The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents Volume 46

PREFACE TO VOL. XLVI

Following is a synopsis of the documents contained in this volume:

CII. —Chaps. i.-iv. of the Relation of 1659-60 appeared in Vol. XLV.; the remainder of the document is given here. In Chap. iv. was related the story of the gallant defense of the Long Sault by Dollard and his little band; the writer proceeds, in Chap. v., to relate the marvelous escape from the Iroquois of several Huron captives taken in that assault. After undergoing tortures from their cruel captors, and the utmost hardships and sufferings during their flight, they arrive safely at the St. Lawrence, guided thither by the Virgin, whom they have earnestly invoked. One of these, while tied to the stake, is miraculously saved by a sudden thunderstorm, which extinguishes the flames and compels his tormentors to seek shelter. At this juncture, the head of the family to whom he has been given returns from hunting, and orders that the captive's life shall be spared; and he is treated as one of the household. Pretending to join a war-party against the French, this Huron escapes from them while on the way to Three Rivers, which place he reaches after great privations. He recounts the particulars of the tortures inflicted at Onondaga upon one of the Frenchmen captured at the Long Sault; these are described at length in the Relation. The news of that sad disaster being brought to Québec, the Huron [Page 9] widows manifest a Christian resignation which is truly marvelous. Instead of the usual shrieking and wailing practiced by the savages, these poor women come quietly, although in tears, to pray in the Chapel.

The writer next enumerates the peoples " who are stretching out their arms to us, asking for Fathers of our Society to go and instruct them." These 'tribes extend from Maine to the Missouri River, and from Labrador to Hudson Bay; and missions could be at once opened among them, were it not for the Iroquois, the Canaanites of New France. A mission to the Upper Algonkins (Ottawas) has been undertaken by Ménard, but at the risk of his life; for the Iroquois haunt the rivers, by which alone travel in that vast wilderness is possible. Bishop Laval shows great interest in this enterprise. A letter written by Ménard to a friend, upon the eve of his departure, is here given.

A chapter is devoted to the burning, at Québec, of some prisoners captured from the Iroquois. Such fires, however, prove the surest road to heaven; " so sure are they, that we have scarcely ever seen an Iroquois burned without regarding him as on the way to Paradise; nor have we considered a single one as certainly on that road whom we have not seen pass through this torture." Before their torments, these prisoners are duly instructed and baptized by the Jesuits; " the Wolf is changed all at once into a lamb, and enters the fold of Jesus Christ, which he came to ravage. " Full details are given of the fearful tortures inflicted by the Algonkins upon these their hereditary enemies.

Since Laval's arrival in Canada, " one of the most remarkable occurrences . . . is the almost total [Page 10] suppression of drunkenness among our Savages." This has been accomplished through Laval's efforts. " After the King's orders and the Governors' decrees had proved ineffectual, he, by excommunicating all the French who shall give intoxicating liquors to the Savages, suppressed all these disorders." This action was taken in the preceding May. The result is especially felt at Tadoussac, where the evils of drunkenness have been most pronounced. The Huron converts who are slaves among the Iroquois are leading most exemplary Christian lives, notwithstanding the scorn of their infidel masters. The providence of God has enabled the French to sow their grain and gather their harvests. The former was secured through the sacrifice of Dollard and his band at the Long Sault; the latter, through D'Argenson's prompt and resolute action in arresting some pretended Cayuga ambassadors, and holding them as hostages for the Frenchmen still held captive by the Mohawks.

Late advices, received as the Relation is being closed, mention an encounter between the Ottawa fleet which Ménard accompanied this summer, and a band of Onondagas; but the latter, being outnumbered, retreat. It is rumored that the few Hurons remaining in Québec are to be carried away by the Iroquois in a raid on that town. The Mohawks are urging the Onondagas to join them in a general raid on Canada; but the French hope that this may be prevented by their possession of the Cayuga hostages. The Relation closes with an earnest appeal to Christians of France for aid to their brethren in Canada.

CIII. —This is a letter (dated June 2, 1661) by Father Ménard to his superior at Québec, Jerome [Page 11] Lalemant; it is written from the Bay of Ste. Thérese (Keweenaw Bay), Lake Superior, where Ménard has labored among the Ottawas whom he accompanied thither the preceding year. He has gained six converts in that time, whose pious fervor and pure lives console him in his life of privations and trials. He mentions his poverty; he needs presents for the Indians, clothing for himself, some medicines for the sick, and some tobacco, which is money in that region. " These people are so poor, and we like-wise, that we cannot find a scrap of cloth wherewith to make a compress; or a piece of stuff as large as one's hand, with which to mend our clothes."

Ménard mentions the unusual mildness of the winter at Lake Superior. He is uncertain how long he will remain at Keweenaw, and states that he must go to the spring rendezvous of the Algonkins, at St. Esprit (Chequamegon) Bay. The letter at this point (March 1) remains unfinished for three months; on June 1, he resumes it, and gives a summary of his experiences during the interval. The supply of fish was deficient this winter, and " those who wished to keep Lent suffered greatly; " but after Easter they have, for a time, abundance of moose-meat. This also failing, the Frenchmen, nine in number, leave the Indians, and go in canoes to the rendezvous, The spring is cold and stormy; " the winter and white frosts continued until the middle of May." Among the fugitive Hurons, many are dying with hunger; and to this misery is added an attack by their relentless foes, the Iroquois, and another by the Sioux. Again they flee, seeking refuge in the forests of Central Wisconsin.

Ménard sends some of the Frenchmen to an Indian [Page 12] chief, to procure corn; but they do not return when he expects them, and his provisions are almost gone. Joliet and a companion have just left him; and, with the remaining three Frenchmen, he is encamped near eighty cabins of Ottawas.

CIV. —Two letters are included herein, addressed to "the great Condé;" they are earnest appeals for military protection to the struggling colony of New France, against the incessant harassment of the Iroquois. The first is written by Paul Ragueneau; he asks that a regiment be sent to Canada, and maintained there for two or three years, as the country cannot bear that expense. The other is from the new governor, D'Avaugour. He praises the beauty and fertility of the country; and asks that settlers and soldiers be sent over, and aided with provisions. Then the colony " Will grow, as all other states have done —provided they be not burdened with useless functionaries, such as the petty governors and men of law who are sent out to them every day." The governor thinks that 100,000 souls could be supported within the radius of 1% leagues around Québec; and suitable fortifications would render it " the finest, the strongest, and the greatest port in the world; compared with it, Brisach is but a shadow." A postscript to D'Avaugour's letter states that he has appointed Ragueneau head of a council to manage public affairs, and commends the work of the Jesuits in Canada.

CV —Chaumonot writes (October 20, 1661) to a brother Jesuit in France. He states that the Onondagas have brought back nine French prisoners, and promise to restore others in the following spring. Le Moyne —who in July had gone to escort some [Page 13] Iroquois hostages to their own country —writes that he was well received by the savages, who have built him a Chapel; and that the Mohawks and other tribes really wish for peace, since they are at war with certain other tribes. The new governor is planning a decisive campaign against the most hostile of the Iroquois tribes, if only he can obtain sufficient aid from France; he also intends to build forts to awe the others. The Iroquois who have come to Québec profess to desire the presence of Chaumonot among them, and promise to take him to their country next spring.

CVI —The Journal des Jésuites is continued in 1661 by Lalemant, and, as usual with him, is mainly occupied with ecclesiastical affairs. At New-Year's, he returns the visits made to him by the habitants, and takes " to the Children an Agnus Dei and a small piece of Citron-peel." On February 13, a house is destroyed by fire, the family losing all their goods; the bishop and the Jesuits aid them. At one of the church ceremonies, the governor claims precedence of the bishop in receiving a salute; " we induced him to agree that the Children's hands should be kept occupied, so that neither one nor the other would be saluted. The Children were notified and commanded to do this; but the Children, who were Charles Couillar and Ignace de Kepentigny, instigated and persuaded by their parents, did just the contrary, and saluted Monsieur the Governor first. This greatly offended Monseigneur the Bishop. We tried to appease him; and the two children were whipped, on the following morning, for having disobeyed." This and other quarrels regarding precedence finally " resulted in the Interdiction of processions."

Early in April, news comes that the Iroquois have [Page 14] again begun their attacks upon the French, of whom they have captured eight at Three Rivers. Soon afterward, however, twenty French prisoners are brought back to Montréal. On May 11, Dablon and Druillettes depart from Québec for a mission among the Crees near Hudson Bay. Hardly have they left Tadoussac when a large band of Mohawks fall upon the Frenchmen engaged in fishing there, of whom several are killed. The post is immediately abandoned by all, both French and savages, who hastily retreat to Québec. Upon this follow similar raids near all the French settlements, in which a considerable number of Frenchmen are killed or captured. The most notable of these is the seneschal, Jean de Lauson the younger. Yet Cayuga ambassadors bring back French captives, and ask for " black robes " to go and instruct them. July 2, Le Moyne goes to their country, to secure the liberation of the captives they hold, and to reconcile them, if possible, with the Onondagas. On the twenty-seventh, Dablon and his party return, through fear of the Iroquois.

On August 3, the Abbé de Queylus again comes from France; he goes up to Montréal, despite the command of the bishop; but in October he is obliged to return to France. On the last day of the month, the new governor, D' Avaugour, arrives. Laval plans to receive him with much parade of ecclesiastical functions; but, as the governor pays a visit to Montréal, soon after his arrival and afterward comes to the parish church in the ordinary fashion of other citizens, and as he " was an enemy of all Ceremony, it happened that nothing was done." D' Avaugour compels Lalemant to become a member of the Council. Early in October, two men are shot, and one is [Page 15] flogged —all for trading brandy to the savages. In November, Bishop Laval comes to the Jesuit residence to spend the winter. Another Iroquois raid results in the killing of several Frenchmen at Montréal —among them, two priests.

CVII. —In this volume, we give Chaps. i.-iii. Of the Relation of 1660-61; the remainder will appear in Vol. XLVII. The Relation is prefaced by an urgent and eloquent appeal to the King of France, for aid to Canada; this is signed by Paul le Jeune, Paris agent of the Canadian missions, who is apparently the editor of the publication. The opening chapter gives a melancholy account of the wretched condition to which the fierce Iroquois have reduced the French colony. These misfortunes were presaged, the past winter, by an earthquake, a comet, and other prodigies, which terrified many of the people. Many Frenchmen have been taken prisoners by the Iroquois —some of whom have been tortured to death, others made slaves to those cruel captors. Montréal and Three Rivers have fared worst; Québec is sufficiently fortified to be safe. A band of Attikamegues, accompanied by two Frenchmen (one of them a son of Godefroy), encounter nearly thrice their number of Iroquois; they fight for two days, and all the former band are killed or captured. The deaths of Jean de Lauson and the priest Le Maître, at the hands of the Iroquois, are circumstantially related. These enemies vary their acts of hostility with peace parleys; but the French dare not trust their amicable professions, knowing too well their treachery. The particulars of these parleys are given, with the speeches of the envoys. The latter not only talk of peace, but invite the Jesuits, and [Page 16] on one occasion, even the nuns, to Settle in their country. An Onondaga ambassador insists that a " black robe " must return with him, or the twenty French captives still held in his country will be killed. Such of these as have been restored say that the Onondagas treat them kindly; and that there are so many Christians among that tribe that public prayers are held every day, to which they are called by one of their chiefs.

The demand made by the Onondagas greatly perplexes the French, who know the Iroquois too well to trust them. They finally decide that it is better to risk one Jesuit than all the twenty captives; and that " one of the Fathers should go and sacrifice himself for the public, and for the rescue of the prisoners. " The lot falls upon Le Moyne, " who had already four times risked his life among the Iroquois." He accordingly departs with the envoys and the liberated Cayuga prisoners; the former promise to return soon with the French captives. The coming of the new governor gives fresh hope to the distressed colonists. D'Avaugour carefully inspects the fortifications, the settlements along the great river, and the resources of the country, with which he is delighted.

The missions to tribes in the Northwest are now considered. No word has yet been received from Ménard, who went, two years ago, to labor among the Ottawas of Lake Superior. Letters and a journal have been received from Druillettes and Dablon, who last May set out on a mission to the Cree tribes; they have reached Nekouba, midway between Tadoussac and Hudson Bay, and the height of the watershed between those regions. [Page 17]

The journal (probably written by Dablon) describes their route, and the dangers they encountered therein. At the outset, they are detained at Tadoussac several weeks, an epidemic sickness having arisen there which causes many deaths. Upon entering Lake St. John, they hear of the deaths of some Indians belonging to their party; these men have been put to death by the other savages, because they were seized by a mental disease which rendered them ravenous for human flesh. It is a sort of werewolf tale, which the missionaries receive somewhat cautiously. At that lake, they baptize eight Indians from the regions to which they are bound —an auspicious entrance upon their voyage into unknown lands, " Satan's dominions." They ascend the Chobmouchouan River, meeting frequent cascades and rapids, which compel them to make laborious portages. After thirty days spent in threading their way through a wilderness of rapids, lakes, and forests, and crossing sixty-four portages, they reach Nekouba —a point but eighty leagues in a straight line from Tadoussac, and a center of trade for the Northern tribes, Here they are welcomed by a band of savages, with shouts of joy and polite speeches, the discharge of muskets, and a ceremonious dance. Nekouba is in a barren, desolate region, with comparatively little life, either animal or vegetable. The "sole redeeming quality of these deserts is their inability to maintain even those little troublesome creatures," the mosquitoes and gnats. Forest fires are so frequent there that the travelers seldom enjoy a cloudless sun, owing to the smoke which fills the air. These fires cause periods of intense heat, and at other times intense cold occurs in summer. [Page 18]

At Nekouba, the missionaries meet Indians belonging to numerous tribes, some of whom have never seen a Frenchman, or heard of God; they instruct and baptize many. They are threatened with famine, owing to the large number gathered there (nearly two hundred souls); and always arises the haunting fear of the Iroquois, of whose ravages they hear in every direction, —even far up the Saguenay, and toward Lake Superior. These relentless foes have taken by surprise and utterly destroyed the Squirrel tribe, several days' journey from Nekouba; and all the neighboring tribes are so terrified thereby that they are dispersing to more remote regions, hoping there to find safety. It is reported that the Iroquois now contemplate raids on the tribes that border Hudson Bay. For these reasons, Dablon and Druillettes think it necessary to give up their plan for farther advance westward.

R. G. T.

Madison, Wis., May, 1899

[Page 19]

CII (concluded)

Relation of 1659-60

—————

Paris: SEBASTIEN CRAMOISY, 1661

In Volume XLV. We gave the first four chapters of this document; the remainder is printed herewith.

[Page 20]

[90] CHAPTER V.

OF THE CONDITION OF THE SURVIVING HURONS AFTER

THEIR LATEST DEFEAT.

HEAVEN'S WONDERFUL GUIDANCE OF A HURON

SNATCHED FROM THE HANDS OF THE IROQUOIS.

NE of those from whom we learned all that we have related in the preceding Chapter is a Christian Huron, who, by the truly marvelous aid of Heaven, escaped from the hands of the Iroquois after ten days' captivity. The incident is memorable, and deserves an especial account.

[91] He was a man of comely appearance, a good Christian, and long ago thoroughly instructed in all the Mysteries of our Faith. No sooner did he see himself loaded with shackles than he felt inwardly impelled to have recourse to the Blessed Virgin, of whom the Fathers had told him so many wonders. The first resolution he formed was to honor her during his misfortunes more fervently than before, and he therefore promised her to say her Rosary every day. That he might fulfill his promise faithfully, he used his ingenuity to make good the want of his Rosary which the Iroquois had taken from him with all his clothes. He used, accordingly, straws to Count the decades, and leaves of trees for noting thereon with his finger-nail each Ave Maria, passing most of the day in this holy and [92] ingenious exercise. He was so attached to it that, when he was invited to sing as is the custom of prisoners, he excused [Page 23] himself by saying that he wished to save his voice in order to sing the better on arriving in his captors' country; for this is a vanity that reigns even on the scaffold and at the stake. Our good Christian, however, used this pretext to avoid being diverted from his prayers, which he addressed to all the Saints of whom he had heard, and even to those of our Fathers who have been burned or slain by the Iroquois, whom he had often accompanied on their Missions.

After some days had passed in these little practices of devotion, with no relaxation on his part, he felt one day stirred by an unusual fervor. Addressing Our Lady with feelings of entire confidence, [93] " Holy Virgin," he said to her, " your Son refuses you nothing, because you love him too much and he loves you too much. Ask him then for my deliverance, I implore you, and I give you three days' time to obtain it, during which period I will redouble my prayers with the utmost attention in my power." There you have a very simple prayer, but one that came from a good heart. The three days pass without his being delivered. Then he says to himself: " I cannot doubt that the Blessed Virgin interceded in my behalf, and was unable to obtain my request; but undoubtedly my sins render me unworthy of her favors, and I see plainly that it is God's Will to punish me in this world, in order to spare me in the next. Very well, then, let us die; I have well deserved it, and a thousand deaths [94] do not match my crimes." Behold him, then, firmly resolved to die, awaiting his fate and resigned thereto; when all at once his heart says to him: " No, thou shah not die for this; thou shalt see Québec again. " At this inward voice he recovers his spirits and renews his [Page 25] prayer to Our Lady, resolving to attempt escape on the very next night. But what likelihood of his accomplishing it, so firmly bound as he was? What gave him courage was that, in the evening, after he had said his prayer with redoubled fervor, the Iroquois to whom he belonged, upon fastening him to the stakes, did not bind him so tightly —telling him that he was not cruel to captives, and would let him rest a little more comfortably. These words augured well for our prisoner. What earnest looks did he not turn Heavenward, what sighs did he not direct to his good Mother! At length, after [95] praying devoutly and making supplication to the Blessed Virgin, when every one is asleep, he makes a little trial and attempts to free himself from his bonds. Having luckily a knife about him, but being unable to use it without at least one hand free, he again renews his prayers, and, turning his right arm this way and that, finds it in some way or other clear of its fetters. O God, what joy! He gently unties his left hand, then unfastens the cords from his neck, and finally, with his knife, cuts the one that binds his waist, using such stealth that his neighbor is not awakened. It only remains to untie quickly the cord about his feet and then dart with all haste into the woods. He raises himself for this purpose, but is much startled to see an Iroquois smoking before the fire. [96] This was like a heavy blow on the head to him; a cold sweat like that of the dying started out all over his body, and he thought that he would die with fright —not doubting that he was discovered, and consequently destined soon to be burned. Although he was greatly perturbed, there nevertheless came into his mind this thought: " The horror," [Page 27] he said to himself, " that seizes a soul at the moment of its condemnation to everlasting flames, must be fearful indeed, since the fear of a surprise causes in me such strange disturbance. " He escaped, however, with nothing worse than a fright; for —whether because the Iroquois who was smoking was half-asleep, or because the Blessed Virgin extended her especial protection to her devotee —[95 i.e., 97] he was not perceived. After allowing some time to pass without moving, he again raised himself, but only to drop back once more to the ground in all haste; for an old man was then making the rounds, visiting all the fires and all the prisoners, lest a single one should escape from their hands. He passed our prisoner at no great distance and gave him a greater fright than a thunderbolt would have done by falling at his feet. Upon rising for the third time, seeing no one on guard, he dexterously loosed his bonds, and, without making a sound, walked very gently through the midst of the Iroquois sleeping on all sides. No sooner had he gained the cover of the woods than he began to run, all naked as he was, and kept it up for the rest of the night, never letting the brambles, thorns, or thickets check his course [96 i.e., 98] for a moment. Ah, how speedily would we flee from all occasions for giving offense to God, if we feared the fires of Hell as much as this poor man feared those of the Iroquois!

Four days and four nights he ran without stopping, at each step imagining the Iroquois at his heels, and having his mind full of the Iroquois fires, which did not even let him look where he set his feet. At last he reached Montréal, and who can say with what joy? His first concern was to go straight [Page 29] to the Church, to thank his Benefactress and prepare himself by the Sacraments of penance and the Eucharist, in thanksgiving for so signal a favor. But, as there was no Priest at Montréal who understood Huron, he wished to confess through an interpreter, and had the courage to do so, —[97 i.e., 99] which must have won him abundant grace; for he has since testified that never in his life did he taste such delight, or feel such gladness, as in the Communion which he then received. Dominus mortifcat et vivificat, deducit ad inferos et reducit.

OF ANOTHER HURON DELIVERED FROM CAPTIVITY BY

THE AID OF THE BLESSED VIRGIN.

NOTHER Huron, who had enjoyed the good fortune of receiving holy Baptism from the hands of Monseigneur of Petræa himself, escaped on the very first night after his capture, in a manner not less wonderful than that which I have just related. There was manifest also a very singular protection on the part of the blessed Virgin, to whom this poor man attributed his deliverance, [98 i.e., 100] recounting the circumstances with a tenderness worthy of so miraculous a favor. One of his thumbs had just been cut off; his mouth was still seared with the fire which they attempted to make him eat; and an act of cruelty had just been performed on one of his legs, which had been inhumanly burned, Despite all these tortures, he had no sooner been bound in the manner we have described, to pass the night in that position, than he fell asleep; and he saw in his slumbers a Lady of divine beauty, who thus addressed him: Satiatontawa, —" Escape from thy bonds." At this voice he awoke; his mind filled with that [Page 31] wonderful beauty which he had just seen, and from which he had heard so sweet an utterance, he remembered that the Fathers had often told him that there is no earthly beauty [99 i.e., 101] equal to that of the Mother of God; and he no longer doubted that it was she who had aroused him, that he might escape. Accordingly, he invoked her very heartily, praying her to give him the strength and the means to obey her. His prayer was fervent, but short, as time was pressing. Attempting to free his unwounded hand from its bonds, he succeeded after some effort; and this was doubtless with the help of the blessed Virgin, as the pains taken by the Iroquois to bind their prisoners securely, during the first days, are quite extraordinary —yet far less so than the tare taken of her good servants by the Mother of God. This was shown in the case of this man, who, after thus easily freeing one hand, used it to untie the cords around the other, around his feet, and around the rest [100 i.e., 102] of his body, without being either seen or heard. Thereupon he took flight, entirely naked, having only a miserable rag around his loins. He ran without pause until daybreak, when he saw that his feet and legs were all torn, and in such pitiful plight as to excite his compassion, although they caused him as yet no pain. To aid him to continue his running, he took the bit of cloth he wore and put it on his feet in place of shoes and stockings; and then he resumed his flight, without thinking of taking breath or drink or food. His legs and thighs, however, becoming inflamed, he was in despair of ever reaching Montréal, when, having appealed with renewed confidence to the blessed Virgin, he felt himself strengthened afresh, and, as [Page 33] it were, [101 i.e., 103] persuaded that she was attending him throughout his journey. So he ran vigorously for four consecutive days, heedless of his course, and without taking other refreshment than a little muddy water, which was his only nourishment. Yet this exertion did not fail to leave him greatly weakened, his strength suddenly becoming so reduced that he could scarcely continue to put one foot before the other; and he almost thought himself forsaken by his good Mother. In this extremity, as a last effort, he climbed a tree with much difficulty, to reconnoiter the country where he must die; but, to his great surprise, he found himself at the foot of the mountain of Montréal. " Ah," he cried, " I no longer wonder that the blessed Virgin ceased to guide me, since here I am at last, returned again." [102 i.e., 104] He was forced to go to the hospital to have his wounds dressed, and to recover his strength somewhat; but the passage to his stomach was so contracted that he could no longer swallow, and was in danger of dying. However, he asked for some melted Bear's fat, and cured himself by drinking it, being thus enabled to offer his thanksgiving to the Blessed Virgin —to whom he is so grateful that he does scarcely anything but say her Rosary.

OF A THIRD HURON WHO ESCAPED MIRACULOUSLY

FROM THE MIDST OF THE FLAMES.

OD restored to us still another of those poor Huron captives in such a manner that its rehearsal Will be welcome to those who delight to adore the remarkable dealings of Providence. Let us hear his own account of his adventures, which he Will relate [103 i.e., 105] much better than I can, since they [Page 35] cost him some fingers cut off, arms roasted, and thighs burned.

"After our capture," said he, " I was taken to Onnontagué in a state of uncertainty whether I should there find life or death. On the way I was treated like a prisoner, as were also all the rest who had voluntarily surrendered to the Iroquois. When I arrived within eight leagues of the village, a Huron —an old friend of mine, and for a long time a captive —told me secretly that my case was hopeless, that I was condemned to be burned; that, as soon as I should enter the village, I would be given to the flames; and that I must accordingly take thought for my own safety. With these words, he stealthily slipped a knife under my robe, that I might cut my bonds. On the following night, which was to be the last of my life, never was a captive [104 i.e., 106] so closely watched as I was, never was a man so securely bound; and even the specters were in league with my enemies to destroy me. When night had fallen and my shackles had been redoubled, during the deepest sleep of my guards, I seemed to see a horrible phantom in the form of a hideous serpent, and in other shapes, hovering around me, and feigning an attack upon my feet and arms, and even approaching to hiss in my ears; this made the hair of my head stand on end, as if the vision had been a lurking demon, stationed as a sentinel to match over me, If it forced me to move a foot or an arm, my guards immediately awoke and inspected my shackles, in order to keep them always quite tight, so that, during this whole [105 i.e., 107] night, I could not use my knife to set myself free. Day dawning caused these specters to vanish, indeed, by its light, but did [Page 37] not dispel my fears; on the contrary, they increased with the approach of death, which appeared ever more hideous and more frightful to my fancy, the nearer we came to the village. I confess that prayer is a very soothing lenitive in such calamities, and is well able to charm away the keenest pains, and even render us insensible to the most frightful cruelties. This I have experienced on various occasions. At one time, among others, —when fire was applied to my left arm with such severity that its fierce heat, penetrating to the very bone, injured all the tendons and rendered my hand entirely powerless, —I acknowledge that I [106 i.e., 108] then resorted to prayer so fervently that I felt scarcely any pain from this cruel burn, and saw rather than felt the injury done to my arm. I made as much use as possible of so good a remedy; and in my death-song, instead of rehearsing my former deeds of prowess, as is our wont, I invited all the French of my acquaintance to pray for me, —now calling the black Gowns to my aid, and now the maidens consecrated to God. I sang my hopes of enjoying eternal happiness after my body should have been the butt of my executioners' rage. To this I added reproaches directed against them, telling them that instead of a fire of one day, with which they tortured me, they would burn for all time in the fires of hell. Finally, in the midst of these holy thoughts [107 i.e., 109] wherewith I filled my song, we reached the top of the mountain whence may be seen the village of Onnontagué. I was seized with fright at this view, I cannot deny; but much more so when, on drawing nearer, I descried a great multitude awaiting me, in order to inflict on my poor body all the cruelty with which [Page 39] fury and revenge could inspire them. Then I thought of my knife, which I kept concealed about my loins, and resolved to cut my throat in order to escape by a sudden death —and one that was very gentle, in my opinion —the thousand deaths that I had before my eyes. I had the knife in my hand, and was all ready to deal the blow, when I recalled what the Fathers had told me in times past —that we are not the masters of our lives, that it is for [108 i.e., 110] God alone to lengthen or curtail our days, and that I could not employ this violence without committing a great sin. After this thought, which from the first made me waver a little in my resolve, I offered myself to God, to suffer all the torments that he should ordain, rather than displease him; and, to free myself from the temptation, which was a very strong one, I cast my knife far from me, and bravely took up my march toward all the people awaiting me. Never did I conceive more vividly all that had been told me of the fury with which the demons pounce upon a damned soul when it enters hell, than I did upon finding myself in the midst of that throng. All leaped upon me in a crowd on every side, some cutting off my fingers, others lacerating my flesh; these [109 i.e., 111] discharging on my body a Perfect hailstorm of blows with sticks, and those pulling out my fingernails. My poor hands were insufficient for all the women tugging at them on every side, while one of the boldest of the men tried to cut off one of them entirely. He to whom I belonged objected to this; the other offered violence, and threw himself upon me; his opponent defended me, and snatched away my hand from the grasp of that cruel savage. The struggle, which cost me only the loss of a finger, [Page 41] made me cleave the throng in order to enter as soon as possible the village which I regarded as my tomb, where I hoped very soon to be reduced to ashes, that I might conclude my woes by ending my life. I expected to proceed straight to the scaffold, which I found all ready for the execution, but was turned aside to enter some of the cabins and gratify, with the sight of my person, [110 i.e., 112] those who took an interest in my death. In the third one my death-sentence was pronounced. One of the chief men of the village, rising in the midst of the assembly of all the oldest men, —who had been convoked to hear my condemnation and be present at my torture, —delivered a speech in a very loud voice. Then, —after thanking the Skies several times for having so favored them as to give them an opportunity to take vengeance on a man of high station for the death of those who had been slain in the last expedition, —turning toward me, he pronounced the decree of death, and named those who were to execute it. He ordered the latter to supply me with leggings that very evening, —that is, to burn my legs, —preparatory to completing [111 i.e., 113] my dress on the following day. He further gave positive instructions not to touch either of my arms or my heart, as those were to be reserved and given to eat to an Iroquois of the Village, who had dreamed some months before that he was to eat them. I listened to all this, and prepared myself by prayer to undergo the execution with the utmost courage at my command. They ordered me, accordingly, to proceed to the place of torture. But scarcely had I taken one step in that direction when I felt my head laden with some burden or other, which I cannot. [Page 43] describe better than by likening it to a big cloud that came and settled down upon me; for I seemed to have over my head a veritable storm, which would have well-nigh made me lose consciousness, had I not, during this prodigy, believed that I was transported to the Chapel of the [112 i.e., 114] black gowns at Québec, where I distinctly saw all the pictures and observed all the pieces of sculpture. This vision made me redouble my prayers, and I did so with all the greater ardor that those things which were passing in my mind seemed to me quite extraordinary. But my captors ceased not to drag me to the scaffold, where, all my vision vanishing, I saw myself surrounded by fires all ablaze. I saw the iron implements of all sorts that were being heated to redness for my torture; and at last I saw myself tied to the stake in a manner entirely new —for my arms were extended, and bound thus outstretched to a second stake crossing the first, in order that I might be unable to ease myself by moving during the torture. When all was thus in readiness, and my executioners had approached [113 i.e., 115] the fire to get some firebrands with which to begin my torture, suddenly a bright flash of lightning rent a cloud above my head. This, with a loud clap of thunder, precipitated such a flood of rain that the fires were immediately extinguished, and my executioners were compelled to retire from fear of wetting their fine robes, wherewith they had decked themselves in honor of my torture. Thus I found myself alone in the midst not only of the fires but also of the waters, which made me recall my foregoing vision. Looking around in every direction a little more freely, I saw some dogs eating the last morsels of the corpse of a [Page 45] Frenchman, who had just been burned at the same stake and on the same scaffold that I occupied.

" I saw them licking his blood and [114 i.e., 116] contending over some Of his limbs, which had escaped the teeth of the Iroquois only t0 be devoured by beasts; and my own misery caused me less compassion than that spectacle. To this tenderness, which made me shed tears over the remains of his body, succeeded a feeling of esteem for his holy life and brave death; and this it was that drew from my mouth, as soon as that spectacle met my view, the following words: 'O Frenchman, a thousand times happy, thou now enjoyest the felicity that thou hast so justly earned by the fervor of thy prayers, and the constancy that has made thee endure so many torments! Ah, why am I not now in thy place? How happy would my ashes now be to be mingled with thine, while my soul would accompany thee to [115 i.e., 117] the enjoyment of the reward that thou receivest for all thy torments! ' I said this heartily; and, although my wishes seemed on the point of being fulfilled, yet I thought too great delay was shown in uniting me, through my death, with the Frenchman whom I believed to be in Heaven —whither, with an extraordinary trust in God's mercy, I was hoping soon to follow him. " While I was thus conversing with myself, though alone, the storm continued, and, the sky appearing wholly overcast, took from my executioners all hope that they could continue the execution on that day, unless the rain should very soon cease. Accordingly, they came to unbind me and lead me into the cabin wherein I had scarcely set foot when, by a loving Providence of God toward me, one of the [116 i.e. 118] [Page 47] chief men of the family to which I had been given returned from the chase. Learning that my death had been decreed without awaiting his return to ask his advice in the matter, and seeing besides that the other Huron captives brought along with me had received mercy, he held that his family was not under greater obligations to avenge the public wrongs than the others, who had, despite these injuries, spared their prisoners' lives. Thereupon, he decided that I should not die, caused my bonds to be broken, arrayed me in fine clothes, and, from so unexpected a change of fortune, made me for some time uncertain whether I were awake, or whether all that was passing were only a dream. I was given food and was made to promise that I would be faithful to the Nation, and, above all, would not run away to the French. I feared that all [117 i.e., 119] this might be only a piece of sport to give the assembled company a good laugh. That is why I answered coldly enough that I would not run away, saying the words with my mouth, but uttering the contrary in my heart; for I felt my conscience too oppressed to consent to remain with those demons, among whom I would soon have lost the habit of prayer, and would surely have been damned with them. Nevertheless, I failed not to put on a good face, and in order the better to conceal from them my purpose of escaping, I offered to join a war-party about to proceed against the French. On the way, I was often on the point of making my escape, but in each instance the fires to which I exposed myself, in case of recapture, presented themselves with such horror to my mind that I could not muster courage to attempt it. Finally, on one occasion, [118 i.e., 120] believing that now [Page 49] was my time, I took a hasty departure, thinking that I would not be perceived. But I had not gone fifty steps before I heard a loud outcry from the whole company, spreading the intelligence of my flight; and, at the same time, I saw myself pursued on every side by those who were the most eager to catch me, and had the greatest interest in doing so. Yet —whether because I had gained a little start, or because the fear of the frightful torture inevitably assured to me gave me wings —they could not overtake me before night, during which I ran on through the trackless wilderness until day broke, and, by good luck, showed me a hollow tree-trunk just suitable for my reception and concealment until the Iroquois should have [119 i.e., 121] finished their first hunt. So I squeezed myself in, as into the safest asylum that I could find, arranged some branches in such manner as to cover the opening, and passed a day and two nights there without moving, drinking, or eating —but not without serious alarms, caused by an unceasing uproar that I heard all about me, made by those who were hunting for me with the greatest zeal. Meanwhile, I had leisure to commend myself to all the Saints of Paradise, and I never would have believed how good a Christian one is in such straits. The second night having passed, and all the woods being wrapped in deep silence, I came out of my lair and took my course through the forest, keeping so far from the main routes that I was sixteen days in reaching three [120 i.e., 122] Rivers. I would have reached it in four, had I not made so great detours, to render my escape the surer; but one does not feel fatigue on such occasions. During the last six days I ate nothing at ail, and yet ceased not to run as [Page 51] vigorously as at the start, my strength failing me only when I had no farther need of it. The kind reception accorded me at three Rivers made me forget all my past hardships, and they only left me a great weakness —which, however, did not prevent me from paying my thanksgivings to God for such signal protection, for which I shall be indebted to him all my life."

Such is the account of that good Huron's adventures, very nearly as he gave it, as well as our tongue can faithfully render the expressions of his own.

[121 i.e., 123] OF A FRENCHMAN BURNED AT ONNONTAGUÉ.

N the engagement described in Chapter 4, five Frenchmen were captured by the victorious Iroquois and divided among all the Nations, that they might vent their rage on those poor prisoners. One of the five was given to the Onneioutheronnons, but was so badly wounded by a ball which had passed through his body that he was burned on the battlefield, lest he should die on the way. Two others were given to the Agnieronons, and we know as yet nothing more definite about them than that one was likewise consigned to the flames upon his arrival at Agnié; while the other, after escaping from the Iroquois, probably died of hunger and want in the woods, since he has not come back [122 i.e., 124] to us. Finally, the other two were delivered to the Onnontaguehronnons. They presented one of them to the Sonnontwaehronnons, who could not wait until they arrived in their own country to burn him, but made him suffer the torture by fire on the way. The fifth, who was left to the Onnontaguehronnons, is [Page 53] the one of whom we now have to speak, having learned from the third Huron who escaped some circumstances of his death, which are worthy of being described, and can well fill us with consolation, even in the face of the most horrible tragedy possible to witness.

He was a Young man, who had been so courageous as to go with us to Onnontagué when we took up our station on the shores of the little lake [123 i.e., 125] of Gannentaa, in order to convert those Barbarians. There he began the practice of an extraordinary virtue and a rare devotion, in preparation for a most holy and precious death, inasmuch as he was cruelly killed by the very ones to whose salvation he had contributed by his sojourn in their country. His was a mild and peaceful disposition, but a brave one; and I know that God visited him with his grace in a very marked degree during his residence with us in the country of the Iroquois, where he served an apprenticeship to that virtue and courage which he manifested in his last days, As he was carefully trained in habits of devotion, so he maintained them during all the time of his captivity, inspiring this spirit, by gestures, looks, and the few savage words he knew, in the Huron captives [124 i.e., 126] who were led to Onnontagué with him. On one occasion, he asked this third Huron of whom we have just spoken whether he was a Christian, and whether he had enjoyed the benefit of communion. Learning that he was a Christian, " Very well," said he, " let us then pray, my brother; let us pray together, and make Churches of all these forests through which we are passing." He also asked the Huron, when they were approaching the Village, whether they would [Page 55] be burned there or whether their captors would content themselves with breaking their heads with a hatchet, or stabbing them in the side with a knife. Upon being assured that they would become victims of the flames, the intelligence at first affected him; but, having at the same time offered himself to God as a burnt-offering, " Very well, my brother, " said he to his companion; " since it is God's will that we be burned, let us adore his holy Providence [125 i.e., 127] and submit to his decrees." Indeed, he put his teachings into practice. By frequent and fervent prayers, which won for him the admiration of even those Barbarians, he made chapels of all the halting places where they passed the night, and, upon arriving at the Village, he was subjected without delay to the cruelties commonly inflicted on those who are condemned to death. They began with his hands, cutting off all the fingers, one after another, without leaving a single one. But —O spectacle worthy of being seen by God and admired by Angels! —Immediately after the severing of each finger, he threw himself on his knees to give thanks to God and make an offering to him of his offerings, joining his hands and the fingers still left him with a devotion that would have drawn tears from those executioners, had they not [126 i.e., 128] been more cruel than tigers. Finally, —when all his fingers had been cut off, one after another; and when he, after each operation, had worshipped the Majesty of God, who gave him courage to suffer those tortures with such constancy for his glory, —he knelt for the last time, and, joining his two poor fingerless hands all covered with blood, offered his prayer before ascending the scaffold, which had been prepared in [Page 57] a manner more than barbarous, and wholly contrary to custom in the most cruel Barbarism. For, in place of a stake, —to which the sufferer is fastened in such a way that he can still move from side to side during the application of the fire, —the cruelty of those Barbarians, ingenious in devising new tortures, had, besides the customary stake, so arranged others that our poor [127 i.e., 129] Frenchman was made fast there as if astride a pale, —his feet and hands, however, outstretched in the form of a cross, and bound in such a manner that he could not turn either way when the fire was applied. Moreover, —as if firebrands and lighted bark, which are the usual instruments of their cruelty, were only sufficient on this occasion for the preludes of the torture, —they heated to redness some hatchets, files, saws, pieces of gun-barrels, and other like articles that we had left in our house of Gannentaa upon our departure, and applied these red-hot irons to his body with a cruelty whose record this paper cannot endure. Meanwhile, our virtuous sufferer ceased not to pray to God, casting [128 i.e., 130] Heavenward almost unintermittent looks of love, the witnesses of the agony of his body and the feelings of his heart. The executioners were astonished at this, and could not sufficiently admire his bravery, which enabled him to continue his prayers through all his torments. These at length compelled him to yield to the violence of his agony, and give up his soul to God, —a soul happy beyond a doubt, appearing before God, as it did, stained with its own blood shed for his glory; a soul holy and glorious, having been separated from a body all roasted in defense of Religion at the hands of the enemies of the Faith. This precious body was [Page 59] treated after death with no more honor than during life, being chopped into bits, of which the more delicate were carried away to [129 i.e., 131] be eaten, while the rest were left to the dogs. These animals were devouring them while our third Huron was on the same scaffold, awaiting a treatment similar to that given this virtuous Frenchman. The spot seems to have been consecrated by this brave Man; for our Huron was no sooner made fast there than he began to sing his death-song, —a song, however, full of piety, as I have before stated; a song wherein he invoked now one Saint, and now another, and called upon us, far distant although we were, promising himself with certainty that we would accompany his last sighs with our prayers.

When news of the defeat of which we spoke in the preceding Chapter was brought to this place by the three fugitives, it may be imagined [130 i.e., 132] what must have been the feelings of so many poor Huron widows, who —seeing their whole nation exterminated by so fatal a blow, and left without hope of being able to reëstablish itself, since no more men remained —must have been inconsolable. It is the Savages' custom, when such casualties occur, to make the air resound with doleful lamentations, cries, and groans —women calling their husbands by name in pitiful accents, children their fathers, uncles their nephews. And this sad ceremony is enacted not for one day merely, or two, but throughout an entire year, nothing but weeping and lamentation being heard, every morning and evening, in the whole Village that has suffered some great loss. What then did these poor widows do at the first intelligence of [131 i.e., 133] this fatal calamity? Perhaps the reader [Page 61] will have difficulty in believing it, but prayer took the place of lamentation; and, instead of the shrieks that those bereaved women were expected to utter, according to the custom of all these Nations, they came, every one, into our Chapel, —with tears in their eyes, indeed, and sobbing bitterly, but with such inward peace and such entire resignation to God's decrees that they themselves were astonished thereat, and could not sufficiently marvel at the efficacy of prayer, which made them find consolation in extreme anguish. One of their most earnest desires is to know whether their poor husbands or their dear children ceased to pray during the violence of the torture. " Oh, if we only knew," they say, " and if we were assured [132 i.e., 134] that they died in the Faith, all our grief would be dispelled; for our separation would not be long, and we would live in the hope of seeing one another again in Paradise. " Is not this a Faith like that of the mother of the Maccabees, who witnessed her Children's death with joy because they died in the defense of Religion? Supra modum mater mirabilis pereuntes filios conspiciens, bono animo ferebat, propter spem quam in Deum habebat [Page 63]

CHAPTER VI.

OF THE CONDITION OF THE MISSIONS, AND HOW THEY

HAVE BEEN REOPENED.

E can well apply here the remark of St. John Chrysostom, and say that God leaves us the Iroquois in our midst with the same intent [133 i.e., 135] wherewith he left the Canaanites in the midst of the land which he gave to his people, ut erudiret in eis Israëlem, ut postea discerent filii eorum certare cum hostibus et habere consuetudinem prœliandi.

Our Frenchmen would have learned no other warfare than that upon moose and beavers, and would have become savages worse than the Savages themselves, had not God given them the Iroquois to be their Canaanites. That accursed Nation often seemed to bring ruin to the affairs of God, and prevented his people from enjoying a sweet peace, during which the worship of his divine Majesty would have been neither interrupted by the clashing of arms, nor abandoned for the sake of hastening to the field in defense. The same complaint we make of the Iroquois, who thwart all the noble purposes that [134 i.e., 136] we can form for the glory of God, and keep in suspense ten or twelve fine Missions, in regard to which we can say that flores apparuerunt in terrâ nostrâ, tempus putationis advenit?, —the fruit is even ripe there, and it only remains to go and gather it. In the first Chapter 1 said that, whithersoever we [Page 65] turned our eyes, we found, in the four quarters of our America, Savages to convert and lands to conquer for Jesus Christ. These I am going to enumerate, that you may see, on the one hand, the necessity of destroying the Iroquois, and the advantages that Will follow his destruction; and, on the other, our present need of a reinforcement of brave Missionaries to meet all these fair hopes and not allow [135 i.e., 137] the treasure of all these Languages, that we have amassed with so much exertion, to be lest. I Will say nothing of all the peoples surrounding us, who must one day be united to form but a single people in a single fold, under one and the same Shepherd; for I would never end. I will merely speak of those who are stretching out their arms to us, who are asking for Fathers of our Society to go and instruct them; and among whom we would now be, if the approaches to them were not blocked. Of these I find at least ten different peoples, for ten Missions, without counting those that we actually occupy.

First, I begin with the part of this world that must hold the first rank as being first in natural situation —I mean the East. There is located [136 i.e., 138] the Abnaquiois Mission. This, beginning at the river Kenebki, includes on its right the Etechemins of Pentagwet, together with those of the river St. John; and on its left all those great Nations of New England that speak Abnaquiois, as also the Socoquiois and those six large Villages of the Naraghenses —some having three thousand and others six thousand men, according to the report of the English of New England. The latter, although of a different Religion, have yet always testified to the Father settled there as Missionary, that they approve [Page 67] of the pains he takes in instructing those Barbarians, who have been asking for and awaiting us for several years. But the Iroquois is too near to let us enter upon that great Harvest.

[137 i.e., 139] Secondly, on the Southwest, the Tobacco Nation has sent one of its Captains. He is making preparations here to conduct some Frenchmen, as soon as spring opens, to a spot sixty leagues beyond the lake of the people of the sea, where his compatriots have taken refuge, and believe themselves safe in the midst of several Algonkin Nations; settled there from time immemorial; but the roads', to them are not safe.

In the third place, on the west a great Nation of 40 Villages, called the Nadouechiowec, has been awaiting us since the alliance which it only recently concluded with the two Frenchmen who returned from their country this summer. From what they have remembered of that Language, we hold with considerable reason that it has the same structure as the Algonkin, although it differs therefrom in a number of words.

[138 i.e., 140] In the fourth place, on the Northwest, the Poualacs and other Nations —as numerous as the preceding, or very nearly so —are not less well-disposed to receive us, and are altogether inclined thereto since they have formed together a league, offensive and defensive, against the common enemy.

In the fifth place, farther toward the North, the Nation of the Kilistinons, situated between the upper lake and the sea-bay that we have mentioned, begins or ends that of the Poualac. They have sent Us an invitation by a Christian Captain who came from the [Page 69] upper lake down to Tadoussac by the routes described by us above, and they exhort us to form an alliance with them and go next spring to visit their nine Villages, where [139 i.e., 141] we shah find people of a gentle and tractable disposition, as well as the Atikamegues and the Montagnais, with whom they have language and disposition in common.

In the sixth place, due Northward, the Nations dwelling on each side of the bay wish to have the glory of seeing us settled among them first of all; and for that reason they have made haste to send us presents, offering us all their Villages to cultivate; and fully expecting to be the first to receive the French, as they are the first on the route one must take to ascend to those upper districts by way of Tadoussac.

The great advantage is that, the languages of all those nations being Algonkin or Montagnais or Abnaquiois, we are ready [140 i.e., 142] on the instant to give them succor, since we have arranged all the principles of those Tongues exactly according to those of Greek and Latin.

In the seventh place, let us return to the east, to complete our round of the points of the compass. There we shall hear from afar the good Neophytes of the seven Islands calling us more urgently than any of the rest; and they also have more reason to do so, since, having been baptized by our Fathers, they ask, like good sheep, to hear the voice of their Shepherds, who might comfort them in their distress caused by the fear of the Iroquois. That is what prevents them from repairing to Tadoussac to have their children baptized, and to receive the instructions necessary for wandering Churches, in order [Page 71] that they may spend the year [141 i.e., 143] as good Christians should, being taught what they are to do during their Pastor's absence. They are distant eighty leagues from Tadoussac.

In the eighth place, the people of lake St. John, who are only sixty leagues from Tadoussac, are no less desirous of possessing us, and manifest their minds clearly enough to those who visit them in traffic.

In the ninth place, not to mention the upper Iroquois, —among whom there would be work for a number of Missionaries, if the lower Iroquois were humbled and reduced to a respectful attitude, —we were invited some years ago by the people of the Village of St. Michel, who are good Hurons, cultivated of old by our Fathers in their own country, and now residing in a place of refuge [141 i.e., 144] among the Sonnontweronnons, as we have related. They are a vine that bas in the past borne many excellent fruits for Paradise, and bears them now, but in patientiâ, for, being in the territories and under the dominion of the enemies of the Faith, it is deprived of the succor necessary to enable it to bear fruit a Hundredfold. It gave fair promise of doing this some years ago, —when we visited it, at the time of our sojourn at Onnontagué, —had not the perfidy of our hosts driven us out of that country.

Editor		Reuben Gold Thwaites



		\| Finlow Alexander
Translators.		\| Percy Favor Bicknell
		\| Crawford Lindsay
		\| William Price


Assistant Editor		Emma Helen Blair

Bibliographical Adviser		Victor Hugo Paltsits

Electronic Transcription		Tomasz Mentrak

CONTENTS OF VOL. XLVI.

Preface To Volume XLVI.		9
Documents:—
CII.	Relation de ce qvi s'est passé . . . . en la Novvelle France, és années mil fix cent cinquante neuf & mil fix cent foixante. [Chaps. v.-viii., completing the document.] [Hierosme Lalemant], n.p., n.d.		21
CIII.	Lettre au R. P. Hierosme Lallement. René Ménard; n. D. de bon Secours dit Chassahamigon, June 2, 1661		126
CIV.	Deux lettres, adressées à M. le Prince de Condé. Paul Ragueneau, Québec, October 12, 1661; Du Bois d'Avaugour, Québec, October 13, 1661		146
CV.	Lettre au P. Germain Rippault, a Dijon. Joseph-Marie Chaumonot; Kébec, October 20, 1661		154
CVI.	Journal des PP. Jésuites. Hierosme Lalemant, Quebek, January-December, 1661		158
CVII.	Relation de ce qvi s'est passé . . . . en la Novvelle France, és années 1660. & 1661. [Chaps. i.-iii., first installment of the document.] [Paul le Jeune, editor; Paris], u.d.		191
Bibliographical Data; Volume XLVI.			297
Notes			301

ILLUSTRATIONS TO VOL. XLVI.

I.	ILLUSTRATIONS TO VOL. XLI.I.Map of New France in 1660, by Franciscus Creuxius, S. J. ; reduced facsimile from his Historia Canadensis (Paris, 1664)	Frontispiece
II.	Photographic facsimile of title-page, Relation of 1660-61	194