The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents Volume 60

The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents

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Travels and Explorations

of the Jesuit Missionaries

in New France

1610—1791

THE ORIGINAL FRENCH, LATIN, AND ITALI-

IAN TEXTS, WITH ENGLISH TRANSLA-

TIONS AND NOTES; ILLUSTRATED BY

PORTRAITS, MAPS, AND FACSIMILES

EDITED BY

Reuben Gold Thwaites

Secretary of the State historical Society of Wisconsin

COMPUTERIlED TRANSCRIPTION BY

Tomasz Mentrak

Vol. LX.

Lower Canada, Illinois, Iroquois,

Ottawas

1675—1677

CLEVELAND: The Burrows Brothers

Company, PUBLISHERS, M DCCC XCIX

THE JESUIT RELATIONS

AND

ALLIED DOCUMENTS

Vol. LX

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The edition consists of sev-

en hundred and fifty sets

all numbered.

No.________

The Burrows Brothers Co.

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EDITORIAL STAFF

Editor	Reuben Gold Thwaites

	\| Finlow Alexander
	\| Percy Favor Bicknell
Translators.	\| William Frederic Giese
	\| Crawford Lindsay
	\| William Price
	\| Hiram Allen Sober

Assistant Editor	Emma Helen Blair

Bibliographical Adviser	Victor Hugo Paltsits

Electronic Transcription	Tomasz Mentrak

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The Burrows Company

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The Imperial Press, Cleveland

[Page ]

CONTENTS OF VOL. LX.

Preface To Volume LX		11
Documents:—
CXXXIX.	État présent des Missions des Peres de la Compagnie de Jésus en la Nouvelle-France, pendant l’année 1675. Claude Dablon; [Quebec, 1675] [Final installment.].		25
CXL.	De la chapelle de Notre-Dame de Lorette en Canada. Martin Bouvart; [Lorette, March 1 and 2, 1675].		68
CXLI.	Lettre à —. Jean Enjalan; Sillery, October 13, 1676.		104
CXLII.	Recit d’un 3^e voyage faict aux Ilinois. Claude Allois; n. p., [1677 ca.].		148
CXLIII.	Relation de ce qui s’est passé en la Novvelle France, és années 1676. & 1677. Claude Dablon; n.p., [1677]. [With extracts from letters by the following missionaries: Henri Nouvel, January 1, 1676; Jean de Lamberville, January 18, 1676; Antoine Silvy, April 6, 1676; Philippe Pierson, April 25, 1676; Louis André, April 30, 1676; Jacques de Lamberville, May 6, 1676; Claude Allouez, May 26, 1676; Pierre Millet, June 1, 1676; Jacques Bruyas, July 31, 1676; Jacques Vaulter, January 1, 1677; Pierre Cholenec, January2, 1677; Jean Morain, June 20, 1677: François de Crépieul and Jean Baptiste Boucher, undated.).		169


Bibliographical Data; Volume LX			311
Notes			315

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ILLUSTRATIONS TO VOL. LX.

I.	Facsimile of portion of page of The Burrows Brothers Co.‘s contemporary MS. of Dablon’s Relation of 1676-77.	Facing 200

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PREFACE TO VOL. LX

Following is a synopsis of the documents contained in this volume:

CXXXIX. The greater part of Dablon’s État présent Des Missions for 1675 was published in Vol. LIX.; the final section is herewith presented — the report on the Huron mission of Lorette. This village now contains about 300 persons, Huron and Iroquois. It is a thoroughly Christian community; all children therein are baptized, and strangers coming to it are instructed by their Christian countrymen. One of these native teachers, Jacques Sogarésé, “ takes a special interest in seeing that all goes well in houses and in families; and, if he observes therein any disorderly conduct, he at once notifies Father Chaumonot.” He is so zealous that even his Christian wife “ sometimes complains of being too much annoyed by the sermons that her husband continually preaches in his cabin.” The kindness which these Christians manifest toward one another, especially in times of bereavement, is warmly commended. A detailed account is given of the Christianized burial customs observed among these savages. Their fervor and devotion in celebrating the church festivals is eulogized. On Good Friday, they make a voluntary offering to the Virgin, “ to wipe away the tears that she sheds for the death of her first-born; ” this amounts to more than 4,000 porcelain beads, to [Page 11] which the elders add two porcelain collars. Yet these people have hut recently experienced such scarcity of food that they have been compelled to sell almost all their possessions to obtain it. God has preserved these faithful children, notwithstanding the famine, so that none of them have died from either hunger or disease; the Jesuits, and their friends in France, have relieved the necessities of the colony. Numerous instances are cited of the lavish generosity displayed by these converts toward the poor and sick among them; ‘ ’ they take, as it were, the food from their own mouths, ” to give to such. The wretched end of a certain apostate is described, as also the miraculous cure of a sick woman.

CXL, Martin Bouvart writes (March 1 and 2, 1675) a minute account, historical and descriptive, of the chapel recently built at the Huron village of Lorette, near Quebec. He explains the motives which induced the Jesuits to build this chapel — their desire to honor the Virgin, the advantage of providing the Christian pilgrims an easily accessible resort, and their hope that this new shrine would be a special means of grace for both French and savages. The means for building it have been largely spiritual — special devotions and offerings, during the entire year preceding, to St. Joseph, St. Anne, and other celestial advocates. While doing this, “ we were making all the preparations that we judged necessary for the execution of our enterprise ’ ‘ — having bricks, lime, shingles, and other materials made for this purpose, and brought to the site chosen. ” Notwithstanding some advances and debts which we have been obliged to incur in order to carry cut this enterprise, we hope that our house [Page 12] will not remain inconvenienced by all that it has contributed for building a house to the divine Mary. It is to the glory of so great a Queen to give back infinitely more than one has advanced for her; it is then enough for us that she knows that the Loretto of New France costs us some 5,000 livres.”

Bouvart proceeds to describe the site chosen for the chapel, and the formation of the Indian village, which is arranged in a quadrangle, the chapel in the center. The Indians come hither to live at the end of December, 1673. At the opening of the new chapel, the Fathers can count two hundred Christians in this mission, and many others are expected from the Iroquois country.

Dablon, as superior, lays the first stone of the chapel on July 16, 1674; and the edifice is blessed and opened on the fourth of November following It contains three statues — a Virgin from Loreto, which has touched the Madonna’s statue in the Santa Casa; and two (a Virgin and a St. Joseph) “ made from the real wood of Notre Dame de Foy ” in Belgium, which have been sent to Canada by pious friends in France. These images are accompanied by several precious relics. The ceremonies at the opening of the chapel are described. Dablon gives the savages a feast in the afternoon, on which occasion he presents to them the contract of concession for their lands at Lorette. They “ are obliged, by way of dues, not to take liquor to excess; and those who become intoxicated shall be driven from Lorette and shall loose their fields, whatever work they may have accomplished. ”

Bouvart describes in detail the interior of the chapel. This, as well as the shape and exterior of [Page 13] the building, is made to resemble, as exactly as possible, the interior of the Santa Casa. The statue sent from Loreto is, however, painted in flesh-color, and not black like the original, lest a black Madonna should cause the savages ” to resume the custom which we have made them abandon of blackening and staining their faces.”

This holy place has at once become, as was expected, a notable resort for pilgrims, both French and Indian; and a strong incentive to increased devotion and attendance at religious services. Even the children “ show eagerness and joy when they are about to go to the chapel.” Many persons go to it to offer mental prayer, or to recite the rosary, so early that the Fathers are obliged to forbid them to come earlier than four o’clock in the morning.

CXLI. This is a letter from a new missionary, Jean Enjalran, dated at Sillery, October 15, 1676. He describes the unusually long and tedious voyage, in which he, with his brother Jesuits, suffered much from sea-sickness. The voyagers are also troubled by contrary winds and violent storms, and the fear of being captured by Dutch privateers. Sailing from La Rochelle April 12, it is not until June 21 that they reach land, at Cape Breton; and they do not arrive at Quebec until July 22. In the St. Lawrence, they encounter great perils from winds and dangerous shoals. At Isle Percée, Enjalran is greatly troubled at the fate of an Indian girl, who entreats the Fathers to let her go on their vessel to Quebec, but who is dragged away by a French trader, who has her in his power. Enjalran and his brethren arrive at Quebec at the same time with some donné sent down from the Ottawa missions, who bring word [Page 14] that another priest is needed there to take Allouez’s place, the latter intending to go to the Illinois mission recently founded by the late Father Marquette. Accordingly, Albanel, who has but this day set foot on shore, is immediately ordered to repair to De Pere, as superior of the Green Bay mission. Enjalran would gladly accompany him, but is instead sent to Sillery, with Bonnault, to learn the Algonkin tongue. That once flourishing and populous mission is now reduced by pestilence, war, and intemperance, to a few Algonkin families, who come hither at certain seasons of the year. Enjalran finds his study of Algonkin “ an engrossing occupation; for I think that the first ones who made comments upon these languages must have needed extraordinary help from God.”

Enjalran gives an interesting account of the war which is raging between the New England tribes and the English colonists there — alleging that the English have incited the Iroquois to attack the Mohican and other Eastern tribes. An Abenaki band, having murdered some English settlers, take refuge at Sillery; Frontenac receives them only upon condition that they do not again attack the English; and he forbids the Iroquois to fight upon French territory. The Fathers at Sillery gladly seize the opportunity to give religious instruction to these Abenaki refugees. Enjalran regrets that he cannot speak their language, that he might aid in the good work; but he does what he can to influence them, and is well repaid in seeing “ the attachment which they all have for me. Accordingly, I have stripped myself of almost everything that I could give them, and I do not account it ill employed.” [Page 15]

Enjalran gives an interesting description of the town of Quebec, which has a population of not more than 800 persons, There are “ in Canada more than ten thousand French people, many of whom have much trouble to live. The land yields corn enough, but God does not bless those dealers in brandy, which ruins the savages and the missionaries’ labor.” There would be corn to export “ if every one would make the most of his lands.” Some account is given of the college at Quebec and of the missions sustained by the Jesuits at Sillery, Lorette, and La Prairie, and the others are briefly mentioned.

CXLII. A voyage to the Illinois mission, which was begun by the late Father Marquette, is made by his successor, the veteran Allouez. His report of this journey, prefaced by a short note by Dablon, is here given.

He sets out from De Pere near the end of October, 1676, with two men. They intend to winter with ’ the Illinois, but cold weather overtakes them earlier than usual, and they are obliged to remain among the Pottawatomie Indians near Green Bay until February. The ice is then strong enough to bear their canoe, upon which they rig a sail, and thus have an ice-boat which is propelled by the wind; when the wind fails, they haul the canoe by ropes. March 29, they embark on Lake Michigan, which they have reached via the Sturgeon Bay portage. After voyaging seventy-six leagues along the lake-shore, they reach Chicago River, where they are cordially welcomed by the Indians who dwell there, Finally, on April 27, they reach the great Illinois village of Kaskaskia. This place now has people from eight different tribes, and contains 351 cabins. Allouez [Page 16] briefly mentions the customs of these people, and the natural products of the country. He at once begins to instruct them, in the very cabin where Marquette had lodged; “ I could not have desired a larger audience, or closer attention.” The Father baptizes thirty-five children and a sick man; he erects a great cross in the village, which is adored by even the children; and he sees there a bright prospect of success for the faith. A rumor that the Iroquois intend to make war upon the Illinois leads him to dread that “beginnings so glorious may be entirely destroyed.” A postscript by Dablon states that the expected Iroquois raid had taken place, but had been repelled by the Illinois. He dreads the result of this upon the mission just begun.

CXLIII. The Relation of 1676-77 is written by Dablon, as a report to his provincial. He begins with an account of the Iroquois missions, regarding which there is much cause for anxiety. The upper Iroquois are threatening war against the French, and even the missionaries are in constant danger of their lives. Those savages are carried away not only by their natural arrogance, but by the influence of intoxicating liquors, which are used by them to great excess. Amid all their persecutions, the Fathers console themselves with the fact that they have, during the year, baptized more than 350 Iroquois, of whom about 200 have died since baptism, “ a certain Gain for heaven.”

The lower Iroquois tribes are less inclined to persecute the missionaries, from whose letters extracts are given, to show that they are still making some headway in their labors. Bruyas and Jacques de Lamberville count one hundred baptisms among the [Page 17] Mohawks; but a great loss has befallen them in the death (August, 1675) of Assendassé, the chief baptized a year before. Lamberville gives (May 6, 1676) the details of a conversion in which his efforts are aided by the influence of the martyr Jogues.

Milet reports (June 1, 1676) a more cheering condition and prospect at Oneida. “ The service of God Has greatly increased, and the worship of the demon has greatly diminished, this year, in this mission.” He attributes this result largely to two influences — the conversion of a prominent chief named Soenresé, and the establishment at Oneida of the confraternity which has proved so successful in Canada, that of ‘* the Holy Family.” Jean de Lamberville writes (June 18, 1676) from Onondaga. He has baptized several Mohican captives who were burned to death there. The medicine-men greatly hinder his labors; some of their superstitious ceremonies are described. In opposing these men he is vigorously aided by Garakontié.

The Ottawa missions have “ within a year Given to the Church 367 persons. . . Of all that number, not more than 60 are adults. The remainder are children, most of whom have gone to Heaven since baptism. ’ ’ Extracts from the missionaries’ letters are given. Allouez writes from the De Pere mission (May 26, 1676) that he has spent the preceding year in itinerant missions among the tribes in Central Wisconsin. From the Outagamies he expects much, for they have been sorely afflicted, of late, by war, famine, and sickness. A letter from André, dated April 20, 1676, gives some account of the De Pere mission. His stations are scattered around Green Bay, ten to fifteen leagues apart; “ this compels me [Page 18] To Be always in the Field.” He has on this bay “from 4 to 500 Christians.” He has secured forty- five baptisms, but has had to endure much at the hands of the infidels. One of these burns Andre’s house: “he did so perhaps to allay the sorrow that he felt for the death of his two children, who were killed some time ago by a savage.” The Father mentions various journeys which he has made among the scattered tribes, baptizing some children or old men at each camp; the devil tries I, to revenge himself for the prey that I Snatched from him through these Baptisms. ” Among the Winnebago Indians Andrea finds others, who speak their language, are neutral in the war between them and the Sioux, and belong to the Iowas, 200 leagues westward from Green Bay. A postscript by Dablon summarizes Andre’s observations on the apparent tides in Green Bay.

Silvy has gone to the Mascouten village, to aid Allouez in that great field. He finds (April 6, 1676) among them thirty-six adult Christians and 126 baptized children. The savages, both Christian and pagan, throng to his chapel. He details the pious behavior of one of the Christians, who, at the elevation of the host, feels such awe and veneration that he “ suddenly fell into such convulsions that he seemed like one possessed.”

From St. Ignace mission Pierson writes (April 25, 1676) in highly encouraging terms. He has baptized forty-seven adults, a number greater than that of the children; and his Huron church is steadily growing in faith and devotion, as well as in numbers. The medicine-men have kept the promise given by them two years ago, to abandon their juggleries and superstitions. The Iroquois are endeavoring to gain the [Page 19] good will of the Hurons; but the Jesuits fear that this is but a pretext to lure the Hurons to the Iroquois country, which would ruin the St. Ignace mission. The other Fathers who labor on or near Lake Huron also report many baptisms, mainly of children.

One of Nouvel’s journals gives an account of his latest winter sojourn with the savages — this time, toward Lake Erie. As usual, it is a record of hardships and privations, which the missionary cheerfully endures that he may win souls. Having arrived at the place where they are to winter, a cabin and chapel are erected for Nouvel, where he regularly celebrates religious rites throughout the winter. From this center, he makes flying trips to various Indian camps in that region, instructing and baptizing as opportunity offers.

A letter from Vaultier (January I, 1677) makes his report from the newly-formed Abenaki mission at Sillery (see Doc, CXLI., ante). He states that the English have, “ through their own Imprudence,” encountered severe losses in their war with the New England tribes. The Abenakis, dreading the vengeance of the English, fled, as we have seen, to the St, Lawrence, and are now settled at Sillery. The missionaries are agreeably surprised at the effects of the gospel upon these savages. They show the utmost willingness to receive instructions and attend church services, and quickly learn the catechism and prayers. The Fathers hesitate to baptize them, dreading the fickleness of the savage nature; but they soon note a gratifying improvement in the morals of these Indians. One of their chiefs, Pirouakki, is converted, who proves a valuable aid to the missionaries. [Page 20]

Letters from Crepieul and Boucher give an account of the Tadoussac mission. The former continues his journal from the preceding year. Early in September, 1676, savages from eight different tribes rendezvous at Chicoutimi, where the Fathers spend three weeks in caring for the spiritual needs of these people; the Indians are delighted with the chapel just built there. Thence they go to the neighborhood of Lake St. John, “ where many savages had been awaiting us for 8 days.” They spend the entire winter in the vicinity of this lake, going from one Indian camp to another, returning in the summer to Tadoussac. Boucher highly commends the piety of the savages with whom he has wintered. In the spring he goes down to the Papinachois savages and those at the Seven Islands. During six months, he baptizes thirty-nine persons among various tribes.

Morain is conducting a mission among the Gaspesians and Etechemins who have settled at Riviere du Loup, south of Tadoussac. As for the latter tribe, they at first despised prayer and instruction, and would not come to the chapel; but, by dint of exhortations, visits to the cabins, and the exhibition of “ the Picture of a damned person,” Morain finally induces nearly all to attend church services. They are even “ beginning to understand that it is wrong to become intoxicated.” They now esteem prayer, and are quite ready to invoke God in time of danger. Morain finds them quite docile, and would have much hope for their conversion if it were not for their wandering mode of life. He intends to build a chapel for them, and to offer them land to cultivate, hoping thus to make them at least partially sedentary. He has baptized a few of them, The [Page 21] Gaspesians had been formerly instructed by Richard, but have lost much of their religious fervor. Morain has only begun his labors with them, but he regards them as more humane and tractable than the Etechemins; but their nomadic life renders them difficult to reach by religious influences.

The Iroquois colony at La Prairie has been removed to a place farther up the river, at Sault St. Louis, where the land is better adapted to the culture of Indian corn. The mission is now called St. François Xavier du Sault. A letter from Cholenec (dated January 2, 1677) describes with much detail the pious fervor and the religious exercises prevalent among these Christian Indians. This mission now contains twenty-two Indian cabins, a chapel, and a house for the Fathers. The services on Sunday are so numerous that “ the sun has Set by the time when all is finished; and thus the Father Keeps his savages in practice, and makes them spend the entire Sunday devoutly.” Their actions correspond to their prayers, as is shown by various instances of forgiveness and restitution, They are, moreover, as zealous for the salvation of others as for their own. One of the good Christians sets himself to teaching the creed and chants to the children, who gather in his cabin, “ well-behaved and modest, like so many little statues, without daring to stir.”

At Notre Dame de Lorette there has been much sickness; but the good Christians there devote themselves assiduously to nursing and aiding those who are ill, even neglecting their own affairs to do so. Numerous deaths occur, the details of which are given in several cases. The Indian dwellers in this Colony decide that if one of their number shall commit [Page 22] any sin, they will “ give a present, to be applied to the poor.” An Iroquois woman “ so Importuned her Confessor that he lent her a Severe iron discipline, which she used several times; ’ ’ and she even asks for other instruments of mortification.

R. G. T.

Madison, Wis., December, 1899. [Page 23]

CXXXlX (concluded)

STAT PRESENT DES MISSIONS EN LA

NOUVELLE-FRANCE, 1675

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The first installment was given in Volume LIX.; the remainder of the document is given herewith.[Page 25]

The Huron Mission at Notre Dame de Lorette,

during the year 1675.

HIS Mission, which formerly bore the name of Mission of Notre Dame de Foye, and which during two years has been called the Mission of Notre Dame de Lorette, — on account of the change of village that had to be effected last year, as described in the preceding relation, — now consists of about 300 souls, both Huron and Iroquois. This number is small, in truth, compared with that of the other Missions; but they are all chosen persons, who openly profess Christianity and the most sublime virtues that are practiced therein.

This Christian settlement has the advantage, over the other Christian communities of natives of the country, of being a Church fully formed; and we no longer count therein the number of the baptized, except by that of the children who come into the world. Should it nevertheless happen that some Iroquois abandon their country to take refuge in this village, as in a sure port of safety, we baptize them after carefully instructing them; and this year we have administered baptism to twenty-two adults of this class. With respect to this, I must not omit to mention the zeal manifested for their countrymen by our Iroquois, of both sexes, who have dwelt in this Mission many years; for I may say that the foundation of the instruction received by our newly-arrived neophytes is given them by the older residents, who [Page 27] very frequently go to seek them in their cabins, to instruct them in the mysteries of our holy Faith.

Jacques Sogarésé and Marie Tsaoueaté have especially distinguished themselves in such good offices, which they have rendered to those of their countrymen whom divine grace attracted to our midst. The former has never belied himself since he came here, four years ago; and has always faithfully performed the duties of a good and zealous Christian. On several occasions, he has given us very evident proofs of his faith — especially two years ago, when he went on a journey to his own country. He preferred to come back here, to practice Christianity in great poverty, rather than accept many presents offered him by his kindred and friends, to urge him not to leave them. But he is not content with possessing alone the treasure of the Faith, if he do not communicate it to others; therefore he performs, through preference, the duties of a zealous missionary. He does so to such an extent that his wife, named Cécile, who is herself a very good Christian, sometimes complains of being too much annoyed by the sermons that her husband continually preaches in his cabin. This good man, who is about forty years old, takes a special interest in seeing that all goes well in households and in families; and, if he observes therein any disorderly conduct, he at once notifies Father Chaumonot, in order that he may apply a remedy. He was also employed, in the capacity of catechist, in a large party of our Savages who went to hunt during several months last autumn, winter, and spring. Among them were some of those of whom I have spoken, who had quite recently come from the Iroquois country; and they returned from their hunt [Page 29] with a considerable knowledge of our mysteries, in which they have been instructed by our Sogarésé.

What shall I say of the journey undertaken by this brave man in the depth of winter, to bring here his little dead daughter, aged about twenty-five months, in order that she might be buried in consecrated ground? He performed that journey of over eighty leagues alone, through the snows and the forests, with that burden on his shoulders, walking day and night — in order, as he said, that his child’s bones might not be separated from those of the other believers, since her soul would never be separated from the number of the faithful in heaven. I know that many would blame such an undertaking in a. Frenchman; but I consider this zeal praiseworthy in a Savage, who is only beginning to receive the first notions of Christianity.

As to Marie Tsaouenté, whom all the French call “la Précieuse,” — and who is, in truth, a very precious treasure in our Mission, on account of her intelligence and her faith, — she has done more to instruct her countrymen than can be imagined. For, notwithstanding the poverty that she, as well as our other Savages, has had to endure this year, as we shall afterward describe, no sooner does an Iroquois man or woman arrive in the village than she goes to invite such to dwell in her cabin. She does so with the intention of feeding them out of the moderate alms given her; and it is her purpose to instruct them at leisure, day and night, in our mysteries, with which she is thoroughly conversant. Thus Father Chaumonot was greatly surprised, some time ago, when on a journey he met a good woman who had come here two months before, [Page 31] and heard that poor catechumen speak so pertinently of our religion that he at once concluded that what she said was the result of the good instruction given her by our Précieuse; for she is one of those whom that good Christian attracted to her cabin with that object.

But what will those who take such care of their bodies to the prejudice of their souls, reply to what I am about to say? Here is an excellent lesson, which will be given them by our good Savage woman. Father Vaillant,[1] who has charge of this Mission with Father Chaumonot, obtained permission to bury in the cemetery of the Savages here the body of a poor French child, who was drowned in a little river that we call “ the river of Lorette,” because it runs beside our village. He did so, in the manner in which we usually bury the poor French Christians. But, when they began to throw the earth directly upon the child, — who was wrapped only in a shroud given through charity by a Savage woman, who had seen others buried, — the Father perceived that all the Savages present at that burial were in consternation and surprise at the want of respect shown to the little body. For, with regard to the manner in which we allow our Christian Savages to pay the last burial honors to one another, after removing from them all the superstitions which they had learned in paganism, we have left them the remainder, which serves but to maintain the mutual union which exists between them, and even to inspire devotion in those who witness the ceremonies.

Their custom is as follows: as soon as any one dies, the captain utters a lugubrious cry through the [Page 33] village to give notice of it. The relatives of the deceased have no need to trouble themselves about anything, beyond weeping for their dead; because every family takes care that the body is shrouded, the grave dug, and the corpse borne to it and buried, and that everything else connected with the burial is done, — a service that they reciprocally render to one another on similar occasions.

When the hour for the funeral has come, the clergy usually go to the cabin to get the body of the deceased, which is dressed in his finest garments, and generally covered over with a fine red blanket, quite new. After that, nothing is done beyond what is customary for the French, until the grave is reached. Upon arriving there, the family of the deceased, who hitherto have only had to weep, display all their wealth, from which they give various presents. This is done through the captain, who, after pronouncing a sort of funeral oration, which is usually rather short, offers the first present to the church, — generally, a fine large porcelain collar, — in order that prayers may be said for the repose of the dead person’s soul. Then he gives, out of all the dead man’s effects, three or four presents to those who bury him; then some to the most intimate friends of the deceased. The last of all these presents is that given to the relatives of the deceased, by those who bury him. Finally, the whole ceremony concludes by placing the body in the ground in the following manner. A wide grave is dug, 4 to 5 feet deep, capable of holding more than six bodies, but all lined with bark on the bottom and four sides. This forms a sort of cellar, in which they lay the body, and over which they place a large [Page 35] piece of bark in the shape of a tomb; it is supported by sticks placed crosswise over the excavation, that this bark may not sink into the tomb, and that it may hold up the earth that is to be thrown on it; the body thus lies therein as in a chamber without touching the earth at all. Finally, some days after the burial, when the tears of the relatives have been dried to some extent, they give a feast to bring the deceased back to life, — that is, to give his name to another, whom they urge to imitate the dead man’s good actions while taking his name.

Now — to come back to the poor French child, after so long a digression — nothing of all this was done when it was interred; and that so greatly surprised those who were present that the Father observed on all their countenances a sort of indignation at the want of respect shown to the little body. Therefore on the following day, while in a cabin with several Savages, among whom was our good Tsaouenté, he spoke to her to ascertain what her sentiments were respecting what had happened on the previous day; for he was fully persuaded that he would receive some answer favorable to the Faith. “ Well, Tsaouenté,” he said to her, “ was not thy mind crooked yesterday ” (such is their way of speaking), “ as well as those of the others, when thou sawest with what little ceremony we bury our dead, and what little care we take in placing them honorably in their graves?” No,” my Father,” she replied; “ on the contrary, I thought that YOU French know much better in what estimation everything should be held than we, who bury our dead with such ceremony. For yesterday, when I saw the French throw earth on the eyes, the nose, the mouth, [Page 37] and the other parts of the child’s body, I said to myself: ‘ That is precisely what our Fathers have so often taught us: that in man the soul alone is precious, and that the remainder is nothing but earth and dust; and, consequently, when the body is separated from the soul it ought not to be separated from the earth, for it is nothing but earth.’ ”

“O, my brothers, what little sense we have ” (she continued, addressing her conversation to the whole meeting) “ when we so greatly despise our soul, which is immortal, to give our body all its petty comforts, while it is but earth and will soon return to dust.” Afterward, she pronounced a fine discourse on the immortality and nobility of our soul, to which nothing could be added.

Not that we have any reason to complain, when our Savages thus devote themselves to giving their dead honorable burial; without a doubt, their chief object is to place them on the road to heaven. Indeed, with that object, as soon as any one dies in a village, they receive a general communion for the repose of his soul; and, besides, on the fourth Sunday of every month they receive general communion, with the view of gaining the indulgence that we enjoy here on those days in favor of the souls in purgatory. For that reason also was All Souls’ day celebrated here this year with such devotion. For, in the afternoon of the day before, as soon as the bell began to ring for the dead, our chapel was filled with people, and it was not empty until a late hour on the next day; there were so many attendants that we were obliged to leave our church open throughout the night, to satisfy their devotion. During the night, two of our captains, without being told, did [Page 39] from time to time what saint Francis Xavier had formerly done, and what is practiced in several places in France: by their cries they called upon all in the village to come and pray to God for their dead relatives.

At the beginning of Holy Week, Paule Gaiachinnon came to the Father, and said to him: “ I observed, my Father, while we were in Quebec, that when they went to adore the cross on the great Friday there was a plate near the crucifix and every one gave a little present to our Lord, who was nailed to the cross through love of us. Why do we not do likewise here I Should not we, who live in the blessed Virgin’s village and who are her children, manifest to her that we share her affliction; and should we not with some presents wipe away the tears that she sheds for the death of her first-born? Even if our gifts be not considerable, they will be no less pleasing, considering our good will. ”

On Good Friday, the Father placed a plate near the crucifix, at the adoration of the cross, to satisfy the devotion of that good woman. She was the very first to begin giving, by putting in it more than 400 porcelain beads. All the others imitated her; and, at the end, there were in the plate over 4,000, besides some tubular porcelain beads and some pieces of silver. In the afternoon, all the elders assembled to. confer together as to what they could do to acknowledge our Lord’s goodness; and, having no words more expressive than gifts, they presented to him two porcelain collars, and placed them in the hands of Father Chaumonot, whom they summoned at the end of the council for that purpose. These presents are all the more valuable this year, since the scarcity [Page 41] of food among them has been so great that they have been obliged to sell almost everything they had, in order to provide for their sustenance.

In fact, the famine they endured was so extraordinary that I may say that, fifteen days after the harvest was gathered in last year, there were not six families in the whole village who had any corn. Therefore we should have great admiration for the Providence of God, who never abandons his faithful servants; for, notwithstanding so universal a famine, he has nevertheless preserved them all. He has not permitted a single one of our village to die this year from either hunger or disease, with the exception of one poor wretch, of whom we shall speak at the end of this relation. And this protection of the divine goodness is all the more manifest since great numbers of Savages of the other nations have died this year from hunger; and among our Hurons this was formerly so common that, when a similar famine afflicted them in their ancient country, they nearly all died.

Our charity toward them, and the aid that we have received from some zealous persons for the good of our Mission, have prevented this misfortune, which would inevitably have happened had it not been for those alms.

And assuredly, it seems that this has been sent to our Savages through God’s loving Providence, as a reward for all their acts of charity, during several years, in favor of many French who have been in the same necessity; for it has been observed that those who had formerly performed most frequently charitable acts have been those who have least felt the scarcity this year. Moreover, they have been so [Page 43] convinced that God would render unto them with interest what they might place in the hands of the poor that, with that very object, Marie Gandigonra gave, at the end of last year, the whole of the small quantity of corn that she possessed, as bountiful alms to the poor of this village. When she informed her uncle, who lives with her, of her design, he represented to her that, as their harvest had not been a good one, they exposed themselves to die of hunger before long, if she were so liberal. She replied: “My uncle, it is because our harvest has been bad, and because we are ready to die of hunger, that I wish to be charitable with the little that remains to us — so as to move God, who will not allow himself to be outdone in liberality, to repay us a hundredfold what we offer him. ” And at the same time, herself moved by what she had just said to her uncle, she brought to the Father twice as much corn as she had at first decided to give, — that is to say, more than two minots, — that he might distribute it among the most needy. The Father wished to refuse her, knowing her own needs; she urged that reason so strongly that he was obliged to accept her gift.

She is not the only one who has been, notwithstanding this great scarcity, charitable this year. Some, a very small number, who had corn left over from previous years, shared it with the others, being even reduced to having none for themselves.

François Otachetak and Catherine Teouachennien, his wife, who formerly practiced so nobly this virtue of charity, have not forgotten it this year, and have made themselves especially notable in what I have just said, For, so long as they had food, they could [Page 45] never make up their minds to eat it without sharing it with others, sometimes feeding a whole family in their cabin; and then they themselves were obliged to live on the alms that were given them.

One day, one of our Fathers offered Marie Oouendraka, from whom he had received some slight services, several boisseaux of peas, which had been given to him to provide for the needs of our Savages; but the good woman said to him: “ My father, I thank you for your present, but I beg you to excuse me if I do not accept it. I have still a little Indian corn, thank God, and many in our village have no food; therefore I pray you to give this present to some one who needs it more than I do.” This same woman — who formerly gave as many as twelve or fifteen minots of her corn at a time, as alms — said one day to her spiritual Father, when rendering him account of her conscience: “ You know, my Father, that I formerly had a quarrel with such a woman in this village; I at once endeavored to banish from my mind every aversion that might exist in it for that person. Nevertheless, while recently reflecting upon my actions, I considered that there still remained a little rancor; for, making in my mind a survey of the village, I found that she was the only one to whom. I had not given some of my corn. I will therefore go at once, if you approve, to carry her some, in order to overcome the remainder of the ill feeling that I might have against her.”

What shall I say of those who give in charity what they themselves have received as alms to relieve their necessities? And, if any one be ill in the village, all the best dishes are for him; and they take, as it were, the food from their own mouths to give [Page 47] it to him. A poor man who has languished for a very long time, and who is not yet cured, has fully felt the effect of this charity; for, in his illness, he not only received food in sufficient abundance to feed him, but also shirts and capotes, quite new, wherewith to clothe himself.

I must not forget to mention here the noble spirit of Marie Magdelaine Gachinnontiés, upon learning that her brother, who is in the Outaouais country, — that is, three or four hundred leagues from here, — and who is not yet a Christian, intended to send her a considerable present. She came to beg the Father to write to him that she thanked him for remembering her, and for his good will in wishing to give. her a present; but that the best gift she could receive from him would be to learn that he had embraced the Faith. She stated that she willingly released him from all the promises he might have made to send anything else, provided he would send her, the following year, the good news that he had become a Christian and was baptized. Not satisfied with this letter, the good neophyte, knowing that some canoes were leaving Quebec for the place where he is, went to wait for them, as they passed two leagues from here, to beg the savages in them to tell her brother that she urged him to be baptized. She reminded him that otherwise she would lose all hope of seeing him again, for in this world they would not meet, owing to their great distance from each other, as he was already well advanced in years, and she was old; and in the other life they would be still further separated, — for she hoped to go to heaven, as she was a Christian; while he would, of necessity, go to hell as an infidel, and obdurate in his error. [Page 49]

And if divine Providence has so preciously preserved, as I have already said, the inhabitants of our village who have behaved like true Christians, that not one of them died in a famine so great as that they endured this year, he has not failed to wreak vengeance upon a poor wretch who, despising all the good impulses of grace, and all the warnings given him, renounced the promise he had made at his baptism, and allowed himself to fall into evil ways. His name was Jacques Otratenkoui; he was a Huron by birth, and allied by the bonds of marriage to one of the most fervent families here; but he neither followed their example nor heeded their warnings. Five or six years ago, he was ill with smallpox and at the point of death; in that condition he had received all the sacraments. Happy would he have been had he died then in those good inclinations; but God had ordered otherwise — or, rather, his sins diverted that grace of heaven from him. It was necessary that the measure of his infidelities should be full before he died. He was of a very morose character, and was not very communicative, except in certain matters not very chaste, respecting which he is said to have been very eloquent. It was observed that he was not very devout, and he showed it on the journey that he made last summer to Michillimakinac, during which he died. The wretched man left here, he said, to go and trade at Nipissing; but he went to the Mission of Saint Ignace, among the Étionnontatés, which is directed by Father Pierson. As soon as he arrived, the Father gave him good advice regarding the manner in which he should behave among his brethren, who were not yet very firm in the Faith. He saw him [Page 51] daily, and spoke to him privately to exhort him, and to fortify him against the assaults of the devil and of the flesh. He kept for same time the promise that he had given the Father to fight against the devil, who failed not to tempt him in that direction, But to that end he did not once make use of the sacraments, although the Father exhorted him very often to do so. Wherefore, not being provided with those preservatives so necessary on such occasions, he suddenly abandoned both Prayer and his first wife, whom he had at Notre Dame de Lorette, to take in that country a second wife, who was not yet a Christian but merely a catechumen. After that, the Father, whose approach he avoided, spoke to him only two or three times, but always with much charity and compassion, begging him to acknowledge his error and have recourse to God’s mercy. He was deaf to all these remonstrances, and his heart was hardened against all the attacks that could be made against him on the subject; he closed against himself the door of God’s mercy by voluntarily closing upon himself the door of the Church, and by renouncing his Faith, in his resolution no longer to continue prayer to God. Some months afterward, he started for the winter hunt without acknowledging his error, and took with him that woman and a little girl that she had. He fell ill at the very beginning, and languished during the whole winter without ever having recourse to God or to prayer. But this was too much; and heaven at last took vengeance on that wretch, The Father learned at the end of March that this miserable man was at a distance of two days’ journey from the village, and sick unto death. He at once started early in the morning to cure his [Page 53] soul, which was still more ill than his body; but it was too late, for in the very evening of the day that he started he learned on the road that he had just expired, and had died like a Judas, in despair of his salvation.

Here are some circumstances attending his death, related by the very persons who were present at it. He lost the power of speech three days before that on which he gave up his soul to God; he was always assisted by his second wife, who remained near him to his last breath. Five days before his death, he bade farewell to those around him: “We are about to part,” he said; “ I am going to make a long journey into hell, where I shall be eternally unhappy.”

And shortly afterward, when a burning coal fell upon his arm, I know not how, they said to him: “My brother, the fire burns thee! ”

“Never mind,” he replied; “ let it remain there; I shall endure much more in hell.”

He was urged to have recourse to God, and to beg pardon of him. He retorted that his sin was too great to allow of his obtaining it, especially as there was no black Gown there to assist him and wipe away his sin. Alas! had the Father but known of his mortal illness in time! But the wretch had wearied God’s mercy, and had made himself unworthy of it by his obduracy.

We have learned from a good Christian woman that she said last autumn to that Savage, when he began to behave badly: “ I no longer see thee in church. How is it? Thy coming greatly rejoiced us who are only beginning to learn what Faith is, and in whom it has not yet deeply taken root: we thought that thou wouldst set us a good example, [Page 55] thou who hast been a Christian so long, and who livest in the midst of Christianity. But I do not see that thou behavest differently from those among us who have not yet sense.”

He replied with a laugh: “ Thou art right; but what shall we do? For my part I have no sense; I shall suffer, this winter; afterward, when spring comes, I will do penance, and, repenting of my sin, I shall make my peace with the Church, and my sin will be forgiven me. ’ ’

Alas, he was but half a prophet. In truth, he suffered greatly last winter from his illness; but he suffers still, and will suffer throughout all eternity. When spring came, he had no leisure for communing with his own soul. Ah! how mistaken was that wretched man! He thought that he would have time to do penance when the winter was over; but, during the winter, he had a sickness which has dragged him into hell.

I pray God that our Mission and all sinners may profit by so miserable an end; and that they will remember those beautiful words of Saint Isidore: “We should hasten to return to God through repentance, while we can; for, if we will not do so when we may, we shall be unable to do so when we wish, but too late. ”

Since the relation was written, a wonderful cure has happened, which deserves to be recorded here, to console us a little for the loss of the poor wretch of whom we have just spoken.[2]

I will adduce but one example more, which exhibits the marvelous effect of devotion of two children, who have obtained by their simple prayers the cure of their [Page 57] mother, — whose health was wholly despaired of. Following is the narrative.

Marie ouendraka, a very virtuous Christian woman, as will be clearly Seen from what follows, being one Day in her field of indian corn, distant from the village of lorette about a league (it was in the year 1676[3]), fell ill with a high fever, accompanied with pleurisy. This obliged her to return home, which she did with much difficulty. Father vaillant, having been apprised of her return and her sickness, went to visit her; and having spoken to her of God for some time, he suggested to her to procure the necessary remedies for her disease. To this she replied that, as she was already elderly (she was about 50 years old), it was not necessary to put herself to so much trouble about her health; and that paradise, to which she hoped to go after her death, was worth much more than the Life that he desired her to prolong. However, she was at once bled, and some time after was bled again, twice in one Day. After that, she felt a little better, and even dozed, — in such a way, however, that she overheard all that was going on in her Cabin; this decided the physician to bleed her again for the 4th time, which took place in the morning. In the afternoon of the same Day, which was the 6th of her illness, our two fathers going to visit her found her with a great increase of fever, and unable either to breathe or speak or even to open her eyes without much difficulty, — glancing at objects, without being able to see them. Her weakness increased so much that she could no longer move; she had not even strength enough to draw up her Coverlet. Father Chaumonot, seeing her so low, had recourse to God, to obtain from him the cure of this poor woman; and he asked the two children of the sufferer, who were there present, to beg it from him through the merits of the blessed virgin, and to promise to recite during [Page 59 Thought that she was delirious. He made her immediately sit down, fearing that she might commit some extravagance, and told her to keep herself quiet and not talk, lest she should increase her malady. “What malady?” she replied. “My sickness is gone; I am cured.” The more she talked, the more the father was Convinced that she was raving. At length, this woman so recently cured related to him the whole, — in secret, “for fear,” said she, “that I should become vain; for I dread lest this sudden cure should be a stratagem of the devil to lead me to perdition, seeing that there remains to him so short a time in which to tempt me.” The father, having heard all that had taken place, assured her that it was no illusion; but that very probably the blessed virgin, to whom her two children had promised a novena of the Rosary in the Chapel of lorette, had had the goodness to send two other of her children, who died as little angels several years ago, to restore her health to her. Then he conducted her to the Chapel, to give thanks to her benefactress, and to offer to God her renewed life, to be henceforth employed only in his service. As she went out of her cabin, she met her son aged 10 years, who as yet knew nothing of this cure; he, seeing her come out with a cheerful face, fled and went to Hide himself, thinking that It was a specter, and knowing the condition in which he had left her some time before. That evening, all the people were the more surprised at seeing her present at the benediction of the blessed sacrament, Kneeling without any difficulty, since that very Day they had been praying to God in her Cabin, in accordance with the praiseworthy custom of This Village, as for a dying person. On leaving the church, she assured them that she had felt neither inconvenience nor weakness since she had been cured. Besides, two reasons make one judge that she has been acted upon by a special favor from [Page 63] Heaven. The first is the condition to which her illness reduced her; she experienced pains so acute, and lay in so great weakness that she dared not even move, nor was she able to do so. Now, to revert in a moment from such a condition to robust health such as I have just Described, even after 4 bleedings in less than two Days, I do not think that that can be effected naturally without any remedy. The second is the holy frame of mind in which she underwent her illness, practicing in it almost every Christian virtue of which a sick person is Capable. She was detached from everything that could prevent her from thinking upon God, having, as early as the second day of her illness, disposed of the few effects that she had, is favor of some poor people of the village, — only reserving for herself a wretched Coverlet, in which to be enshrouded after her death. She had bidden farewell to her children, and had given them the Instructions that they were to observe when she was gone — in so touching and so christian a manner that she drew tears from the eyes of all the bystanders. She had Made an offering to God of her own life, in a great indifference to living or dying, whichever might be his good pleasure. She was wholly resigned to death, which she awaited with confidence and Joy. She suffered the most excruciating pain with an admirable patience, uniting, and continually Comparing her sufferings with those of our lord in his passion. She enjoyed, moreover, the continual presence of God and of the blessed virgin, — to whom she had especial recourse during the violence of her severest pain. Will not all this, I say, taken together with the novena of her two children, have had power to move the Heart of the blessed virgin to obtain for this woman, from her Dear son, a miraculous recovery? [Page 65]

CXL — CXLII

Miscellaneous Documents, 1675-77.

CXL. — De la Chapelle de Notre-Dame de Lorette en Canada. Martin Bouvart; [Lorette, Mars 1 et 2, 1675]

CXLL. — Lettre du P. Jean Enjalran à —; Sillery, 13^e octobre, 1676

CXLK. — Recit d’un 3^e voyage faict aux Ilinois. Claude Allois; n.p., [ca. 1677]

—————

Sources: Doc. CXL, we obtain from L’Abeille (published by the students of the Petit Séminaire of Quebec), January March, 1879. Doc. CXLI. we publish from a transcriptcfurnished us by Rev. A. Carrère, of Toulouse, France. Doc. CXLII. we have from the original MS. in the archives of St. Mary’s College, Montreal. [Page 67]

Of the Chapel of Notre Dame de Lorette in

Canada: establishment of the de-

votion of Lorette.

PART FIRST.

1. OCCASION AND MOTIVES FOR BUILDING THIS

CHAPEL.

S there is, in all New France no place more notable through the devotion of the French and the Savages than is Notre Dame de Lorette,[4] we will here trace its beginnings, its progress, and its results.

Without expatiating upon the desires which the Reverend Father Joseph Marie Chaumonot had conceived 37 years ago, at Loretto in Italy, for building in Canada, whither he was coming, a church upon the model and under the name of the holy house of the Virgin; without speaking of his endeavors, or of the advances that he made at various times toward the execution of this glorious project, — I will first show the occasion and the motives which the Fathers of the Society of Jesus have had for building upon their lands a chapel representing that of Nazareth, now called that of Loretto.

As the Huron mission, which was at Notre Dame de Foy from the year 1669 until the year 1674, was increasing every day, — either through the recruits who came to us from the Country of the Iroquois, or [Page 69] through the blessing which God gives to the Huron families in order to people them anew, — we have been obliged to seek for our savages much more land and wood than they had so near to Quebec. After many searchings, and still more prayers, they have not themselves found a place more suitable than that which we have allowed them, three leagues from Quebec, on our seigniory of St. Michel, — a place to which we have given the name of Lorette. The reasons follow.

First motive. As one of our most just and most ardent desires is to extend and increase, as much as we possibly can, the devotion toward the Blessed Virgin, — our all-gracious mother and all-powerful protectress, whom the French and the Savages have found so favorable at Notre Dame de Foy, — we have not found a better means to afford her more and more honor, than to build her a second chapel, which should bear the name and should have, so to speak, all the features of her holy house of Nazareth, now called Loretto. Without, then, neglecting the care of Notre Dame de Foy, which we caused to be built five years ago, — and in which we put the miraculous image of the Virgin which is there, and is made from the actual wood of the miraculous Notre Dame de Foy at Dinan[5] — we have undertaken to build entirely, at our own expense, a larger and much finer chapel.

Second motive. The ardor that we feel for perpetuating in the minds and hearts of all the peoples of this country the remembrance and gratitude deserved by the adorable mystery of the Incarnation, which is the great mystery of Loretto, has made us [Page 71] consider rather the power and riches of God than our own impotence and poverty.

Third motive. Moreover, as the remoteness of these settlements does not allow the nations of this vast country to undertake pilgrimages as far as Italy, in order to honor there the holy house of Jesus, Mary, and Joseph, we have chosen to give them a means of honoring that sanctuary, at least in its image. How happy we shall be!

Fourth motive. If, just as our feast-days are instituted to renew within our souls the mysteries which they represent, our chapel has thus the virtue of inwardly applying to us the graces which it represents, — by representing the place, the persons, and the actions which have deserved them, — God grant that Mary, having given in her womb a human life to Jesus in the former Loretto, may in the new one give him a spiritual birth in the hearts of all the French and all the Savages of America!

2. MEANS OF BUILDING THE NEW LORETTE.

piritual means. If means should be in proportion to their end, since the end that we have set before us in this design is supernatural and divine, the means thereto have been bound to be rather spiritual and celestial than natural and human. Thus, during the whole year 1673, we observed and caused to be observed in honor of St. Joseph various communions, novenas, penances, and other devotions. The Ursuline and Hospital Nuns manifested their zeal and their piety in all these holy exercises. Toward the end of the same year, we conducted our Savages to Sillery on a pilgrimage; they solemnized [Page 73] there, in honor of St. Michael, who is the patron thereof, a general communion and a public vow.

The porcelain collar which they offered him, and which they attached to the base of his image, is a token of the help and protection which they have asked from the Holy Angels for the happy establishment of the house and the village of their Queen in Canada. At the beginning of the year 1674, they had hardly arrived at the place destined to be the village of Lorette, where they began from that time to dwell, when they received another communion and made another vow, in honor of St. Anne; and they offered her also a porcelain collar, which is still in our chapel of Lorette, suspended at the base of her image. They asked from this mother of the mother of God, that, as she had formerly had the care of providing for her daughter a house at Nazareth, she would now apply herself to procure for her a similar one in this new world. Such are the principal and best foundations upon which the new Loretto in Canada is established and supported; for in the way of alms and other aids from men, we have received so little that it does not deserve to be recounted. However, notwithstanding some advances and debts which we have been obliged to incur in order to carry out this enterprise, we hope that our house will not remain inconvenienced by all that it has contributed for building a house to the divine Mary. It is to the glory of so great a Queen to give back infinitely more than one has advanced for her; it is, then, enough for us that she knows that the Loretto of New France costs us some 5,000 livres. [Page 75]

Other means. While on one side we were addressing ourselves to God through masses and the other pious exercises of which mention was just now made, on the other hand we were making all the preparations that we judged necessary for the execution of our enterprise. Thus, as early as the beginning of the year 1673, the Hurons having accepted the lands that were presented to them, — or rather, having themselves chosen them, — we determined where the chapel and the village should be located. We had, at first, made choice of a high, level tract of land lying beyond the brook which supplies water for our savages: and we had caused to be felled there 30 arpents of timber, and had a great cross planted in the middle, and had caused to be built a house of planks to lodge the workmen and shelter the materials. But in spring, after the melting of the snows, as we perceived that this plateau is too difficult of access on account of the depth of the ditches which surround it, we chose quite near it, to the east, another level much more convenient and much more beautiful, — whence there will be a view of Quebec, after some great trees which obstruct it have been cut down.

On that same side there is a very beautiful river, into which flows a brook of excellent water, after having described a sort of crescent about the village.[6]

Moreover, the elevation and the level character of the land, the purity of the air, and the convenience of the springs and other brooks which are near, make that place of residence one of the most pleasing in all this country.

The place being chosen, the plan of the village was almost immediately drawn up; and in that same [Page 77] summer some cabins were hastily built, in which the Savages came to dwell the following winter. But, the cabins proving to be too near one another, it was thought best to put them farther apart. Therefore new outlines were drawn, toward the end of the month of April, for the village of Lorette, by placing the chapel at the center of the quadrangle composing it. A width of 20 feet was given to each of the six cabins which are on the same line, along each of its four sides. Another space of 20 feet was assigned between every two cabins; and in the middle of each row there was also marked off a 20-foot road which ended directly at the Chapel. You can more readily picture to yourselves the entire village from the diagram which should be inserted at this place.

PLAN OF THE CHAPEL AND VILLAGE OF LORETTE IN

CANADA.[7]

MUST not omit here that our fervent Dogique, Louis Taondechorend, who happened to be in an assembly after having seen the plan of the chapel and village of Lorette, made there an address, very sensible and sound. Among other things that he said, — having related what he had heard of Loretto in Italy, — he added that all the cabins which he saw arranged about the chapel represented to him, as it were, the grand temple which encloses the sacred house of Lorette; that thus they should all regard their village as a great Church, of which all their cabins formed as many different parts. Whence he concluded that the fathers and mothers of families should regard themselves in their houses as at so many posts and places which Mary has entrusted to [Page 79] their fidelity, to defend them against her enemies, which are sins, especially those of drunkenness and impurity. “ Therefore,” he said in conclusion, “ our Village will be truly the village of Mary, as long as vice shall dispute neither her sovereignty nor her possession.”

As we wished to build the chapel of bricks, and as no land suitable for making these had yet been discovered in the vicinity, we ordered 24 thousand at côte de Beaupré, between Château Richer and Ste. Anne. In the autumn of the same year, 1673, they were brought by water to Sillery, in Monsieur Basile’s bark and shallop. He would take nothing for boat-hire. No doubt he will lose nothing for having contributed this alms to the walls of the house of Mary.

In the following winter, trains were used for conveying these same bricks from Sillery to Lorette.[8] As there were not enough, in the spring of the year 1674 another 30 thousand were ordered to be made, a quarter of a league from the chapel. The wood which was necessary for the floors, the framework, and the roof was obtained much nearer. The only exception was the shingles, some of which were made at côte de St, Michel; others, half a league or so from Lorette. As for the lime, it was brought from Quebec by train, at the same time as the bricks which were at Sillery.

3. THE SAVAGES ESTABLISHED AT LORETTE.

HILE all these preparations were going on, our Savages, having, as we have already said, erected some 12 or 13 cabins, came to lodge in them and settle at Lorette on the 28th of December, 1673, [Page 81] However, they returned to Notre Dame de Foy in the spring of the year 1674, in order to sow their fields there; and until after their crop they were somewhat divided as to their abode, being now at the old village and now at the new. As during all that time there was not yet a chapel built at Lorette, the Reverend Father Chaumonot first inquired who could lend half his cabin, that he might there make an oratory, and set up an altar. Immediately François Athorichez and Jacques Onouandousandik, with their sister-in-law, Marie Ouendraka, came to urge us to take their whole cabin, — saying that God surely deserved to have a whole dwelling for himself alone. Their offer being accepted, we celebrated holy mass there during ten months and more, and very conveniently performed all our other duties. As for them, they put up, near by, some wretched pieces of bark; and their whole family, which has appeared the most zealous for the establishment of Lorette, lodged underneath these, with much inconvenience from the cold and from smoke.

The cabins in which our savages had lodged being too small, too near, and hastily built, they built for themselves more spaciously and with more order, in the summer of the year 1674. However, as some came back too late from the hunt to strip bark, there still remained nine cabins to build, in order to finish the square of the village of Lorette. We hope that this summer it will not only be completed, but even that they will begin to double the rows of cabins, on account of the persons who have already come to us from the country of the Iroquois, and those whom we are still expecting. We counted in this mission as many as two hundred Christians, at the opening [Page 83] of the chapel, the construction of which we must now consider.

4. THE CHAPEL OF LORETTE IS BUILT, BLESSED, AND

OPENED.

N the 16th day of July in the year 1674, the Reverend Father Claude Dablon, superior-general of the missions of the Society of Jesus in New France, and rector of the college of Quebec, laid the first stone of the new house of Lorette, with the usual ceremonies, and with extraordinary joy on the part of our Savages. From that day until the day of the blessing and opening of the same chapel, they have of themselves practiced the devotion of going every morning to pray to God at the foot of the cross, — which was placed, according to custom, at the spot where the altar was to be. In their desire soon to see their church finished, they freely contributed their work, when it was desired that they should aid the workmen; and, notwithstanding their poverty, upon returning from the hunt they made a present of 18 moose-skins for the same purpose; but we preferred to exchange these for clothing, which we bought for them in order to help cover them.

Finally, the chapel being finished, it was blessed on the 4th of November in the same year, 1674. The blessing given, we went in procession to a temporary altar erected in the woods on the road to Quebec, a quarter of a league from the brook. The French and the Savages sang there in two choirs: the former in Latin, the others in Huron. Moreover, we went to this temporary altar to get three most precious images or statues, each one placed in a niche made and given by the Reverend Mothers the Nuns of the [Page 85] Hospital of Quebec. The same nuns have also made a present to our chapel, of the robe of Our Lady, and of a bowl fashioned after the holy bowls which are at Loretto, one that has touched them. Of the three images, the first and principal one is that of Our Lady, sent here from Loretto, and fashioned after the miraculous image that St. Luke left there. As all the statues drawn from that holy model, and brought in contact with it, have acquired the power of working miracles, we believe with reason that ours, fashioned after and applied to that divine image, will cause us to experience and feel the power and the goodness of Mary, whom the image represents along with her Jesus, whom she embraces with her left hand and supports with her right. The two others are made of the real wood of Notre Dame de Foy. One is a Virgin, bearing her Son: and it was sent to our savages by the cities of Nancy and Bar. The other, which the princes and princesses of the most illustrious and pious house of Lorraine have sent us, is a Saint Joseph, who also holds the infant Jesus upon one of his arms.

These two small statues are not less noteworthy for their relics than for their material their signification, and their donors. These relics are a piece of the Blessed Virgin’s veil, which is at the base of the St. Joseph, and a small portion of the same St. Joseph’s girdle, enshrined in a little escutcheon which the infant Jesus holds, who is himself borne by his mother. These images, being received by the procession with the joy and devotion that one may imagine, were carried to the chapel: the last two by two of our Fathers, and the first by the Reverend Father Superior, who officiated. At the end [Page 87] of the mass, which was sung with music, he pronounced a devout and profound sermon, in which he drew a beautiful parallel between the two Lorettos of Italy and Canada. In the afternoon, he made a feast for the Savages, to whom, — among other presents that he made them in the way of blankets, cloths, and hatchets, — he gave the contract of concession for the lands which have been granted them. The principal clause of this contract is, that the Savages are obliged, by way of dues, not to take liquor to excess; and that those who shall henceforth become intoxicated shall be driven from Lorette and shall lose their fields, whatever work they may have accomplished, This condition being accepted by the Savages, to whom it was explained, — not only by the Reverend Father Chaumonot, but also by Pierre Aondechette, Marie Felix Awonhontonwa, and others who know French, — this condition, I say, being accepted in due form, and all the speeches being made on both sides, this glorious and happy day was ended with the Benediction of the Blessed Sacrament.[9]

5. DESCRIPTION OF THE CHAPEL OF NOTRE DAME

DE LORETTE IN CANADA.

THINK that those who cannot betake themselves in person to our new Lorette, will be very glad to see it at least on paper. Therefore, to give them a faithful picture thereof, they shall know that this chapel, similar to the true Loretto, is wholly of brick — forty feet long by twenty wide, and twenty- five feet high. It is pierced for three doors, a chimney, and two windows. There is a steeple above that of the lower gable, — through which, as is [Page 89] believed, the angel entered when he came to salute the Blessed Virgin, It is also held that on that side was St. Joseph’s shop. Turcellin[10] opines that the main portion of the dwelling is the North side, and affirms that the threshold of the door is of wood — which we have observed in case of the Canadian Loretto. On this same side, toward the altar, is a cupboard quite simply constructed, and suitable for locking up plate and other similar articles. As opposite the north door is a south door, there is also on that same side a window which corresponds to the cupboard. As for the altar, it is in quite extraordinary style, although pleasing and devotional.

The apostles, who converted the true Loretto into a church, not having deemed it expedient to extend the altar quite over against the chimney, have so separated it therefrom by a little recess, that one sees it through three gratings, of which the middle one is the length of the altar; and those of the two sides, which have their squares lozenge-shaped, seem, as their height is much greater than their width, to take the place of columns. Instead of an altar-front, there is a fourth grating, which is quite like the first, except that it is not nearly as high. In the Loretto of Italy, this grating is set upon a rich table of jasper; but in ours it is placed only upon a wooden table, painted like jasper. The small recess which is behind the altar is called by the Italians il camino santo [“the holy chimney”], because it contains the chimney of the holy family, Jesus, Mary, and Joseph. Our Hurons name it at least as properly in their language, Marie etiondata, “ the apartment of Mary:” because that, as is believed, was where the blessed [Page 91] Virgin had her bed, and where, it is asserted, she often changed the clothing of her divine child, and warmed him. One enters this sanctuary by a door which is smaller than the two others; this is on the south, opposite the place where, it is held, the infant Jesus and his mother most commonly took their rest. As, in Italy, the image of Our Lady made by St. Luke is placed in a niche, on the mantel of the chimney, — so the copy which has been sent to us is also in a niche on the mantel of the chimney of our Lorette; and one likewise sees it within the chapel, through the first three gratings of which we have already spoken. I need only observe here that, the image of Our Lady which is in the true Loretto being black, — either on account of the smoke from the lamps which burn there, or otherwise, — we have had the image of our Lorette painted in flesh-color. We did this for fear lest, if we exposed for the veneration of our Savages an image entirely black, we might cause them to resume the custom which we have made them abandon, of blackening and staining their faces. What I have just said of the lamps, which are very numerous in the Loretto of Italy, reminds me that, in the reasonable fear that prevailed lest they should set fire to the ceiling, which was of wood, it was removed toward the end of the past century; and they still show at present, at the top of the walls, the ends of the beams that were sawn off. As for us, — because, in the poverty in which this country is, we have no reason to fear a similar accident for the Canadian Lorette, — we have boldly made it with a ceiling, as was formerly the real Loretto.[11] [Page 93]

6. DEVOTION OF THE FRENCH AND THE SAVAGES

FOR THE NEW LORETTE IN CANADA.

E may say that the devotion which is entertained here for Notre Dame de Lorette in Canada, began just as soon as the project for building that holy chapel was formed. In fact, when at the beginning of the year 1673 we went to mark out its site, persons of high standing in this country be