sending him back to his residence. On his return from Biloxi, Gravier’s crew stray from their route, and have much difficulty [Page 17] in regaining the fort on the Mississippi. He makes various observations on the depth and the rise of the great river, the claims of the English to this region, the search therein for mines, the tribes of savages found there, and the tragic end of La Salle’s expedition. Cravier again mentions the terrible plague of mosquitoes in that semi-tropical region. One of his eyes is “so badly stung by them, that I almost lost it.”

A postscript to this document, dated in 1702, states that Iberville has abandoned both these forts, and removed his colony to Mobile.

CLXXVI. This is a formal declaration, made by the Jesuit superior at Quebec, of the revenues and estates belonging to the Jesuits in Canada, in October, 1701. Their total income, as here given, amounts to a little more than 13,000 livres a year. This list is followed by a statement of the expenditures which are necessary for their work: the support of forty-eight priests and nine donnés, “almost all of whom are aged and worn out in the missions,” besides the wages of fourteen hired servants; the maintenance of the college, residences, and chapels; traveling expenses, and alms to the poor. The order also has to carry a debt of 6,000 livres.

CLXXVII. Étienne de Carheil, who has been long stationed at Mackinac, writes (August 30, 1702) to Governor Callières a long account and vigorous denunciation of the lawless conduct and licentiousness that Prevail among both the savages and the French in that region. This wretched state of affairs is due mainly to the traffic in brandy, permission for which “has been obtained from his majesty only by means of a pretext apparently Reasonable, but known to be false.” Carheil states that, as this [Page 18] evil traffic renders useless the labors of the missionaries, they will request their superior to recall them from the Ottawa missions.

The writer arraigns in scathing terms “the two Infamous sorts of Commerce which have brought the missions to the brink of destruction: . . . the Commerce in brandy, and the Commerce of the savage women with the French. Both are carried on in an equally public manner, without our being able to remedy the evil, because we are not supported by the Commandants. . . . All the villages of our savages are now only Taverns, as regards drunkenness; and sodoms, as regards immorality — from which we must withdraw, and which we must abandon to the just Anger and vengeance of God.”

Carheil regards the commandants and garrisons as enemies of the missions. “All the pretended service which it is sought to make people believe that they Render to the King is reduced to 4 chief occupations.” These are: “Keeping a public Tavern for the sale of brandy,” extending this traffic from one post to another, “keeping open house in their dwellings for all the women of their acquaintance,” and gambling. As a result, the entire time of the soldiers is spent in drinking, gambling, quarreling, and licentiousness; the savages are scandalized thereby, and the influence of the missionaries upon them is weakened when they see that the latter are powerless to remedy these evils. The above-mentioned occupations are the only ones pursued by the soldiers, who are therefore utterly useless and even pernicious to the country: and without them there would be no commandants — officials who come to Mackinac “solely for trading, without troubling themselves about anything else.” They care [Page 19] nothing for the missionaries, save when they can use the latter for their own selfish purposes; and they arrogate to themselves all authority over both French and savages, which leaves the missionaries without aid. “Before there were any Commandants here, the missionaries were always listened to by the traders,” who were afraid of the Fathers. Now, the traders know that their evil acts will be condoned or connived at by the commandants, and they have no fear of the missionaries.

Another grievance of the missionaries is that the commandants secure from the home government allowances for making gifts to the savages. The natural result is, that the latter will now do nothing except in return for presents; and that they learn to employ all sorts of stratagems and intrigues in order to secure these presents, and to cheat the commandants in every possible manner. Carheil hints that the greater part of the fund supplied for this purpose is appropriated by the officials for their own use.

Carheil urges that the garrisons be abolished, as being entirely unnecessary — a statement which he elaborates at length. To them and to their commandants “are due all the misfortunes of our missions.” He accordingly urges the governor to inform the king of the present state of affairs, and to ask that no more garrisons be sent to the mission posts. He considers it expedient that the present system of trade be abolished, preferring that the savages should take their peltries down to the French settlements, as in the early days of the fur trade. Carheil also adduces various reasons why this would be for the best interests of the French, who are rendered idle, vagrant, and immoral by the present system. At the same time, “The Iroquois must be completely [Page 20] tamed and reduced to subjection; and we must take possession of his country, which is much better than That of all the nations up here. . . . His destruction and the possession of his country would secure for us the Trade of all the savage nations up here.”

The governor, having asked Carheil for advice, is informed by the latter that he does not approve the proposal to restore to certain private persons the permissions to engage in the fur trade, which were recently abrogated by the king. The very persons whose conduct has already been so scandalous will be the ones who will secure those permissions; and Carheil can see no adequate method of preventing their drunken and licentious acts. He forcibly depicts the various phases of their present immoral mode of life; and urges the governor to use all his influence to check these scandals. He advises that the Canadian company who have secured the right to the fur trade of the Northwest should establish certain trading posts, to be conducted by competent persons, honest and exemplary in morals. He complains that the governor has not forwarded to the court the complaint formulated by the missionaries at Mackinac against Cadillac. A postscript to Carheil’s letter states that the Mackinac savages had favored the establishment of the Detroit post, supposing that it would aid them to destroy the Iroquois nation and take possession of their country; but now, seeing that the French are befriending and aiding the Iroquois, the Ottawas and Hurons will have nothing to do with Cadillac’s settlement.

R. G. T.

Madison, Wis., March, 1900.

CLXIX, CLXX

DOCUMENTS OF 1696-97

CLXIX. — Les affaires de Canada En 1696. (With later memoranda.) [Jacques de Lamberville]; n.p., [1696-97]

CLXX. — La Vie d’vn Missionaire Montagnaix presentee aux Successeurs Montagnaix pour Leur instruction et pour leur plus grande consolation. François De Crépieul; La Mission de s^t Xauier á chegŏtimÿ, 21 Auril, 1697

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Sources: In publishing Doc. CLXIX., we follow a MS. (probably a contemporaneous apograph) in the Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. Doc. CLXX. we obtain from a MS. volume in the archiepiscopal archives of Quebec, which is described under Doc. CLVII. in Bibliographical Data to Volume LXIII. of our series.

As in Doc. CXXX. (Volume LVII.), words and phrases crossed out in MS. are in Doc. CLXIX. given in Italics; substitutions or additions, in bracketed Roman. [Page 23]

Canadian affairs In 1696.

nthe approach of our little army, consisting of settlers of the country, of the King’s troops, and of 500 Savages, — not only Hurons, but abenaquis and Iroquois Christians and friends, — making in all about 2,200 men, [commanded by Count frontenac, the governor,] the Iroquois of onnontagué retreated, after they

themselves had burned their fortified village, in which Some goiogwens and sonnontwans had resolved to fight The french. But, on being informed by an Iroquois savage who had been taken prisoner, 3 months before, that our troops numbered 6,000 men, and that a part of them were going to onnontagué, another to goiogwen, and another to sonnontwan, these last people and the goiogwens left the onnontagués, to go, as they said, to defend their own country. This compelled the onnontagués, who did not consider themselves alone strong enough to resist the french, to abandon their fort and retreat 25 leagues to the south, where they had built another village, and where they had fields of indian corn. They conveyed thither their most valuable effects, and thus abandoned their fields at the 1st fort, which were full of indian corn, to the mercy of the french.

The war against the Iroquois.

Then, without going to seek them in their new post and without pursuing them, since it was at too great a distance, and because the soldiers’ shoes were worn out, — and, moreover, all were anxious to return to Canada for the harvest, — a detachment was formed [Page 25] consisting of 700 men, including 300 Savages, to go to Onneiout, distant 12 or 15 leagues from onnontagué They went thither in one day. The famous Christian woman of onneiout who saved father millet’s life[1] went with some onneiouts to meet the french, and proposed peace to Them; she also offered to come, with 80 onneiouts who were in the village, to reside at [near] montreal with the Christian Iroquois. This was agreed to; but, while the Christian woman was warning her people to come to monsieur de Vaudreuil, who commanded the detachment, our people [without waiting for an answer,] followed her, and tumultuously entered onneiout. This caused the onneiouts to flee. Their village ‘was burned and their indian corn cut down, as at onnontagué. Of these onneiouts 30 afterward came in, and surrendered to the Christian Iroquois and to the french.† This is all the injury that was done to the Iroquois on this expedition, which has Cost the King more than 50 thousand écus. The french captured only an old man 80 years of age, who was almost blind, also [and] a lame old woman, in the neighborhood of onnontagué, where

they were hidden. The latter Both were given to the Christian Iroquois who had brought them to the Camp. These proved to be relatives, and granted the lame woman her life. And [While] they were discussing what should be done with the old man, whom the french wished to put to death, the Christian Iroquois asked that he be killed with a club or be Stabbed to death, instead of being burned. But the french peremptorily demanded that he be burned at a slow fire — which they themselves did with many — [in sight of his relatives,] who belonged to our party. I had baptized him when I was at onnontagué, on the feast-day of st. Thomas, whose [Page 27] name I had [been] given to him. He greatly loved us and had often given food to the jesuit who now Confessed him and assisted Him at his death, — encouraging him to suffer bravely, and as a Christian, The torture of fire that they were about to make him endure. He prayed to God for a considerable time after which they Began to burn him. When this came to the Governor’s knowledge, he had pity on him, [and would have granted him His life] after an hour’s torture, had he not already been burned all over. On account of his condition, one among those who were present, touched with compassion, broke his head. Meanwhile, the Iroquois of agnié, or lower Iroquois, have killed or captured from us 20 or 30 persons, between 3 rivers and lake St. Pierre, on the banks of the river; and have burned their houses and barns, and slaughtered their cattle. The onnontaguéz killed in the rear-guard of our army a Christian Irroquois and 2 abenaquis, who had strayed from the ranks; and [blank space in MS.] french were drowned while descending The rapids of the river.[2]

† It was a question whether they should go to oiogweins. Monsieur the governor and monsieur de Callières were of that opinion; but it was decided to return instead of pushing on To oiogwein, which would have greatly furthered peace.

IN 1696. OF THE MISSION OF SAULT ST. FRANCOIS

XAVIER.

OUR of our fathers barely suffice for this mission, where they are busily employed. This is a fully organized Church, in which everything is done as in the parish Churches — and even more, for

the neophytes assist at mass every day; the morning and evening prayers are said; there is chanting at mass; baptism and the other sacraments are Administered with the rites of the Church; Sundays and festivals are observed; and order prevails in everything. For some time, the neighborhood of the french has caused manifest injury to this nascent Church, on [Page 29] account of the brandy that they sell to the

Ex literis patris jacobi de Lamberville

Catechumens and to the new Christians. For the sake of vile Lucre, this new vineyard of the lord is desolated.

During the past year, we have baptized here a great many adults who have voluntarily come from the country of our enemies to live here with their kindred. Some were taken in war by these Christian Iroquois, and brought [who brought them] hither, and procured for them the happiness of becoming children of the Church and friends of the french, to whom

they have given true evidence of the sincerity of their faith. God continues to honor a pious maiden, an Iroquois by birth, who died and was buried in this mission. Heaven grants a great many favors to those who implore her assistance. Both Ecclesiastics and laymen come hither on pilgrimage, to thank God for the favors which they have received through her Intercession. Presents are sent to this Church. In token of their gratitude to God, presents are sent to the Church wherein her Body lies. Entire parishes come to it in Solemn procession on the anniversary of her death, to give thanks for the various results of her protection. To cure The diseases that [sick whom] ordinary medicines cannot relieve, they swallow in water or in broth a little dust from her tomb. Monsieur De Champigny, the Intendant in Canada, had lost his voice for a year; at the end of that time, madame the Intendante had a novena made, and he completely recovered his voice. He has caused many small pictures of this pious Savage maiden to be made, which he distributes. These are kept through esteem for The holiness of the Iroquois virgin who preserved her Innocence in the very midst of all the riotousness of Impurity. During [Page 31] the 3 years that she spent in this mission, she made so great progress in virtue that she deserved that God should glorify her by many miraculous cures obtained from Him through her instrumentality. Monsieur Du Luth, a captain in the navy, himself relates that, after suffering greatly from gout and for many years, and finding no relief for his disease, he had a novena made in honor of the [this] good Christian, and that he whose prayers obtained, on the 9th Day, the complete cure of his gout.		Catherine Tagakwita. Monsieur de la Colombiere, a priest and missionary In Canada, and a very virtuous Ecclesiastic,[3] has proclaimed everywhere that so great through the merits of Catherine Tegakwita—that was her name—he was, in a very dangerous illness, snatched from the gates of death. Both went on a
OF THE ILLINOIS MISSION IN 1696, BY FATHER GRAVIER.		pilgrimage to offer presents to
T	he same father Jaques de Lamberville writes to his brother in these terms: “Father Gravier, who during [has spent] 6 years among the Illinois, has come to Kebec on business connected with his mission.	their benefac-tress, in thanksgiving to God.
He says that he is delighted with the fervor of that infant Church, he wherein he counts over 2,000 persons whom he has baptized, [and] who live in the simplicity and piety of the 1st Christians. While speaking of this to me, he was wholly penetrated with the thought of God, and was delighted with the great success that God had granted to his labors; and his chief regret is that he has no missionaries to help him in extending the Kingdom of Jesus Christ among the surrounding nations, who speak the same language, [and] beg us to go to Instruct them.”

OF THE MISSION OF THE SAUT, 1696.

hesame father continues his letter as follows: “You will also be pleased to hear what happened to a Christian Iroquois of our mission at the saut, named marguerite, who was captured and [Page 33] burned by the in the Iroquois country, to which she was carried with her little child, a year old. In the first place, they deprived her of [cut off] several of her fingers and slashed her all over the Body, while she uttered not a groan. He who was present at the spectacle relates that, when she was afterward taken, all covered with blood, into a [to the] Cabin where fresh tortures were to be inflicted on her body, she found there a french woman, a captive, whose life the Iroquois had spared; and who approached the captive, and exhorted Her to bear patiently the sufferings that she was made to endure, and to offer them to God. She replied that she had long ago asked God that she might be ill-treated in this life, in order to expiate her sins and to more resemble Jesus Christ. A captive frenchman came, and gave her a small piece of cloth wherewith to cover herself; and he encouraged Her in This emergency to end her days as a true Christian, and to think often of Heaven while she was being burned at a slow fire.

“As soon as she reached the stake to which she was to be tied, she knelt, and prayed aloud to God for [herself and for] her Enemies; and while [then, on rising, she was Tied to the stake, — where, during the time while] they applied heated irons to her body, she ceased not to pray and to invoke Heaven. At times, she addressed herself to God, at others to the blessed virgin; and, at others still, she exhorted her Iroquois countrymen to embrace the faith. After her whole Body had been burned, [and] her [entire] scalp was [had been] removed, and she was untied. Instead of running hither and thither, for [as] captives who are burned generally do so, she knelt once [Page 35] more at the foot of the stake — where, while she continued her prayers, her torturers [some of those who were present] struck her on the head several times with bars [and stones], to make an end of [kill] her; but in vain. This made the spectators say that, in derision, that Christians could not be killed, and that they were only spirits. One of them came forward with a bayonet, and struck her with it [in the lower part of the stomach], saying: ‘I will soon kill her.’ But both he and the spectators were greatly surprised that it broke on seeing that, [it] [in a place where there were no bones] it was broken, without power to inflict a wound. The poor victim once more began her prayers to commend [herself] in that condition to God, whose mercy and forgiveness she Implored for her sins, in words that excited the compassion of [some of the spectators. They afterward struck her many blows on the head with heavy clubs to despatch her; but in vain. This led them to collect a quantity of wood, with which they completely covered her; and they [finally] brought her martyrdom to an end by fire. Three days after the death of the mother, her little child was abandoned by the woman to whom he had been given with the idea that she would adopt him for her son. But the difficulty that, she saw, she would have in rearing him, because he was still at the breast [required a nurse], she [made her resolve to] have him put carry him near a fire, that he might be burned therein. No one was barbarous enough to burn him; but, as he continually cried for his mother, holding out his arms as if he saw her and. were calling her to come to get him, they broke his head on the spot. The Christians whom our missionaries had formerly instructed [Page 37] in the Christian Religion, of which in that country of our enemies, said that the good Christian woman who had been burned had obtained from God the death of her son, who [whose soul] soared with his mother [‘s] to Heaven — lest, had he lived longer, he might have become wicked among the Infidels.”

[Memoranda attached to the document:]

1697.

Varia:

Hatitsihenstatsi.

Monsieur Peire associated with monsieur Birré.

Their ship of 24 guns commanded by sieur La grange; their offers.

Davaugour.

Procuration for monsieur Sorel’s succession.

2. Monsieur Hazeur.

3. garontog eun.

1697.

Nullus juvat rem familiarem in Gallia, Kebeci imo etc. omnes petunt nemo juvat ut habeatur.

It is the hati isi htsi who desired that the diminution of the rent of the Ursulines should commence only in 1696.

The Ursulines manage their affairs better. They do not anticipate on the following year.

At Kebec they think only of saving themselves and retrenching to avoid debts and their ruin. Finally, like the Nuns of st. sacrement, the Ursulines beg me not to borrow money for them. They take their provisions from the well — neither wine, nor vinegar, nor [Page 39]

Monenda:

Father Chollet; the 600 livre of garontog; Monsieur hazeur says that 36 had not well understood etc. haoienk.

MONSIEUR HAZEUR 1697.

He writes that it is a misunderstanding, which I have not included in his accounts (he is himself mistaken). He writes and gives me the Key to them. Fathers Bruyas and Raffeix write me to pay Monsieur grignon and hazeur, by borrowing money from Father bigot, and what ought to come to him from The Saut mission.

Father Bruyas.

It is at mademoiselle Girardin’s, who resides at Monsieur Poquelin’s, rüe du gros chenet, that the 300 livres will be paid for the son of Monsieur Hazeur, a Jesuit.[4]

P. Garontoguennen.

Monsieur deniset’s offer.

New procuration, sent to another than monsieur fale.

If he has paid 3,000, he has drawn on us for the amount.

More expended than received. [Page 41]

————————————————————————————

(Scan of Page to be Inserted)

Reduced facsimile of MS. missionary map of country northwest of Lake St. John, P. Q., made ca. 1695

COUNTRY NORTHWEST OF LAKE ST. JOHN, P.Q.

[Facsimile, except that the lettering has been improved for legibility, of original manuscript Jesuit missionary map, probably made about l695,

and preserved in archives of St. Mary’s College, Montreal.]

[Page facing 44]

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The Life of a Montagnaix Missionary, presented

to his Successors in the Montagnaix mission

for Their instruction and greater consolation.

By father François De crepieul, Jesuit, and an unprofitable

Servant of the Missions of canada from 1671 to 1697, — which

completes the 26th wintering in The Service of The

Tadoussak Mission, and the 4th at The Mission of

st. Xavier, — at chegoutimÿ, April 21,1697.

T	heLife of a Montagnaix Missionary is a Long and slow Martyrdom; Is an almost continual practice of patience and of Mortification;
Is a truly penitential and Humiliating life, especially in The cabins, and on journeys with The Savages.
The cabin is made of poles and Birch-bark; and Fir-Branches are placed around it to cover the Snow and The frozen Ground.		1
During nearly all the day, The Missionary remains in a sitting or kneeling position, exposed to an almost continual smoke during The Winter.		2
Sometimes he perspires in the day-time and most frequently is cold during The Night. He sleeps in his clothes upon The frozen Ground, and sometimes on the Snow covered with Fir-Branches, which are very hard.		3
He eats from an ouragan (dish) that is very seldom clean or washed, and in most cases is wiped with a greasy piece of skin, or is Licked by The dogs. He [Page 43] eats when there is anything to eat, and when some is offered to him. Sometimes The meat is only half cooked; Sometimes it is very tough, especially when Smoked (dried in the smoke). As a rule, they have a good meal only once — or, when provisions are abundant, twice: but it does not last long.		4
The savage Shoes, or the dogs’ hairy skins, serve him as napkins, as the hair of the Savage men and women serves them.		5
His usual Beverage is water from the Streams or from some pond — sometimes melted snow, or Broth, pure or mixed with snow, in an ouragan that is usually quite greasy.		6
He often scorches his clothes, or his blanket, or his Stockings during The Night — especially when The cabin is small or narrow. He cannot stretch himself, but he curls himself up, and his Head rests upon the Snow covered with Fir-branches; this chills his brain, and gives him toothache, etc.		7
He always sleeps with his clothes on, and takes off his Cassock and his Stockings only to protect himself against vermin, which always swarm on The savages, especially The Children.		8
Usually when he awakes he finds himself surrounded by dogs. I have sometimes had 6, 8, or 10 around me.		9
The Smoke is sometimes so strong that it makes his eyes weep; and when he sleeps he feels as if some one had thrown salt into His eyes; when he Awakes, he has much difficulty in opening them,		10
When the Snow Thaws, while he is walking upon Lakes or long Rivers, he is so dazzled for 4 or 5 days by the water that drops continually from his eyes that he cannot read his Breviary. Sometimes he [Page 45] has to be led by The Hand. This has happened to father Silvÿ, to father Dalmas, and to myself; while on the march I could not see farther than the edge of my Snowshoes.		11
He is often annoyed by little Children, by their cries, their weeping, etc.; and sometimes he is made ill by the stench of those who have Scrofula, with whom he even Drinks out of the same kettle. I have spent more than 8 days in The cabin of Kawitaskawat, the chief man among the Mÿstassins, and have slept near his Son, who was troubled with that disease; and the stench from him often caused me nausea, both day and Night. I have also eaten and drunk from his ouragan.		12
He is sometimes reduced to drinking only water obtained from melted snow, which smells of smoke and is very dirty. For 3 Weeks I have drunk nothing else, while I was with Strangers in The Region of peokwagamÿ. I have never seen Savages dirtier than these, as regards eating, drinking, and sleeping. Among them the meat was often covered with moose-hairs or Sand. An old woman, with her long nails, gathered up handfuls of grease in The kettle into which Snow had been thrown, and then offered it to us to eat, in a very dirty ouragan; and all drank Broth out of The same kettle.		13
In the summer-time, while Traveling, especially on The Saguenaÿ and on the great River, he often drinks The very dirty water obtained from Ponds. During 3 days, while detained by contrary winds, we drank no other water. Sometimes The wind compels him to take refuge in Places where there is none at all. This has happened to me more than once — indeed, more than 3 times. I have even been [Page 47] obliged to drink from Ponds in which I Saw toads, etc.		14
In most cases during winter, while on long and difficult journeys, he does not find a drop of water wherewith to quench his thirst, although exhausted with toils and fatigues.		15
He suffers greatly from cold and from smoke, before The cabin is finished, for 2 or 3 hours when the Weather is very severe in winter. His shirt, which is wet with perspiration, and his soaked stockings, render him Benumbed with cold; he suffers also from Hunger, because in most cases he has had nothing but a piece of dried meat, eaten before camp was struck.		16
Suffering and Hardship are the appanages of these holy but arduous Missions. Faxit Deus ut iis diu immoretur et immoriatur Servus Inutilis Missionum Franciscus, S.J. [God grant that in them may long remain and die the Useless Servant of the Missions, François, S. J.]		17
[The following memorandum occurs in the original MS., near the beginning of this section: “1690, july 20, at KaNeskat, from the house of J. B. Ousti’wanich, the Tadoussac Chief, midway between Tadoussak and The River de L’Assomption, among the papinachois.“]. [Page 49]

CLXXI-CLXXIV

Documents of 1698-99

CLXXL. — Deux lettres du P. Jacques Gravier à Monseigneur de Laval. A Ville-Marie, le 17^e. Septembre, 1697; De la mission de St. Ignace a Michilimakinak, ce 20 septembre, 1698

CLXXII. — Lettre du P. Julien Binneteau, de la Compagnie de Jéfus, à un Père de la même Compagnie. Du Pays des Ilinois, [Janvier,] 1699

CLXXIII. — Lettre du P. Gabriel Mareft, de la Compagnie de Jefus, à un Père de la même Compagnie. Du Pays des Illinois en la Nouvelle-France, le 29 Avril, 1699

CLXXIV. — Lettre du Père Jacques Bigot, de la Compagnie de Jefus, à un Père de la même Compagnie. Du Pays des Abnaquis, [26 Octobre,] 1699

—————

Sources: The first letter (September 17, 1697) in Doc. CLIX. we have from the original MS. in Laval University, Quebec; the second (September 20, 1698), we take from L’Abeille, vol. 7, no. 13. Docs. CLXXII.-CLXXIV. we take from Shea’s Cramoisy series, no. 20. [Page 51]

Two letters by Father Jacques Gravier to

Monseigneur de Laval.

onseigneur,

I beg Your Grace to pardon the liberty that I take in asking once more for your blessing, which will call down upon me that of God, to enable me to reach my beloved Mission in safety after so long an exile. Nothing has more comforted me, Monseigneur, than the kind manner in which Your Grace was pleased to manifest to me, during the visits that I took the liberty of paying you, that You felt an interest in that mission. If Monseigneur of Quebec[5] has the same Sentiments for us, as we all hope, We shall perform our duties in our Outaoais Missions more peacefully than We have done for some years. We shall also be safe from the threats of Monsieur the Count de Frontenac to drive us from our Missions, as he has already done from that of l’Ange gardien of the Miamis, at Chicagwa, — the charge of which Monseigneur of Quebec had confided to me, by his patents giving me the care of the Missions to the Ilinois, Miamis, and Scious, and confirming the powers that Your Grace had conferred upon Father Marquette and Father d’alloues, who were the first Missionaries to those Southern nations[6] If Monsieur the Count de frontenac had learned that in our Missions we had done anything unworthy of Our Ministry, he could easily have applied to Monseigneur The Bishop or to his [Page 53] grand Vicar. But he could not otherwise than by violence drive us from Our Mission of Chikagwa, and we hope that Monseigneur of Quebec will not suffer such violence, which is so prejudicial to his authority. And if your Grace will be good enough to speak to him of it, he will reinstate and confirm Father Pinet in his Mission, that he may there continue his duties, which he has so auspiciously begun.

Moreover, I must not wait until the fine ciborium presented by your Grace to the Ilinois Mission is made, to thank you for it in the Name of these poor savages. It is your Mission, Monseigneur, since it is under the protection of The Immaculate Conception of Our Lady, whose feast Your Grace chose for the day of your consecration, and whom you have taken as the Patroness of your entire diocese; And Father Marquette could do nothing more conformable to Your Grace’s intentions than to place the Ilinois Mission under the protection of The Immaculate Conception of Our Lady. And, although you have ever been the father of all our Missions, this one, Monseigneur, must be especially dear to you both because it is the Mission of *The Immaculate Conception of the Virgin, and because of the handsome present that you give it. Must we not think that the Ciborium given to it by Your Grace is of great value, since you are causing all your silverware to be melted to have it made? It will, therefore, be infinitely precious to us, and there can be nothing in our Missions that We shall more highly prize. A bowl that has so long served you, Monseigneur, — For that, with a small cup, comprises all your [Page 55] silverware, — could be used only on the Holy Altars, and could not be assigned to any other use without profaning it. Moreover, in proportion as the number of communicants increases in that Mission, the number of those who will pray to God in behalf of Your Grace, for having lodged the Savior of the World in so fine a Ciborium, will also increase. And since You have been pleased to promise me a Monstrance for exposing the Blessed Sacrament to the Veneration of these poor savages, We shall be indebted to You, Monseigneur, for all the acts of adoration that Jesus Christ shall receive among the Ilinois at this extremity of the World. However attached I may be to my Mission, I confess that I would willingly perform once more the Journey from the country of the Outawacs to quebec, to be present at the Mass said for the Fiftieth Anniversary of Your Consecration, Monseigneur, as I had the happiness of assisting at that for the same anniversary of your priesthood. And I can say nothing more consoling to all our Fathers who are with the Outawacs, amid the persecutions that We endure, than to assure them that Your Grace is in good health; that You continue as kind as ever; that We live in perfect accord with all the Gentlemen of Your Seminary; and that you, Monseigneur, always look upon Us as your Children. I remain with profound respect,

Monseigneur,

Your Grace’s

Very humble and very obedient

servant and son in Our Lord,.

Jacques Gravier, S.J

At Ville-Marie,

the 17th of September, 1697.

[Page 57]

J. M. J.

From the mission of St.

Ignace at Michilimakinak,

this 20th of September, 1698.

onseigneur,

Your grace’s recommendation is for us a command, which I have received with profound respect, and which we have endeavored to execute to the best of our ability. We have welcomed with sincere and cordial joy those zealous missionaries of your seminary for foreign missions at Quebec, with whom we are happy to be so closely united. And, if we could feel the slightest regret at seeing strangers in the Akansea mission, — where father Marquette seems to have gone first, in order to open the entrance to it for his brethren, — we can but rejoice that they of your seminary, Monseigneur, whom we look upon as true brethren and who allow us to share in the merits of their good works, should be pleased to labor for the conversion of the poor Akansea, and of the other nations who have not yet any knowledge of the true God.

I acknowledge, Monseigneur, that father de Careil and myself are charmed with the good judgment, the zeal, and the modesty that Monsieur de Montigny, Monsieur St. Cosme, and Monsieur Davion have displayed in the conferences that we have had together during the seven days that they spent here. We acted and we always spoke together with the same openness and the, same frankness as if we had always lived together; and we beg your grace to believe that we omit nothing that may confirm it.

I told them that it was not advisable to make [Page 59] known that it was Monsieur de Tonty who introduced them to the Akansea, for they would pass as his envoys; and that Monsieur de Montigny himself must speak to them, through his interpreter. He did not give me time to compose a short speech in Ilinois, as an introduction. Father Binteau, who knows the customs of the savages as well as I do, will do it better than I can. He, as well as father Pinet at Chicagwa, will do themselves the pleasure of rendering them every kind of service.[7]

Moreover, should Monsieur de Montigny tell your grace, as he has threatened me with doing, that we have given him for his journey seven sacks of indian corn, and have retempered two hatchets for him, I humbly beg you to say nothing about it to the father superior, for our house has incurred no new expense; and to be pleased, Monseigneur, to spare us the chagrin that we would feel on learning that an attempt is made to take into account, as with Strangers, a little indian corn that we have shared with our brethren. If a sack of old corn be worth at the present time more than 25 livres, ours did not cost us more than I 5 livres; and the new corn, such as it is, will not fail us, — to say nothing of the fact that our brother Jacques has sold for 50 livres a canoe that Monsieur de Montigny had left with us.

I take the liberty of mentioning these details to your grace, to beg you not to deprive us of the joy and consolation that we always hope to have, of receiving in all our missions Messieurs the missionaries of the Seminary of Quebec, and those who are in any way connected with it, that they may act therein with the same freedom as in their own [Page 61] houses. I humbly beg, Monseigneur, your Holy blessing; and I remain, Monseigneur, with profound respect, your very humble and very obedient servant,

Jacques Gravier,

of the society of Jesus.

[Page 63]

Letter of Father Julien Binneteau, of the Society

of Jesus, to a Father of the same Society.

From the Ilinois country, [January,] 1699.