The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents

Travels and Explorations

of the Jesuit Missionaries

in New France








Reuben Gold Thwaites

Secretary of the State historical Society of Wisconsin


Thom Mentrak

Historical Interpreter at Ste. Marie Among The Iroquois

Vol. XLV

Lower Canada, Acadia, Iroquois, Ottawas:


CLEVELAND: The Burrows Brothers


¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯


Editor Reuben Gold Thwaites

| Finlow Alexander [French]

| Percy Favor Bicknell [French]

| John Cutler Covert [French]

| William Frederic Giese [Latin]

Translators. | Crawford Lindsay [French]

| Mary Sifton Pepper [French & Italian]

| William Price [French]

| Hiram Allen Sober [French]

| John Dorsey Wolcott [Latin]

Assistant Editor Emma Helen Blair

Bibliographical Adviser Victor Hugo Paltsits





Preface To Volume XLIV





Lettre au T. R. P. Goswin Nickel, Général de la Compagnie de Jésus,a Rome. François de Laval; Québec, August 1659.



Lettres envoiées de la Novvelle France . . . .Par le R. P. Hier. Lallemant, Superieur des Miƒsions. Anonymous; Kebec, September 12, October 10, October 16, 1659



Journal des PP. Jésuits. Jean de Quen, Québec, January 1 to September 7, 1659; Heirosme Lalemant, September 7, 1659 to Christmas, 1660



Relation de ce qvi s’est passé

  • la Novvelle France, és années mil ƒix cent ƒoixante. [Chaps. I–iv., first installment of the document.] [Hierosme Lalemant], n.p., n.d.


Bibliographical Data: Volume XLV






[page 7]




François Xavier de Laval-Montmorency, first Bishop of Québec; photo engraving from original oil portrait in Laval University, Québec




Photographic facsimile of title-page, Lettres of Jerome Lalemant



Photographic facsimile of signature of Jerome Lalemant, S.J., attached to concession in handwriting of Paul Ragueneau, S.J.

Facing 160


Photographic facsimile of title-page, Relation of 1659–1660


[page 8]


Following is a synopsis of the documents contained in the present volume:

XCIX. The new bishop, Laval, writes (August, 1659) to the father general, expressing his obligations to the Jesuits for the care and instruction he had received from them in his youth; and praising the excellent work done by them in Canada, among not only the savages but the French.

C. There is no formal Relation for the year 1659; but early in the following year appeared from the Cramoisy press a thin volume, containing three unsigned letters from Québec, forwarded by Jerome Lalemant, the superior, which gave a brief outline of affairs in the Canada mission for the past year

The first of these epistles (dated September 12, 1659) is mainly devoted to the coming of Bishop Laval to Canada. The joy of this event is shadowed by the treachery of the Iroquois, who—notwithstanding they had made "a thousand promises of peace, with oaths as solemn as can be expected from a barbarous nation"—have again commenced hostilities. The Mohawks have taken several French captives, whom they have tortured, and intend to burn to death,—although their own tribesmen who had been imprisoned at Québec were kindly treated, ,and were set free without any injury to " even a hair of their heads. " Even the Onondagas, forgetting [page 9] the labors of the Jesuits in their behalf, have tortured a French prisoner.

François de Laval, the new bishop, is "received as an Angel of consolation, sent from Heaven." He shows great interest in the savages, and at once begins ministrations to their spiritual needs. He administers the rite of confirmation to a hundred of the best Christians, Algonkin and Huron; and then makes a feast for them, at which he serves them with his own hands, as an example of humility.

The second letter (dated October 10, 1659), describes the piety and devotion manifested by the Huron and Algonkin converts; the blessed deaths of several are described. Laval is full of zeal for the spread of the gospel, and plans to send the Jesuits on missions to far-distant peoples. For such work some are already preparing, by learning the languages of those tribes.

In the third letter (dated October 16, 1659), is an account of the mission in Acadia. Three priests are laboring there; one of these, Jacques Frémin, has wintered with the savages, among whom he has gained several converts. Among these is a captive belonging to an Eskimo tribe, of which people and their customs some description is given. She becomes crazed, on one occasion, but is quickly cured by sprinkling with holy water. This occurrence converts from heresy the interpreter of the post. Bishop Laval has visited Gaspé and confirmed 140 persons.

CI. In this volume we give the Journal des Jésuites for the two years 1659-60. It is written by De Quen until September, 1659 ; thereafter by Jerome Lalemant. In March of the former year, the habitants [page 10] of Beaupré lodge complaint against a priest there, one Vaillant. By command of the governor, the matter is investigated, eighty-three witnesses being examined; and Vaillant is condemned to pay the costs. In the course of the summer, he returns to France.

Early in April, Oneida ambassadors come to Québec, to secure the release of the Iroquois prisoners there, and to invite the Jesuits to return to Onondaga. Some of the captives are released, but the envoys are rebuked for the perfidy hitherto shown toward the French; and the Jesuits will not go back until there is some prospect of safety for them. On the seventeenth of May, Le Moyne goes on an embassy to the Mohawks, accompanied by the prisoners of that tribe released by the governor, two Algonkin envoys, and a Frenchman. Early in June, various bands of Iroquois are seen prowling about the French settlements; they even capture three Frenchmen. On the sixteenth, Bishop Laval arrives. Le Moyne returns from the Mohawk country July 3, accompanied by envoys from that tribe; they are allowed to take away their hostages from Québec. Several trading fleets from the North come down, laden with furs.

August 7, the Abbé de Queylus arrives from Montréal; he is lodged in the fort. Notwithstanding the professions of the Iroquois that they desire peace, they again attack the French, late in August, capturing eight near Three Rivers; these they carry home, to burn them. News comes that the French prisoner at Onondaga has been burned to death; and that the Mohawks, having secured the release of their prisoners, intend to carry on war with the French and their allies [page 11]

A ship from France arrives September 7, bringing, among others, Jeanne Mance and three hospital nuns for Montréal. On the voyage, a contagious fever breaks out among the passengers, a half-score of whom die from it. Others, still ill, spread the disease after landing; and several deaths occur at Québec—among them that of Father de Quen (October 8), who had contracted the malady while nursing the sick men. A dispute arises over the location of the seats in church occupied by the bishop and the governor; it is settled through the intervention of D'Ailleboust. De Quen is succeeded (September 8) by Jerome Lalemant, as superior of the Canada missions. Abbé de Queylus attempts to exercise authority as vicar-general; but Laval also has credentials conferring this dignity upon him, dated three days later than those of the Abbé who is therefore compelled to desist. De Queylus soon afterward returns to France.

An important consultation is held by the Fathers, on September 12. They discuss the question, whether to enlarge their chapel, or build a new one; decision of this is postponed until next year. The Indian colony at Sillery is to be consolidated with the French population there. The Jesuit house at Québec narrowly escapes destruction by fire, October 31. On the next day, the Algonkin warriors return from an expedition against the Mohawks; they bring as a captive a little boy, whose life is ransomed by the Jesuits for 3,000 porcelain beads.

The Fathers decide to pay regularly the board of a child at the seminary, one year for each beneficiary. The first appointed to receive this charity is Joseph Dubuisson. An experiment is begun this year, in [page 12] sending a priest to winter at Tadoussac; Albanel is sent on this errand. The question of selling liquor to the savages is discussed at a meeting held at Laval's house. On St. Xavier's day, the Jesuits are unable to entertain any guests at dinner; " the principal reason for this was, that to invite the Bishop without the Governor, aut contra, would cause Jealousy, and neither will yield the first place to the other " Later, a hot dispute arises between these two dignitaries, as to precedence in being incensed in church. The Jesuits act as arbiters between them, and settle the dispute by a formal document drawn up for this purpose, and deposited in their archives.

On New-Year's day, 1660, Lalemant and Dablon go to call upon the bishop and the governor. At the fort, they are honored by the soldiers with a salvo of musketry. To show their appreciation of this compliment, they send each soldier a rosary, a pot of brandy, and a livre of tobacco. The Jesuits, this month, make some concessions on their lands at Beauport. During the next two months, there is but little record of anything except ecclesiastical ceremonies. But on April 1st " a great sensation " is caused by an act of Father Albanel's. At Tadoussac, he has married a Frenchman to an Indian woman, " without publishing any banns, and without giving notice of it to the relatives, or to monseigneur the Bishop or monsieur the Governor." At this time, there is great scarcity of wheat in the country; but the Jesuits have a considerable supply, which they sell at the former ordinary price, " not being willing to take advantage of the distress of the country."

Excommunication is published, May 6, against those who give intoxicating liquors to the savages. [page 13] Tadoussac Indians return from an expedition against the Iroquois, with a wounded captive, whom they burn to death. The nuns of both convents—fearing the enemy, as their houses are not in a state of defense—at night take refuge at the Jesuit residence, during a week or more. Early in June news comes from Montréal of a fight in which a party of French and Hurons have been defeated by an army of 700 Iroquois. Louis d'Ailleboust, so long a prominent figure in the Montréal colony, dies on May 31. On June 12, " the first ship from Normandy made its appearance, in consequence of the new treaty respecting the Trade of the country, made by the sieur de Becancour. "

In July, D'Argenson, the governor, goes to Three Rivers. While there, he sets out with a hundred men in pursuit of an Iroquois band; the French are lured into the enemy's ambuscade, but fortunately escape without loss. The Ottawa trading fleet comes down this year, From Lake Superior, with furs worth 200,000 livres. The explorer Groseilliers accompanies them; he has spent the past year with one of the great Siouan tribes beyond Lake Superior. When the Ottawas return, Ménard, Albanel, and the donné Guérin depart with them; Albanel, however, is obliged by his savage escort to leave the party, at Montréal.

Escaped Huron captives bring, in November, news of another large Iroquois force which has set out for the St. Lawrence. At the Christmas ceremonies, the bishop forgets to order that he be awakened in time for the midnight mass; accordingly, he and all his people barely escape being absent thereat. [page 14]

CII. We present in this volume Chaps. i.-iv. of the Relation of 1659–60; the remainder will be given in Vol. XLVI. It is accredited to Lalemant, as superior of the Canadian missions, although his name does not appear as its writer. He begins by contrasting the peaceful and prosperous condition of Old France with the sad and gloomy aspect of affairs in the New, caused by the cruel and harassing war incessantly waged by the Iroquois against the French colonists. While these chant the Te Deum, they "seem to hear at the same time our captive Frenchmen singing on the scaffolds of the Iroquois, as they are compelled to do at that barbarous ceremony." Not only this, but the same fierce enemy drives back the Northern tribes from the St. Lawrence, and thus at once checks the fur trade, the life of the country, and prevents the spread of the gospel among the heathen nations. Efforts are being made in France to aid Canada; and this gives its people some hope if deliverance. If only the danger from the Iroquois were removed, the prospects of the colonies would be excellent. The soil is productive, and the climate salubrious; there is abundance of wood for fuel, and of fish and game for food. Many of the settlers are living in comfort and independence. A powerful appeal is made for relief from France, since Canada is liable, at any time, to be laid waste by the Iroquois, and Québec is the only well-fortified post. Only the providence of God has thus far averted that danger; it is now time for France to send troops hither, to defend the country.

Lalemant sketches the history, character, and political condition of the Iroquois tribes. They had been, in the past, defeated and crushed by both the [page 15] Algonkins and the Andastes; but, of late, have in turn almost annihilated those tribes. This present supremacy is due to the firearms furnished to them by the Dutch; this advantage and their own fierce courage have enabled them, although comparatively few in numbers, to " hold dominion for five hundred leagues around. " Lalemant estimates the number of warriors in the five Iroquois tribes at 2,200. Even these are not all of pure Iroquois stock; of such, there are only some " 1,200 in all the five Nations, since these are, for the most part, only aggregations of different tribes whom they have conquered." Various incidents are narrated to show the bravery and the adroitness of certain Iroquois warriors; but "knavery is much more common with them than courage and their cruelty far exceeds their knavery." They have broken every one of their solemn promises to the French; and Lalemant says that his pen "has no ink black enough to describe" their cruelties. Withal, they are cowardly in the face of a stronger foe; and Lalemant urges that a French army be sent into the Mohawk country, which they could easily subdue. This would intimidate the other tribes; and, as a result, " those fair Missions would be revived " in all those nations, and in many others beyond.

A chapter is devoted to an account of the Algonkin tribes, who have fled westward from the Iroquois. This is taken from a narrative by one of the Fathers (probably Druillettes), who had recently met, far up the Saguenay, a converted Indian, who has spent the last two years in wandering through the region of Lake Superior and Hudson Bay, and describes to the Father what he has there seen. The fugitive [page 16] Algonkins have fled to those shores for refuge. The mines of that region are described. Indian reports of a western sea lead to some curious speculations regarding the short water-route to China and Japan which was then a general article of belief. The principal tribes around Hudson Bay are mentioned, also he fauna of that region. Not only do the people of that desolate land find abundant provision of meat in the flesh of the deer that abound there, but they use the antlers of the stags for fuel.

This account is supplemented by information 'obtained from Radisson and Groseilliers, who have just returned from another long voyage to the West. they encountered, in Northeastern Illinois, the fugitive remnant of the Tobacco tribe, who have there taken refuge from the Iroquois. The explorers visit the Sioux tribes, and greatly admire the justice which is there rigidly dispensed to unfaithful wives, whose noses are cut off, " that they may bear, graven on their faces, the penalty and shame of their sin. " the Assiniboins, having but little wood, use coal for 'fuel, and live in huts covered with skins, or plastered with mud. Even to them come the fierce Iroquois, keeping them, like the Ottawas, in fear and misery. All this news of many tribes who dwell in the darkness of paganism rouses new hopes in the Jesuits; and they long to go thither with the torch of the gospel.

Lalemant now gives some account of the Hurons who still remain—dispersed, however, in all directions, as we have already learned from the current record of the Relations. Even the few who remain at Québec have recently met a crushing blow, losing the flower of their young men at the hands of the [page 17] Iroquois. This occurred at the defense of the Long Sault, one of the most famous and romantic episodes in the early history of Canada. In the spring of 1660, Montréal is menaced by a large force of Iroquois; and seventeen young Frenchmen, headed by Dollard, resolve to go forth against them, ready to sacrifice themselves to save the country. Forty Huron warriors come to Montréal at the same time, who, with six Algonkins, join the band of Frenchmen. They advance toward the enemy, whom they encounter at the Long Sault. Finding there a slight fortification, erected the year before by some Algonkins, the French and their allies withstand the assaults of 700 Iroquois. Finally,—after most of their allies have deserted them, and the Iroquois, in overwhelming numbers, have not only gained access to the fort, but slain most of its brave defenders,—the few survivors, five Frenchmen and four Hurons, are captured by the enemy, and carried away to be tortured to death. This heroic deed diverts the Iroquois from their intended attack, and saves Montréal from destruction.


Madison, Wis., April, 1899.

[page 18]



CIX. —

Lettre de M. François de Laval-Montmorency, Évêque de Pétrée, Vicaire Apostolique au Canada, au T. R. P. Goswin Nickel, Général de la Compagnie de Jesus, a Rome; Qu‚bec, août, 1659

C. —

Lettres envoiées de la Novvelle France—Par le R. P. Hier. Lallemant; Kebec, Septembre 12, Octobre 10 et 16, 1659


Journal des PP, Jésuites, és annes 1659 et 1660


SOURCES: Doc. XCIX. is from Carayon's Première Mission, pp. 257-259. In republishing Doc. C., we follow a copy of the original Cramoisy, in Lenox Library. Doc. CI. we obtain from the original MS. in the library of Laval University, Québec.

[page 19]

[257] Letter From Monsignor François de Laval-

Montmorency, Bishop of Petræa, Vicar Apos-

tolic in Canada, to the Very Reverend

Father Goswin Nickel, General of

the Society of Jesus, at Rome.

Québec, August, 1659.

y Reverend Father,

God alone, who searcheth the hearts and the reins, and who penetrates to the very depths of my soul, knows how indebted I am to your Society, which warmed me in its bosom when I was a child; which nourished me with its salutary doctrine in my youth; and which, since then, has not ceased to encourage and strengthen me. Therefore I beg Your Paternity not to see, in this expression of my grateful feelings the mere desire of performing a conventional duty. I speak to you from the bottom of my heart. I feel that it is impossible suitably to express my thanks to men who have taught me to love God, and who have been [258] my guides in the path of salvation and of the Christian virtues.

If so many benefits received in the past have attached me to your Society, fresh bonds now render those affectionate relations still more binding. In fact, my Reverend Father, I am granted the grace of sharing the labors of your children in that mission of Canada, in that vineyard of the Lord which they have watered with their sweat, and even with their [page 21] blood. What joy for my heart if I could hope for a like death, a like crown! The Lord no doubt will not grant it to my merits, but I venture to hope it from his mercy. In any case, my fate is a happy one; and the lot assigned to me by the Lord is well worthy of envy. What can be more glorious than to devote oneself and to consume oneself entirely for the salvation of souls? Such is the grace that I ask, that I hope for, and that I love.

I have seen and admired here the labors of your Fathers; they have been successful, not only with the neophytes whom they have drawn from the depths of barbarism, and have brought to the knowledge of the only true God, but also with the French—in whom, by their examples and the holiness of their lives, they have inspired such sentiments of piety that I have no hesitation in asserting, in all truthfulness, that your Fathers are here the good odor of Jesus Christ wherever they work. It is not to [259] you alone that I bear this testimony; my words might appear to savor somewhat of flattery. I have written in the same terms to the Sovereign Pontiff; to the most Christian King, and to the Queen his mother; to the most Illustrious Lords of the congregation of the Propaganda; and to a great many other persons. Not that every one approves me equally,—you have here envious or hostile persons, who are indignant against both you and me; but they are malicious judges, who rejoice at evil and love not the triumphs of truth. May your Paternity deign to continue your affection for us; moreover, by granting it to us, you will love nothing in me that does not belong to the Society. For, I feel it, there is nothing in me that I do not owe to it; nothing [page 23] that I do not: consecrate to it. I wish to belong to you as much as I belong to myself; I wish to belong entirely to Jesus Christ, in whose mercy I embrace Your Paternity; and I beg you to love me always, as you do, with a sincere love. May that love be eternal.

I remain Your Paternity's

Very humble and very obedient servant,

François De LAVAL, bishop of Petræa,

Vicar apostolic.

Québec, August, 1659, New France.

[page 25]





To Rev. Father Jacques Renault, Provincial of the Society of Jesus in the Province of France,

By Rev. Father Hierosme Lallemant

Superior of the Missions of the same

Society in this new World.


Sebastien Cramoisy,

Printer in ordinary to the King.

M. DC. LX.

By Royal License.


[page 29]





The two vessels that have arrived this year from France have changed the aspect of our hearts and of all the country. They have everywhere aroused joy, — one, through the happy news of the peace between the two Crowns, and the other, through the coming of Monsignor the Most Illustrious and Right Reverend Bishop of Petræa. Our joy would be complete if the Iroquois were not troubling it with war, [4] which they have renewed after a very brief suspension of hostilities. During that time, we have done the impossible, in order to win the hearts of these Barbarians. Our Fathers have made three journeys to Onnontagué for this purpose, and four to Agnié; they have scoured all their villages, everywhere conveying to them words of peace and of salvation, and trying to open their eyes by the light of the Faith, which they have published in all their country.

On the other hand, — in order not to irritate these minds, as haughty as rebellious, — not only have we contented ourselves with a slight satisfaction for the murders which they have committed at Montréal, but we have also released to them those of their people whom we kept in prison, — one after the other, so as constantly to procrastinate, and [5] postpone the [page 31] misfortune with which we are threatened. After various embassies on both sides, — in which they have always beguiled us with a thousand promises of peace, and with oaths as solemn as can be expected from a barbarous nation, — they have finally taken up arms again with more cruelty than before. They have wreaked their first fury upon Three Rivers, where they have taken eight Frenchmen. They have already caused them to feel the effects of their barbarism; for they have burned away their nails, and have cut off their fingers and hands. This beginning, considered by them merely as child's play, is a preparation for the fire and flames to which they destine them, in recompense for the kind treatment [6]shown to their people, whom we have ever treated well in our prisons, and whom we have at last set free without having injured a single hair of their heads.

We have learned these particulars from a fugitive Christian Huron. Having chanced to be one of a party who were coming here to war, he met the captive Frenchmen in the Islands of Richelieu, led by the Agnieronnons who had taken them at Three Rivers. " I was touched with compassion, " he said, " on seeing the unhappy condition of those poor prisoners; and, at the same time, I was delighted with their devotion amid their sufferings. At evening I heard them sing the Litany of the Virgin, and in the morning the Veni Creator, with the other prayers. I saw them lift to heaven their mutilated hands, [7] all dripping with blood." The sight made so great an impression on this good man's mind that he then took the final resolve to leave the Iroquois and cast himself into our hands, in order [page 33] thus to preserve his Faith, and to reveal to us a part of the enemy's designs.

The Onnontagueronnons have not been more grateful than the Agnieronnons; for they likewise took at Three Rivers three of our French, two of whom happily escaped from their hands. The third, however, was cruelly burned at his arrival in the village of Onnontagué — where, shortly before, our Fathers had practiced inconceivable charities toward their sick people, and suffered all sorts of labors in order to instruct them and [8] open to them the way to Heaven. Recently, the Iroquois have taken still another Frenchman near Kebec, after wounding him with a gunshot; and we learn that they are preparing to burst upon us with an army—next Spring, at the latest,—in order to sweep away some Village of ours, and spread desolation throughout the country.

However, although all these things augur nothing but disaster for us, we cannot doubt that God has high purposes with respect to these lands, in order to derive glory from them. For he has revived our hopes by the gift which he has made us of a Prelate for whom this incipient Church had been sighing so long, — that is, Monsignor the Bishop of Petræa, who happily arrived here [9] on the 16th day of June, 1659. He was received with the usual ceremonies, as an Angel of consolation sent from Heaven; and as a good Shepherd coming to gather up the remnant of the Blood of JESUS CHRIST,—with a generous purpose not to spare his own, and to try all possible ways for the conversion of the poor Savages. He, indeed, loves them with an affection worthy of a heart coming to seek them from so far away.

God soon contrived opportunities for him to show [page 35] them his love. On the very day of his arrival, a Huron child having come into the world, he had the kindness to hold it over the Baptismal font; and at the same time, a young man, also a Huron, being sick to extremity and needing to receive [10] the last Sacraments, he desired to be present, to devote to him his first cares and his first labors. Thus he gave a noble example to our Savages, who with admiration .saw him prostrated upon the earth before a poor carcass, which already smelled of corruption, and which he prepared with his own hands for the holy unctions. In this same spirit of affection, shortly after his landing, while publicly giving Confirmation to the French in the Parish church, he wished to begin the whole ceremony with some Savages; and he did this with great joy, seeing at his feet and laying his hands upon peoples who had never, from the birth of the Church, received this Sacrament. But his joy was much [11] greater, when he subsequently confirmed all the elect of our two Churches, Algonkin and Huron. We had prepared by a general confession about fifty of each nation. The idea which these poor people had not only of the Sacrament, but also of him from whom they were to receive it, caused them to make extraordinary efforts of devotion for a period of eight days, in order to prepare for it. During the ceremony, which took place in the new Church of the Hospital Mothers, we praised God in four languages. The Hurons and the Algonkins took turns in singing spiritual Hymns, which drew tears From the eyes of some of those present. Monsignor the Bishop, in pontifical vestments, appeared to these Canadians, who had never [12] seen anything of the kind, like an Angel of Paradise, and so [page 37] majestic that our Savages could not turn away their eyes from his person.

At that time, he also conferred Baptism with all the solemnities of the Church upon a Huron 50 years old, who could not contain himself for joy, and who piqued with a holy envy his fellow-countrymen, who would gladly have desired to be in his place in order to share a like blessing. This poor man had escaped from the hands of the Iroquois by a gracious providence, to fall into those of this great Prelate, whose touch caused a secret Virtue to flow upon this good neophyte. For, in pouring upon his body the sacred waters, he .so touched this man's [13] heart that he is no longer recognizable since that time; he has, as it were, stripped himself all at once of the evil maxims and the wicked habits that he had contracted in associating with the Iroquois. Monsignor the Bishop accompanied these ceremonies by a sermon, brought within the range of these poor people, intended to animate them to resist courageously the temptations and endure with patience all the miseries of this life, while expecting and hoping for a life eternally blessed. Then they were all admitted to the great hall of the Hospital, where the Nuns had prepared two long tables, well spread. They were well served there by the hands of this same Prelate, in order to give the Savages this example of Christian humility [14] and Charity. Monsieur the Vicomte d'Argençon, our Governor, does the same quite often, by attending to the sick of this same Hospital,—a sight that is surely pleasing to the guardian Angels of this country.

But—as it is the Custom among these nations to acknowledge the rank of recently-arrived strangers [page 39] by the magnificence of the feasts which one makes in their behalf—our Savages would not have conceived a worthy idea of Monsignor the Bishop if he had not adapted himself to their way of doing, and had not regaled them with a solemn feast. It put them, indeed, in good humor, and they made their harangues to him, interspersed with their usual songs. They complimented him, each in his own language, [15] with an eloquence as gracious as natural. The first who harangued was one of the oldest Hurons. He expatiated quite amply upon the praises of the Faith, Which causes the greatest men in the world to cross the seas, and makes them incur a thousand dangers and experience a thousand fatigues, in order to come and seek Wretches. "We are now nothing, " he said, "O Hariouaouagui,"—this is the name which they give Monsignor, and which signifies in their language "the man of the great work,"—"we are now nothing but the fragments of a once flourishing nation, which Was formerly the terror of the Iroquois, and which possessed every kind of riches. What thou seest is only the skeleton of a great people, from which the Iroquois has gnawed off all the flesh, and which he is striving to [16] suck out to the very marrow. What attractions canst thou find in our miseries? How canst thou be charmed by this remnant of living carrion, to come from so far and join us in the so pitiful condition in which thou seest us? It must needs be that the Faith, which works these marvels, is such as they have announced to us for more than thirty years. Thy presence alone, although thou shouldst say not a word to us, speaks to us quite audibly in its behalf, and confirms us in the opinion that we hold of it.

" But, if thou wilt have a Christian people. The [page 41] infidel must be destroyed; and know that, if thou canst obtain from France armed forces to humble the Iroquois, ,— who conies to us with yawning jaws to swallow up the remnant of thy people, as in a deep chasm,—know, [17] I say, that by the destruction of two or three of these enemies villages thou wilt make for thyself a great highway to vast lands and to many nations, who extend their arms to thee and yearn only for the light of the Faith. Courage, then, 0 Hariouaouagui; give life to thy poor children, who are at bay! On our life depends that of countless peoples; but our life depends on the death of the Iroquois. "

This speech, uttered with warmth, was all the more touching because it artlessly represented the last sighs of a dying nation. The harangue which an Algonkin Captain made thereafter was not less pathetic.

"I remember," he said, counting on his fingers, " that twenty-three years ago Father le Jeune, while [18] sowing among us the first seeds of the Faith, assured us that we would one day see a great Man, who was to have his eyes ever open (thus he named him to us), and whose hands would be so powerful that by their mere touch they would infuse an invincible strength into our hearts against the efforts of all the Demons. I know not whether he included the Iroquois therein; if that is the case, it is now that the Faith is about to triumph everywhere. It will find no more obstacles to hinder it from penetrating the greatest depths of our forests, and from going to seek, three and four hundred leagues from here, the nations who are confederate with us, and to whose country this common enemy blocks our passage." [page 43] He said much more besides, betokening the esteem [19] which he and all those of these lands entertained for the great. power possessed by the laying-on of hands. They have so thoroughly persuaded themselves of it that, before starting for war against the Iroquois, the soldiers go to obtain Monsignor the Bishop's blessing; and they receive it as a good omen, with great confidence of being powerfully strengthened by it in the war which they are undertaking against the enemy of the Faith and of the country.

The French share, no less than the Savages, in this public good fortune. They themselves publish it sufficiently, and I need not write you about it; I doubt not that all the letters which will be sent to France will sound the praise thereof. I will say only this word, that never will Canada [20] be able to acknowledge the vast obligations which it is under to our incomparable Queen, not only for having always honored it with her affection,—as her Majesty has plainly shown on a thousand occasions,—but especially for having crowned all her favors with the most precious of all those that she could render, namely, with the favor of procuring for it such a Pastor. This grace, this favor, and this rich gift meet with so much approbation that all—French and Savages, Ecclesiastics and Laymen—have every reason to be gratified, and to hope that God will preserve a country which has so holy and so strong a protection. This is what we promise ourselves above all, if assisted by the prayers of worthy people and by your Reverence's holy Sacrifices, to which [21] I commend myself with all my heart.

Kebec, this 12th of September, 1659.

[page45 ]




I sent word to Your Reverence concerning the universal joy aroused in this country at the coming of Monsignor the Bishop of Petræa; but I confess to you that the war with the Iroquois much tempers our pleasure therein, and does not permit us to relish at our ease the good that we possess. What consoles us is, that the zeal of this generous Prelate has no [22] bounds. He thinks that it would be a trifle to have crossed the seas, if he did not also traverse our great forests by means of the Gospel Laborers, whom he purposes to send even to the nations of whom we hardly know the names, in order to seek there so many poor straying sheep and rank them in the number of his precious flock. This is what he is preparing for, notwithstanding the war with the Iroquois. He intends, indeed, to do in this new world what is practiced in the old one; I mean to say that, as Preachers are secretly slipped into the other persecuted Churches, so he desires to scatter some of our Fathers amid the first bands of the Savages who shall come down here, in order to go up with them to their country and, in spite of Hell and the Demons, [23] to invite these poor peoples to enter into the Kingdom of God, and take part in the Beatitude to which they are predestined. These are purposes worthy of a courage full of zeal for the [page 47] glory of God, and our Fathers yearn day and night to realize them. They burn with desire to be among those happy ones exposed, not to chance, but to divine Providence, which will ever derive its glory—either from their labors, if ever they reach those lands of promise; or from their deaths, as it has done from those of the other Fathers who have been killed by the Iroquois when on such an enterprise. While awaiting this happy moment,— which will come only too late, according to their desires,—some are making ready for this glorious expedition by the study of the languages, without which [24] one can do nothing for the salvation of the Savages; others occupy themselves in cultivating the two Churches, the Algonkin and Huron, whom the dread of the enemies confines near us, and who are thus enabled to discharge all the duties of the best Christians.

Those who are obliged to withdraw inland for hunting well remember the instructions which are given them here. They often make a Church from a corner in the woods, whence their devotions penetrate Heaven just as well as from those great Temples where prayers are held with so much pomp. If they could take with them persons to whom they could turn for confession in times of danger, they could be far more securely held in religion.

This is what greatly distressed [23] a good Christian Algonkin woman, named Cecile Kouekoueaté. Falling sick in the midst of the woods, and seeing herself in extremity without being able to confess, she believed that she might make up for this in some fashion with a present of Beaver-skins, which she bequeathed to the Church of Three Rivers. Accordingly, she ordered her kinsmen to go thither in haste [page 49] after her death, and present her gift there as a substitute for her Confession. As soon as she expired. they hastened to Three Rivers fearing lest their kinswoman should find herself at a loss in the other world. Having arrived, they addressed themselves to the Father who has charge of the Savages, and said to him: "Black Gown, listen to the voice of the dead, and not to that of the living. It is not we who speak to thee; it is a departed woman, who, [26] before dying, enclosed her voice in this package. She has charged it to declare to thee all her sins, as she herself could not do so by word of mouth. Your handwriting enables you to speak to the absent; she intends to do, by means of these Beaver-skins, what you do by means of your papers. She died a fortnight ago; she is Cecile Kouekoueaté‚. Alas, how she must have suffered on the way to Paradise! See to it, then, as soon as possible, that her soul be well treated in all the cabins through which it shall pass; and that, on arriving at Heaven, she be not kept waiting at the door, but hat she be received like a person ho has lived in the Faith and has died in the desire for Paradise. " These good people, as yet neither instructed nor baptized, confused their fables with our truths.

[27] At another time, one of our leading Algonkins was overtaken by a sort of paralysis accompanied by extraordinary convulsions and nervous contortions, which excluded him from the hope of being able to reach Kebec whence he was fifteen or twenty leagues distant. In this extremity, he dispatched one of his people to bear the news to us, and entreat us to pray God for him. I know not whether his own prayers or ours, or both combined, restored his health; but [page 51] he has since affirmed that, after having received the Blessed Sacrament, he found himself cured all at once, and that his strength returned to him so suddenly that he could but consider it a miracle. The last Sacraments so [28] often produce similar wonders in these people, that one of the things which they request with most urgency is holy communion, especially when they are seized with some violent sickness; for they usually find health in this celestial Bread, which often proves to them a true Bread of life for both body and soul.

" We have lost two of our good Christian women, " says the Father who has charge of the Huron Church. One of them, named Cecile Garenhatsi, had sojourned two years with the Ursuline Mothers, where she had acquired a spirit of very rare devotion, which she preserved even until death,—something quite ordinary with those who have the good fortune to be trained in this Seminary of piety. Our Cecile, then, being in extremity, her Confessor [29] asked her whether she felt any regret to die. " Alas! my Father, " she said to him, " I would do very wrong to fear death and not to desire it, since by drawing me out of this world it will draw me away from occasions of offending God. It is true, I hope indeed that all my confessions have wiped out my sins, although they have not rendered me sinless; but my consolation is that I shall be so after this miserable life. And, since my love is not great enough to do what death will do,—very well, let death come to deliver me at the same time from the servitude of this body and from that of sin. "

This good woman's husband was then hunting, far within the woods, at the moment when she [page 53] expired. She appeared to him and [30] bade him the last Farewell, recommending him, above all, never to part with prayer except when parting with life. At this sight, he turned toward his hunting companion, told him of his vision and of his wife's death, and straightway proceeded to return to Kebec. Upon his arrival, he learned that his wife had expired in precisely the same circumstances of time in which she had shown herself to him. The change in this man, the fervor combined with steadfastness which he has maintained in public and private prayers since that misfortune, make us believe that there occurred on that occasion something very extraordinary.

The second woman whoa death has taken from us this winter had very nearly met death, some years before, [31] at the hands of the Iroquois. The barbarians, encountering her, tore the scalp from her head, leaving her for dead on the spot. From that time forth, she led only a languishing life; but she was always so fervent in prayer that she never failed to be present every morning and every evening in the Chapel, notwithstanding her great weakness. She observed this practice scrupulously until, one day,—returning from Church, whither she had dragged herself, although afflicted with a mortal disease,—she was obliged to take to bed, and soon afterward she devoutly died, finding herself at the end of her life before coming to the end of her prayers. This poor woman's constancy will be a great reproach to the delicacy of those ladies who, for slight inconveniences, easily forego their devotions. [32] And the patience of a young Savage will condemn those who break out into so many murmurs and complaints for [page 55] a trifle,—a toothache or some other inconvenience. This man, for five years a helpless invalid, was lying, not upon feathers or down, but on a piece of bark which served him for straw bed and mattress; with the patience of Job, he was suffering in every part of his body. Could you believe indeed that grace so operated in this Savage heart, that not only was he not heard to complain, but, as he declared, that it never even came into his mind to wish for the use of his limbs ? For he considered his soul to be better off in the wretched condition of his body, and his [33] salvation far more certain; and he said that it sufficed him to have the use of his fingers and tongue to say his Rosary, which constituted his main occupation throughout the day. God has well rewarded him; for he has happily ended his days, yielding up his soul in the arms of Monsignor the Bishop of Petræa. Such are some of the details that I have learned about these two afflicted Churches. They are now nothing but the wreck of two suffering Churches, and would serve as the seed of a great Christian people did not the Iroquois continue to exterminate them. I commend them—and myself also—to your Reverence's holy Sacrifices.

Kebec, This 10th of October , 1659.

[page 57]




Here is a third Letter that I write to Your Reverence, to inform you of what has occurred in the Mission of Acadia, where three of our Fathers are laboring for the conversion of the Savages on that coast, and for the salvation of the French who are settled there.

Acadia is that part of New France which borders the sea, extending from New England to Gasp‚, where the entrance to the great river St. Lawrence properly begins. All that country, which is fully [35] three hundred leagues in extent, bears but one name, having but one language.

The English have usurped all the Eastern coast from Canceau to New England, and have left to the French that which extends toward the North; the principal points of the latter are called Miscou, Rigibouctou, and Cap Breton. The district of Miscou is the most populous and the best disposed, and contains most Christians. It comprises the Savages of Gaspé, of Miramichy, and of Nepigigouit. Rigibouctou is a beautiful river, and important for its trade with the Savages of the river St. John.

Cap Breton is one of the first Islands which one meets on coming from France. For its size it is fairly well peopled with Savages. [36] Monsieur Denis is in command of the principal settlement [page 59] which the French have in those quarters. Such is the country which our Fathers have cultivated since the year 1629, and in which Fathers André Richard, Martin Lionne, and Jacques Frémin are at present laboring.

The last named has had for his portion the coast of Rigibouctou, where he has wintered among the Savages. With them he has suffered, besides the scurvy, famine caused by the deficiency of snows, which are the Savages' riches; for the Moose, Caribous, and other animals are caught in them as in a snare, when they are deep enough. But the Father has found himself only too well paid for the toils that he has suffered in those great forests, by the Baptism which he conferred upon [37] a little girl in the extremity of sickness, who received health in those salutary waters. It was also no small consolation to him to see himself importuned by a poor Savage named Redoumanat to baptize him, in consequence of a very strongly felt grace that he had obtained from God shortly before. This man had languished for two whole years, overwhelmed with severe illnesses, which caused him very acute pains throughout his body, but especially in the legs. He had had himself breathed upon again and again by the jugglers of the country; and, after wearying out all the sorcerers and exhausting all their remedies, no longer knowing to whom to have recourse, he addressed himself to God, whose goodness and power he had heard praised. He said to him: " Thou who hast [38] made everything, they say that everything obeys thee I will believe it, provided that my trouble which has not been willing to listen to the voice of our Demons, will listen to thine. If it obey [page 61] thee when thou shalt drive it from my body, I promise thee to obey the‚ myself, and to love the prayer. " God was pleased with this kind of prayer, and restored him to perfect health, for which he is so grateful that he everywhere publishes this favor—showing by a great change in his life that his soul has the best share of this benefit. He has wholly given up drunkenness,—which is the great Demon of these poor Savages,—as well as the spirit of vengeance, which he has subdued by an act as heroic as can be found among the best Christians. For one day one of his daughters, whom he especially loved, was struck dead [39] by an insolent fellow before his very eyes. The murderer was arrested, but the father was far from wishing to revenge himself. On the contrary, he stopped the arm of those who were about to kill him, saying that he referred the matter to the Master of life, since he learned that it belonged only to him to take vengeance for the wrongs committed against us. And in truth, the divine Justice did not fail to exact retribution for this murder; for it permitted that this same wretch should be soon afterward assassinated by a rival, who was aspiring to the same marriage as he was. This good man is not the only one who has received extraordinory favors from Heaven; but not all have shown themselves so grateful.

A certain Capisto, former Captain of Cap Breton and greatly attached to his Superstitions, fell one [40] day into most violent convulsions, during which the Savages bethought themselves to apply to his body some Images, Rosaries, and Crosses; for they make great account of these, using them against the molestations of the Demons. This man, at the [page 63] climax of the attack, imagined that Devils threw themselves upon him and dragged him from side to side, striving to carry him away. In this anguish, he seized hold of a great Cross planted at the entrance to the river, and clung to it so fast that it was impossible for the Demons to separate him from it. The vision touched him; and, although he still continues in infidelity, he nevertheless values the Faith, and gives hope that finally, after so many favors which God shows him,—incited, withal, by the example and [41] the urgent requests of his brother who was baptized this Spring,—he will break the bonds which hold him down to his wretchedness.

This brother of Captain Capisto is a good old man, much loved by the French, to whose interests he is greatly devoted and to whom he has rendered notable services in trying emergencies. He made so many entreaties to be baptized that, after having been put off from year to year in order to prove his constancy, Father Richard at last baptized him, along with his wife and his sister, in deep feelings of esteem for the happiness for which he had so much yearned. He urged that his children might have a share in the same favor; but they were put off until Autumn, in order to call forth stronger proofs of their good resolutions.

[42] Two years ago, the Savages of these coasts were at war with the Esquimaux. These latter are a nation dwelling at the extreme Northeastern end of New France, at about 52 degrees of latitude and 330 of longitude. It is wonderful how these Savage mariners navigate so far in little shallops, crossing vast seas without compass, and often without sight of the Sun, trusting to instinct for their guidance. [page 65] But in this respect the Esquimaux arouse even greater wonder. They sometimes make the same transit, not in shallops, but in small canoes, whose structure and speed are indeed astonishing. They are not made of bark, like those of the Algonkins, but of skins of seals, which animals [43] abound in their country. These canoes are covered over with those same skins. An opening is left at the top which gives admittance to the one who is to navigate, who is always alone in this gondola. Seated and ensconced in the hold of this little leather boat, he gathers about him the skin which covers him, and fastens and binds it so well that the water cannot enter. Lodged in this pouch, he paddles on each side alternately with a single paddle, which has a blade at each end. He does this so skillfully, however, and causes his boat to move so lightly, that he outstrips the shallops, which move by sail. Moreover, if this canoe happens to capsize, there is nothing to fear; for, as it is light and filled with air enclosed within, along with half the body of the boatman, it easily rights itself, [44] and restores its pilot safe and sound above the water, provided he be well fastened to his little craft. Nature joined to necessity furnishes great inventions. These good people further use sealskins to build their houses, and to make clothes for themselves; for, after thoroughly dressing these skins, they wear them as coverings for their bodies, making robes from them in the same fashion for both men and women. They live chiefly on Caribous, which are a kind of deer, on otters, on seals, and on cod; they have but few beavers and moose. During the Winter they live underground, in great caves, where they are so warm [page 67] that, notwithstanding the severity of the climate, they have no need of fire, except for cooking. The snows there are [45] very deep. They are so hardened by the cold that they bear one as firmly as ice, and, to walk over them, one needs no snowshoes. The iron which they find near the stages of the cod-fishers serves them to make arrow-heads, knives, cleavers, and other tools, which they themselves skillfully devise, without forge or hammers. They are of small stature, somewhat olive-colored, quite well-formed, thick-set, and exceedingly strong.

Some time ago, our Savages were waging war against these peoples. Having surprised and massacred some of them, they spared the lives of the others, whom they took as captives into their own country,—not to burn them, for that is not their custom; but to hold them in servitude, [46] or to cleave their heads upon entering their villages in token of triumph. One of these captives, a woman whose husband had been killed in the fight, found her happiness in her captivity. Having been taken to Cap Breton, she was ransomed from the hands of the Savages; she was subsequently instructed and baptized, and now she lives in the French manner like a good Christian. It must be acknowledged that the methods of the divine Providence are adorable, to seek out in the midst of this barbarism a predestined soul, to choose it among so many others, and put it on the way to heaven, and—what is truly very wonderful—to raise this poor woman from her infidelity in order to employ her to raise a heretic from his error. It happened in this way.

[47] Our Marguerite (the name that she received in Baptism), when still an unbeliever, sometimes [page 69] found herself molested by Demons. Thus, one day, she appeared as if bewitched; she ran about everywhere, uttering frightful cries and making strange gestures, like those who are possessed. The French hastened to her and tried to soothe her, but in vain. Her torments increased to such a degree that she found herself in danger of being suffocated. They finally bethought themselves to have recourse to divine remedies; they entreated the Chaplain who then ministered to the settlement to help her. He had no sooner sprinkled her with holy water than she suddenly stopped, and became as peaceful as if she had awaked from a quiet sleep. She merely lifted her eyes on high, and then, turning them toward those present, she said: " Alas, [48] where am I ? Whence do I come ? A fiery phantom was cruelly pursuing me, and was quite ready to devour me, when, at your presence, I know not what terror seized him and put him to flight. For the second time I owe you my life; lately, you delivered me from the rage of the Savages, and now you save me from the fury of the Demons. " The interpreter, who was a heretic, was seized with astonishment at this occurrence; and, admiring the potency of the holy water,, he renounced heresy, and by his abjuration published the wonder whereof he had been a spectator.

If the Demons serve to convert the Savages, and the Savages to bring back the heretics, what must we not hope to obtain' through the help of the guardian An gels of these regions : [49] and especially since these blessed spirits have brought hither an Angelic Man,—I mean, Monsignor the Bishop of Petræa. While crossing the border of our Acadia, [page 71] on the side of Gaspé, he gave the Sacrament of Confirmation to 140 persons, who perhaps would never have received that blessing if this worthy Prelate had not come to seek them at this end of the world. The country is beginning to be disquieted by the terror of the Iroquois. They close the door to the salvation of countless nations, who extend their arms to the Gospel; and we cannot carry it to them unless these rebels are subdued. I commend myself and all these peoples to Your Reverence's holy Sacrifices, and to the prayers of all those who love the conversion of the poor Savages.

Kebec, this 16th of October, 1659.


[page 73]

Extract From the Royal License.

Y grace and Privilege of the King, Sebastien Cramoisy, Bookseller under Oath in the University of Paris, Printer in ordinary to the King and Queen, Director of the Royal Printing—house of the Louvre, and former Alderman of Paris, is permitted to print or cause to be printed, sold, and retailed a Book entitled: Lettres envoyées de la Nouvelle France au R. P. Jacques Renault Provincial de la Compagnie de JESUS, en la Province de France, etc. And this during the time and space of ten consecutive years, prohibiting, under the penalties provided by the said License, all Booksellers, Printers, and others to print or cause to be printed the said Book, under pretext of any disguise or change that they might make therein Given at Paris, the 26th of December, 1660. Signed, By the King in his Council,


[page 75]

¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯

Permission of the Reverend Father Provincial.

e, Jacques Renault, Provincial of the Society of JESUS in the Province of France, have granted for the future to Sieur Sebastien Cramoisy, Bookseller, Printer in ordinary to the King and Queen, Director of the Royal Printing-house of the Louvre, and former Alderman of this city of Paris, the printing of the Relations of New France. Given at Paris, in the month of December, 1658. Signed,

Jacques renault.

page 77]

Journal of the Jesuit Fathers, in the years

1659 and 1660.

1659, January.

HIGH mass was said in the parish church, vespers and a sermon in our chapel.

  1. The father Superior most solemnly blessed The chapel of the Ursulines; and the blessed Sacrament was carried thither.
  2. Anne Bourdon took the veil at the Ursulines'.
  3. Our brother feville fell 3 times into the water, while walking on the ice; it broke under him, near cap au diamant, and he had great difficulty in saving himself.

  1. A savage who had started from 3 Rivers arrived at Québec, with letters saying that Father le Moyne was still at 3 Rivers with teharihogen.

  1. 3 Frenchmen arrived at Québec from 3 Rivers with letters. There was nothing new there.

  1. Marie boutet took the veil at the Ursulines'.

  1. The 3 Frenchmen returned to 3 Rivers.


  1. Frenchmen arrived from 3 Rivers with letters. No News. [page 79]

  1. The habitans of Beauprè presented a petition to Monsieur the governor to have an inquiry made respecting the life and morals of Monsieur Vaillant, a priest of The said cote. The petition was referred to the officiality.
  2. A petition was presented to Monsieur the governor by Monsieur Vaillant, requesting that inquiry be made against the said habitans as Calumniators. The Petition was granted, and Monsieur Chartier with his Clerk was sent in the capacity of commissioner, by Monsieur the Governor, to the cote de Beauprè to hold an Inquiry. He examined 83 witnesses.
    Monsieur the governor, after examining the Evidence given at the Inquiry, Referred the matter to The official, and condemned the said sieur Vaillant to pay the costs.


  1. The father Superior visited the coste de Beauprè, and privately obtained Information about Monsieur Vaillant, for conscience's sake.


  1. 3 Oneioutes arrived at Québec, to discuss matters with Monsieur the governor, and to deliver their people from prison.

  1. The aforesaid 3 ambassadors held a council at the fort. One of them spoke, and gave 24 presents—namely, 22 to the French, 1 to the Alguonquins, and 1 to the hurons. The object of these presents was to deliver the Agnieronon And Oneiout prisoners; otherwise, there would be no peace.

  1. He accused himself of having too [page 81] long delayed doing his duty—that is, to give satisfaction for the murder of 3 frenchmen, committed at Montréal. He said: " I come to tear away the hatchet from those who were killed at Montréal."
  2. 3rd, and 4th: "I throw a grave-cloth on the dead man."He gave 3 presents for this, one for each dead person."I cast those dead men very deep into the ground, in order to stifle all feelings of revenge."

  1. "I cast those dead men very deep into the ground, in order to stifle all feelings of revenge.
  2. He reminded the french and the alguonquins of the word that they had given to send .Ambassadors to .Agnee; and told them to do so as soon as possible, for the peace depended upon that.
  3. "I set up the may-tree, the symbol of peace."
  4. "I strengthen the same symbol, so that the wind may not overthrow it."
  5. "I kindle a fire in the shade of that tree, to assemble the french, the alguonquins, and the hurons in council, so that they may deliberate respecting the means of obtaining a suitable peace."
  6. "I give a beverage made from an excellent white root, with which diseases of all kinds are cured in my country."
  7. "Onontio, I prepare thy mind for a lasting peace. Cause the soldiers to lay aside all thoughts of war."
  8. "I replace the sun; we will walk hereafter in full daylight; the clouds and darkness shall be completely dispelled [page 83]."
  9. "The Agnieronons await Ondesonk and the Alguonquins; here is something to assure them that they have nothing to Fear. "
  10. "The Onontageronon reminds thee that you had clasped each other by the arm; that you had bound yourselves with iron bonds. It is thou, Frenchman, who hast broken the Bond by departing from my country without my knowledge, and by abandoning thy dwelling."
  11. "The onontageronon takes thee once more by the arm, and renews friendship with thee more strongly than Ever."
  12. "The Onontageronon says to thee, 'I give thee back thy house of Ganentaha; thy lodgings are still standing. An elder resides there to Preserve them. Put thy canoe into the water, and go to take possession of what belongs to thee."'
  13. "What brings me here particularly is to withdraw the prisoners of Agne."
  14. "Deliver them all up to me; otherwise the minds of our Elders will not be satisfied."
  15. "I also ask thee to free those from my country whom thou detainest in prison."
  16. "Deliver them all to me. Separate them not; all or none."
  17. "The three nations of agnee, of oneout, and of onontage await this; otherwise thou openest not thy heart to them."
  18. "Open thy eyes and thy ears, Frenchman; see how our people have given thee back thy prisoners all together without [page 85] doing it two separate times. Imitate them, to show that thou desirest peace as much as we do."
  19. To the Alguonquins, " Alguonquins, Fear not to go on an embassy. Let not the want of presents hinder you. Your presence, and not your gifts, will Show that you wish for peace."
  20. "Hurons, " said the ambassador who spoke, " cease to hoot at Iroquois Strangers who may Come on an embassy, or to trade in your country. " By this he meant that they were to receive them kindly.

  1. At night, one of the ambassadors privately gave a present of a handsome Collar to father Chaumonot, to beg him to press matters, that an answer might be given as soon as possible to the requests that they had made to Onontio, and that they might not be long detained.

  1. On Easter Monday, Antoinette du tertre, sister of the Visitation, made her profession at the hospital.

  1. At 9 o'clock in the evening, a canoe with 3 Alguonquins arrived at Québec from 3 Rivers. It brought the News that 17 agnieronons had taken prisoners Mitewemeg and his sister, both Alguonquins, on lake St. pierre, near the Richelieu river, called the river of the Iroquois; but that Tegarihogen, theambassador of the Iroquois, who was then hunting in those islands, had Brought back Mitwemeg and his sister to three Rivers.
    As the Algonquins whose arrival was [page 87] awaited to answer the Onneioutronons delayed too long in coming, Onnontio gave a present of a coat to each of the 3 Ambassadors, to assure Them that They were delayed for no other object than to give Them some Algonquin to take back with them on an Embassy as soon as Noel should return.

On the 26th, Noel, the Algonquin, returned from his hunt; and 2 days afterward a conference was held with the Onneioutronon Ambassadors.

  1. The Ambassadors were answered by 7 collars, as thanks for their 24 presents, until such time as Ondesonk should make A full answer in Their country.

The answer to the first 5 presents was as follows: " If thou hadst acknowledged thy fault sooner, we would not have had so many misunderstandings, The Fathers would still be at Kannentâ, and thy people would not have been imprisoned. At last I am pleased that thou dost acknowledge It."

To the next 5 the answer was, that The French and the Algonquins would go on an embassy.

To the 3 following the answer was, that it would be desirable that The Iroquois young men should obey the Elders as The French obey Onnontio.

To the next 3, given in the name of Sagochiendage'te, the answer was: " If Otrewa'ti and his eight Comrades had not fled, I would have gone back with them to Onnontagé."

To the 2 presents given in the name of The [page 89] Anniegeronnon, the answer was: " The fetters broken by Tegarihogen have been reforged by your insolent young men, in killing us and our allies."

To the 3 following the answer was, that it was bad grace on his part to ask that all The captives be given up, inasmuch as he did not bring back The little Frenchman for whom we had so often asked; but that we gave Him back three,—namely, 2 Onneiouts, and One man from Annienge,—and besides that we handed over Gatogwann to Father Le Moyne, so that he might take him back with The Algonquin.

The answer to the last present was, that our eyes were sufficiently open to see that The voice of Their Elders was not strengthened enough by collars of porcelain beads; but that in future It must be strengthened by men whom each side should give to reside with The other.

The Onneioutronnon Ambassadors start for 3 Rivers with 4 of Their people,—namely, Te gannonchiogen and Sagon'nenrawagon, of Onneiout; Gatogwann and Soiehwaskwa, of Annienge. The Reverend Father superior and Father Drouillet accompany Them there with a number of Algonquins; the latter are going to give their message to The Ambassador who is to go on Their behalf to the Iroquois country.

Presents that Father Le Moyne is to give to the Onneiouts in Their country:

  1. " We knew not that Garontagwan had [page 91] of his own accord delivered our 3 frenchmen to the Onnontageronnons and Annienge'ronnons. We supposed that The Onnontage'ronnons would have withdrawn Them by dint of presents, " etc. " Wherefore be not astonished that The young men of three Rivers have ill-treated thy people. And yet that displeases me; I draw out The hatchet from Their heads. "
  2. "I throw a Shroud over the dead bodies. "
  3. "I place a plaster on The wounded. "
  4. "I bury all evil reports deep down in the earth. "
  5. "I set up The may-tree once more. "
  6. "I put roots to It. "
  7. "I give thee a beverage. "
  8. "I calm thy mind, and those of all thy Young men. "
  9. "I replace the sun. "
  10. "I cause its rays to be diffused for thee, that thou mayst sit where they shine. "
  11. "I unite in one all The thoughts of your, 5 Nations, so that You may have but one speech. "
  12. "I rekindle The council fire. "
  13. "I replace a mat to sit on near that fire. "
  14. "I reassemble The council upon that mat. "
  15. "I give thee back 2 of thy nephews. "
  16. "Onnontio takes care of the 2 Onneiouts who have remained at Kebec."

Vide 17th

  1. "Onnontio asks only for peace. [page 93] You see very well that trouble comes only from you. We are Never The first to begin.

  1. "Give me back my nephew Charles Picard, whom thou hast so often promised me, in order that He may be instructed once more; when he has been well instructed again, he will go back to see thee. "

  1. "Onnontio desires peace, that The Fathers may Freely go everywhere to preach The faith."
  2. "We are assured of a Paradise for the good, and of a hell for The Wicked."
  3. "I open thine ears to the voice of God."
  4. "I protest that it is thy own fault if thou art damned. I am quite ready to return as soon as thou hast calmed The troubles."


  1. Monsieur de la Citiere, L'archevesque, and Herosme were upset in A canoe while returning from the island of Orleans, in a heavy gale from the northeast.

  1. 2 Alguonquins, Father Le Moine, and Jean de Noyon started from three Rivers on an embassy to Agnie, with Tigarihogen, 4 prisoners freed at Québec, and 3 ambassadors from oneiout.

  1. Father Albanel started from Québec in a shallop for Tadoussac.
  2. Monsieur the Governor started in his brigantine with father Chaumonot and 40 men for 3 Rivers and Montréal.

  1. He returned thence. [page 95]


  1. A shallop arrived from Montréal, which reports that Iroquois have been seen at Montréal. It was the flemish bastard, who was the 25th. Larose says that he saw 5 Iroquois Canoes going up from 3 Rivers to Montréal. The savages from 3 Rivers say that, while going to trade at 3 Rivers, they saw An Iroquois Encampment near the first rapid. The French say that they saw 3 Iroquois Canoes in the islands of 3 Rivers. All this almost at the same time.

  1. We learned from two savages, who were returning from the chase, that they had found 40 agnieronons at point Ste. Croix, headed by the Flemish bastard, and coming to make war. They also saw le Ciel bleu ["blue Sky"], and 3 brothers of la Grande Cuillier ["Large Spoon"], who seized a Canoe ofan Iroquoised Alguonquin and a huron. The latter were set free.
  2. These two released savages returned to point of Ste. Croix to meet the 40 Iroquois, and to tell them that the French for whom they had asked would not Come to them. The huron returned alone in his Canoe to Québec. The Iroquoised Alguonquin remained with them.

  1. In the morning, francoeur was pursued in his field at fort St. Xavier by 3 Iroquois. He would have been captured, had not those who were in the fort come to his assistance. Afterward, Monsieur the governor sent 3 [page 97] squads, of French, Alguonquins, And hurons, to lay ambushes in that quarter.

  1. Sister Antoinette de Ste. Marthe made her profession at the Ursulines'. At 6 o'clock on the evening of the same Day, the first Ship from France arrived at Québec, bringing us a Bishop, with Monsieur Charni, father Lallemant, and 2 priests.
  2. We received Monsignor The bishop in procession on the bank of the river, and in the church of Québec.

  1. and 10. I visited the monasteries of the hospital nuns And of the Ursulines.

  1. Monsignor The bishop gave a feast to the savages in our hall, and spoke to them very appropriately.

  1. We received News by a Canoe from Montréal and three Rivers that 3 Frenchmen of three Rivers had been taken prisoners in the islands of Richelieu by a band of Onontageronon Iroquois while they were hunting. Also, that an Alguonquin, who accompanied The Alguonquin ambassador with father le Moine, after remaining two Days in the Village of Agnè, had fled through fear, And had arrived at Montréal.

  1. Monsignor The bishop said mass in pontificalibus; after Vespers he received the abjuration of a heretic.


  1. At ten o'clock at night, Father le Moine arrived at Québec from Agnie with The Alguonquin eiitawikiik And 4 Agnieronons, who came [page 99] to get la grande Cuillier and other hostages.

4 councils were held, at which the following was said:

  1. "The iroquois thanks onontio for having preserved the life of his people. "
  2. "He wipes away the tears of onontio for the recent capture of three frenchmen by the Onontageronons."
  3. "He clears his throat and stops his sobbing with The hope that he holds out to him that he will soon enable him to see again the french who have been captured. "

Onontio speaks and says, —

  1. "I thank thee for having Preserved the life of my ambassadors."
  2. "I wipe away thy tears for the loss of thy people who were killed last winter, in the war against The nation of fire And other nations."
  3. " I arrest thy sobbing for the same cause."

2nd Council.

Father le moine relates at length what he has done, and renders an Account of his embassy to Agnie.

3rd Council.

Its object was to decide whether all the prisoners or only a portion of them should be given up, or whether all should be retained. The conclusion was to send back the two Agnieronons,—namely, la grande Cuillier And his Companion,—and to detain the two Onneiouts Until the two frenchmen taken by the Onontageronons should have been sent back. [page 101]

4th Council.

  1. 1st: The Iroquois who brought back father le Moine are told that their people will be given up to them and that the two others willbe detained.
  2. 2nd: He tells them that The alguonquin' ambassador acted contrary to his orders, for he did not include the tadousac savages in the treaty of peace;'that he wishes them to be included in it.
  3. 3rd: He tells them that it is The alguonquin and the huron with him who give up la grande Cuilliere.
  4. 4th: He warns them that they must come openly to visit, and Not in Secret; by the usual Roads, and not through the woods.

Afterward The Iroquois speaks, saying:

  1. "Onontio, I thank thee that thou surrenderest my people."
  2. "Alguonquins And hurons, I thank you that you have contributed to that Surrender."'
  3. "Onontio, I beg that my son the oneiout, who still remains with thee, be not Kept in such Close confinement."
  4. "I assure thee that in future the noise of my hatchet shall no longer be heard in this quarter; that the earth shall no longer be stained with blood," etc. "I will carry war elsewhere."
  5. "Alguonquins And hurons, I Invite you to come without fear to trade in our Villages."
  6. "Onontio, I Thank thee that thou [page 103] hast given life to the Iroquoised Alguonquin captured in war."
  7. "I beg thee to find means to enable us to return quickly to our own country."

On the 8th, the Iroquois left here for their country with father le Moine, who remained at 3 Rivers. Monsieur St. Denis also started for Tadousac in a small bark.

  1. A Canoe arrived from three Rivers and informed us that la Grande Cuillier had set out with his Companion; also, that Antoine des Rosiers had escaped from the hands of the Onontageronons in the vicinity of lake Ontario, and had arrived at three Rivers.

  1. A canoe arrived at 9 o'clock at night from 3 Rivers and Montréal, bringing news that 12 canoes had come down from the poissons blancs with a good supply of furs, and that preparations were being made to go to the Outawak.

  1. Father Frémin arrived from 3 Rivers in toupin's shallop.


  1. A Canoe arrived from three Rivers, bringing news that 33 canoes had come from inland, partly attikameg and piskatang,—among others, 6 canoes of the nation of the Sault, misisager. These six canoes of the sault came down by inland routes, and met therein The poissons blancs; they were 5 months on their journey. They ask for some Frenchmen to escort them on their return. [page 105]

  1. A representation was given in our chapel of Québec, in honor of Monsignor the bishop of Petræa. Everything went well.
  2. At 11 o'clock in the morning, le Gagneur's ship sailed; on board of it were Monsieur le Vaillant, fathers Richard and Fremin, Madame La Citiere, and Monsieur du Menu.

  1. A monitory was read in the parish church on account of a theft of 54 livres of beaver-skins from the warehouse, a few Days ago.

  1. The boat from Montréal arrived, bringing us Monsieur The Abbé de Queylus; he went to lodge in the fort.

  1. Sieur du tertre arrived from miskou and brought news that an Iroquois had killed a Montagnais woman on the islet of tadousac, And that the murderer had been shot dead on the spot.

  1. Some savages arrived from three Rivers with the scalps of 9 Iroquois, whom they had killed at a distance of a Day's journey above Montréal.

On the same Day, The shallop started from this place to go and get The two hospital nuns at Montréal.

  1. Lespinè set out to hunt for Seals at isle rouge. On the previous Day, the shallop of sieur Maheu Had started for the cod-fishery at isle percee.

  1. Monsignor the bishop confirmed at the hospital this morning 100 savages, both Alguonquins and hurons.

  1. A Canoe arrived from 3 Rivers with [page 107] the news of the capture of 8 Frenchmen by 100 Agnieronons near 3 Rivers. The Capture was made on the 25th, the feast of St. Louis.
  2. A shallop started from Québec with 25 men to go to the assistance of three Rivers.
  3. Monsignor the bishop celebrated mass pontifically at the hospital, at which Monsieur The Abbé‚ de Queylus preached; st. Augustine's Day.
  4. canoes, of both Alguonquins and hurons, started from Québec to go to war in the direction of three rivers.

  1. Father Albanel arrived from tadousac in the boat of Monsieur lepinè, who had killed 220 seals on isle rouge.


  1. An Iroquoised huron escaped to Québec from a band of 7 Iroquois, who were lurking in the vicinity of the mill belonging to Monsieur de mores, to strike a blow. He reported that 3 other bands, consisting respectively of 7, of 10, and of 15 men, were following him; that the Frenchman taken by the onontageronons had been burned at Onontagé; that la Grande Cuillier was at agnè; that war had been decided upon in spite of his release; that he had met 8 French who had been taken prisoners at 3 Rivers by 60 agnieronons, who were taking them to their country to be burned.
  2. The mill belonging to Monsieur Denis on cap aux diamans Began to grind grain.

  1. On the night between the 5th and the 6th, the two Iroquois escaped from the fort. [page 109]
  2. At 7 o'clock in the evening, the vessel called the St. Andrè arrived, bringing 3 Nuns for Montréal, Mademoiselle Mance, 2 priests, Monsieur Vignar and Monsieur le maistre, and about 130 passengers. During the passage, 9 or ten had died of a contagious fever.

There was at this time a sharp dispute respecting the position of the seats of Monsignor the Bishop and of monsieur the Governor. Monsieur d'Ailleboust intervened, and it was agreed that the seat of Monseigneur the Bishop should be within the altar rails, and that of Monsieur the Governor outside the rails, in the middle of the church.

In addition to those who died on board the aforesaid ship, several who arrived were, on disembarking from the ship, ill of that Contagious fever. It immediately communicated itself to several persons in the country, who were attacked by it, and some of them died.

  1. Hierosme Lalemant, entered into office on the 8th of September, at 8 o'clock in the evening.

Monsieur the Abbé de Queylus, who was on the point of embarking to return to France, changed his mind upon the arrival of the ships, in consequence of the letters that he received. He,—who had protested that, no matter what letter or what powers might be sent him, he would not accept the same, and who had protested the greatest friendship for Monsignor of Petræa,—when he found himself possessed of powers from Monsignor of Rouen, and of The letter from the king [page 111] dated the 11th of May, raised the mask, and sought to have himself acknowledged as the Vicar-general of Monsignor of Rouen. However, as Monsignor of Petræa, on the other hand, was provided with another letter dated the 14th, which completely contradicted the 1st one, he was compelled to desist. But Monsignor of Petræa, seeing that he could no longer trust him, assumed sovereign authority over everything down here and in, Montréal, regarding spiritual matters.

  1. Monsignor of Petræa, the Bishop, having expressed a wish that funeral services be celebrated everywhere for Monsieur de Bernieres, we complied with his request on Thursday,—after having given Notice on the previous day, in the refectory, that on the morrow all the fathers should say a requiem mass, and our brethren should recite the Rosary and receive Communion. Monsignor the Bishop said the Communion mass. He would have much Preferred we should celebrate a service; but we excused ourselves from this, showing him that it was contrary to our custom.

On the same Day, we regaled in our refectory Monsieur the Abbé de Kelus, and the two priests who had recently come with Monsieur d'Alès.

On the 12th, at about 10 o'clock in the morning, eight Iroquois attacked those who were fishing for Eels at Cap rouge, and took Guillaume routïer captive.

A Consultation was held. The question was discussed, whether our Chapel should be [page 113] enlarged, or a new one built. Decision of this was postponed for a year, and it was resolved that, interim, we should consider the site.

Item, respecting Robert Hache. The Conclusion was, that he should leave, or conform to The same rules as the other donnés.

Item, respecting Abstinence on Saturday. An Continuanda per annum? Continuanda cum hac modificatione, quod sero tantum In cœna observaretur.

Item, concerning Sillery. Redigenda residentia illa quidem Huronensis, hoc est, facient nobiscum unam domum habentem eosdem officiales; si eo redeunt sylvestres, restituetur suœ proprietati.

Item, respecting brother bonnemer. Moderanda actio Chirurgi circa fœmineum sexum.

Item, in regard to the admission of women to the exercises of the Congregation—on The principal festivals, with Permission.

Item, concerning the admission of fiarce, of Boquet, and of Charles Panie to the novitiate. Hi ultimo servants in annum sequentem. .Boquet prius monendus; quod si post vota exeat, non recipiendus.

Item, respecting father Poncet,—cui petenti concessa suffragiorum nostrorum participatio.

A Frenchman named l'Epine was killed at 3 rivers by the Iroquois,—probably by one of the two who had escaped from the prisons of Québec. One of these has been recaptured.


On the 1st, father Jean de Quen took to his bed; and on the 8th he died from those [page 115] contagious fevers that had been brought by the last ship, mention of which has been made above. His private history or encyclical letter will be found in the Archives.

Father de Quen was buried on the morning of the 9th, præsente corpore, dictæ duæ missæ privatæ in summo Altari, dum diceretur officium.

On the same Day, Jeanne Godefroy took the veil at the Ursulines'. Monsignor the Bishop performed the Ceremony, in rochet and Camail, before and after a low mass that he said. Monsignor of Petræa gave Her, for her habit, 9 ells of black serge at 6 livres The ell; and two pieces of linen, of 25 ells each. I gave ten écus for the Tunic and the white veils, which the nuns furnished.

On the 22nd sailed Captain Poulet's ship, which had brought the people for Montréal; in that ship went father barthelemy Vimont, fiacre, and Jean de Noyon, our domestics, Monsieur the Abbé de Queylus, Monsieur de Becancour, Chartier, Villerè, and most of the merchants. They put back to port and did not start again until on the 26th.

On the last day of October, at about 10 o'clock in the morning, fire caught in the Kitchen chimney, as it had not been swept. We were in danger, but were saved by prompt assistance.


On the 1st, the Warriors returned, after having killed two men, bringing a little Agnieronon boy 12 or 13 years old. This [page 117] child's life was saved though our instrumentality—that is, on payment of 3,000 porcelain beads, of which amount Monsignor the Bishop gave half. At the same time, the life of the oneiocheronon who was a prisoner in the fort was saved; for this also one thousand porcelain beads were given.

On the same Day, Monsieur de Maisonneuve, Monsieur d'Ailleboust, de Musseaux, Suar, and others left for Montréal, and father Aloes for 3 rivers. Father Druilletes was to go also; but he was not there in time, and the Shallops left without him. He started, however, 8 Days afterward, to return as soon as possible.

On the 9th, father Albanel and Guillaume Boivin returned from Tadousac.

On the 8th, father Mercier also started for his mission of Beaupré.

On the 15th, or thereabout, it was decided that we should board gratis a Child at the seminary, and each one for not more than one year, that thus this Charity might be extended to several. Joseph Dubuisson was named, the first of all Up to All Saints' day of 1660.

And the number of those who are supported at the expense of the parish was increased by two; thus there were 4, st. martin, Morin, Amador, and Veron or Poupau.

On the 21st, father Albanel left to go and winter at Tadousac, with Guillaume Boivin and François Pelletier on the one hand, and Monsieur d'Auteuil and two sailors on the [page 119] other, This is an experiment that we make to see whether it is to be continued; for this has Never yet been done. Guillaume Boivin was at our expense, but not François Pelletier, although he was under our name.

On the 26th or 27th, cold and snow Commenced, so that sledges could be used.

At the same time, the 1st meeting was held at Monsignor the Bishop's, to decide whether it was a sin to sell liquors, either wine or brandy, to the savages. The result is entered in the Archives.

On the 30th, the vow of the Conception was renewed, as usual.



On the 1st, the vespers of St. Xavier were sung. On the following day, monsignor the Bishop said a low mass at about 7 o'clock, at which he gave the tonsure to Germain Morin, and the 4 minor orders to the same and to monsieur de Bernieres. The Ceremony was so long that all that could be done was to say high mass. The sermon was put off until after dinner, to follow the magnificat at Vespers. No one was Invited to the refectory for dinner; the principal reason for this was that to Invite the Bishop without the Governor, aut contra, would cause Jealousy, and neither will yield the first place to the other, Plenary Indulgence is assured; nevertheless, it was not published,

On the 4th and 5th, the 2nd Meeting was held to decide the reserved cases—on the 4th, [page 121] at our own house; on the 5th, at Monsignor The Bishop's.

On the 6th, the Fast of the Conception, which was on Monday. No abstinence on Friday.

At Christmas, I said 2 midnight masses, at which our brethren and the savages received communion. Monsignor the Bishop afterward said two other Masses; and, at the same time, father Chatelain said his three masses at the side Altar. I said the 3rd at half past 7, then father pijart said his three; and then father Druilletes said his, commencing at ten o'clock. Experience showed that it was sufficient to commence them at half past ten; for, after high mass, several came to attend mass here and found none.

The bell for Collation rang at 6 o'clock. The hour for rising was 11½ o'clock; on the following day it was an hour later. Supper at 6 o'clock; the end of the recreation at 7 o'clock. On the following day the bell rang at 4, and we did not awake until 5.

At the parish church there were only three Confessors to hear the Confessions—monsignor the Bishop, father Chatelain, and father pijar; they had enough to keep them occupied until lauds in the parish church. Father Dablon and I assisted in the Choir at Matins until we were called away at 11½ o'clock, to come and say midnight mass,—I in our chapel, and father Dablon at the Ursulines', where he said two masses in the night, and the 3rd at about 9 o'clock. Monsieur Pelerin said his 3 masses there at 7 o'clock. [page 123] Monsieur de Charny went to the hospital at night, and father Chaumonot in the Daytime; father Ragueneau went to Beauport, and father Mercier to Beaupré.

The Deacon, monsieur Pelerin, caused Monsieur the Governor, at the Midnight mass and at that celebrated in the Daytime, to be incensed by the thurifer instead of incensing him himself, according to Custom (and this by order of monsignor the Bishop). Monsieur the governor resented this greatly, so much so, that he proceeded to inquire about his rights. Having found that, in the Ceremonial of the Bishops, it was said that he was to be incensed Immediately after the Bishop, he claimed that he should be incensed not only by the deacon at mass, but also by the Assistant priest who had incensed the Bishop at Vespers—and this Immediately after the Bishop, before the priests in the Choir, both at mass and at Vespers. Thereupon, a sharp dispute arose between Monsignor the Bishop and Monsieur the governor, the latter basing his claim on the wording of the Ceremonial, and the former on the usage in France,—which, he asserted, was contrary thereto,—and especially on the existing usage and right by virtue of which the priests of the Choir were to be incensed before the Governor, and this ever since service had Commenced to be celebrated in the new Church. We were called upon to settle the difficulty, and we did so as set forth in a Document which was drawn up for this purpose, which will be found in the Archives.[page 125]

¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯

JANUARY, 1660.

The feast of the Circumcision fell on a Thursday; Vespers were held The evening before. In the morning, Monsignor The Bishop said the first Mass in our church, and I went to sing high Mass at the Ursulines'. It would be desirable to have a mass on that Day at the end of the orisons, or at 6 o'clock, for our brethren; but this could not be done this year because the joiners wished to have a high Mass in the parish church, and therefore two Jesuits had to be sent to the Ursulines'.

There was no other celebration on that Day in the morning at our church, except that, as usual, there were a great many Communicants.

At 6 o'clock, father Dablon and I went to pay our respects to Monsignor the Bishop, and then to monsieur the Governor. We arrived too early at the fort; the gate was not yet open, and we had to wait there for some time. But I think this was in order that they might prepare for the salute that they gave us. For, when the sergeant opened the gate, he paid us the full compliment both in word and in action; he fired off his pistol, whereupon all the soldiers, who were drawn up in file, discharged their pieces. I thanked them on the spot, telling them that we did not deserve the honor; and I sent them each a Rosary. Perhaps it would be more advisable, another time, to send and learn whether the gate of the fort is open. In addition to the Rosary, I sent a pot of brandy, and a Livre of tobacco. [page 127]

Monsignor the Bishop was not fully satisfied with what Monsieur Torcapel had done on the previous Sunday at the parish church in announcing the feast of the Circumcision, and therefore wished to make up for it himself on the feast of the Circumcision. Ascending the pulpit, he preached, for half an hour, a sermon on the Circumcision, and on the name of Jesus. After apostrophizing St. Ignatius, he concluded by saying that, in Just acknowledgment of the services that we had rendered for 30 years at the parish church, of which we had had the charge and direction, vespers would not be said or the sermon preached on that Day in the parish church, but that the faithful should come in procession to our church for that purpose, every year; and this was commenced this year, as follows. On the Day of the Circumcision, the bell rang for Vespers in the parish church, as usual on the other festivals; and the congregation issued forth from it in procession before two o'clock. Monsignor the Bishop remained below, while the Curé, with the Clergy, went up into the Rood-loft, where he sang vespers in Cope; they were very well chanted, with a musical accompaniment. We had placed there for him a seat covered with tapestry, with a prie-Dieu. The sermon was then preached, and benediction of the Blessed Sacrament followed, at the conclusion of which they returned in procession to the parish church. But few people accompanied the Clergy in the procession. Monsieur the [page 129] Governor was present at Vespers and at the sermon, but was not in the procession. Three of us went to the door, to receive the procession as it entered and as it left.

Monsieur the Governor went to pay his respects to Monsignor the Bishop at the conclusion of high Mass, with a dozen of the habitans; then he came to our house with the same persons. Monsignor the Bishop came in the evening, after the procession.

On Epiphany, there were so few people at the first Mass that I greatly doubt whether it was necessary to preach the short sermon on that Day. Father pijart preached it in my place, for on that Day I was invited to sing high mass in the parish church. There The incensing was done at the offertory by swinging the censer, in the 1st place, twice toward the officiating priest and then three times toward the Bishop.

As the soldiers provided the blessed bread on that Day, they played the drums and fifes, and thus they marched to the offering, returning in the same manner at the end of Mass. This greatly offended Monsignor the Bishop' however, they carried a loaf to him, and he sent them 2 pots of brandy and 2 livres of tobacco.

About that time a special Consultation was held to decide whether any Concessions should be given on the lands of our farm at Beauport, which is over 20 arpents in depth and 7 in width. 7 persons presented themselves to settle there, and, omnibus expensis, the majority [page 131] concluded to make the grants. However, they contented themselves with granting some on the neighboring concessions, and not on our farm, especially as between our clearing and the fir-grove there remained only 6 Arpents of woodland, which had to be kept for the farmers.

Father Mercier returned from his mission of Beaupré‚ on the 8th of January. He went back on the 22nd, and Monsignor the Bishop proceeded thither on the 23rd, with Monsieur de bernier, Boquet, and Durand, the valet of Monsignor the Bishop.

On the 26th, we went to dine with Monsieur Giffar,—4 fathers and 4 brethren.

On the 27th, father Ragueneau went on a mission to point de levi, the river having frozen before Québec on the 20th, or thereabout.


On the purification, The blessing of the Candles was performed in our church. I distributed them, and sang the lumen and the Nunc dimittis, nullo alio respondente. A Candle similar to mine was kept in readiness for Monsieur the governor, in case he presented himself; but he did not come. I therefore sent it, unlighted, to him after the ceremony of the blessing, by one of the acolytes in a surplice; and a light was brought to him at the Gospel and at the Elevation with which to light it. As he Left it at the end of mass on the Altar of the Chapel, I sent it to him about noon, and he received it willingly. [page 133]

On the 6th, a general Consultation was held, to decide about the hour for dinner and Collation in Lent. As regards the dinner, it was resolved not to change the usual hour, a quarter past 11, as this was founded on the authors and on privilege. As to the Collation, it was decided that, instead of having it at 6½ o'clock as in the past, it should in future be at 7 o'clock, in order to conform more closely to the Custom in France, and to the spirit of the Church and of the Society, of considering that time as one of penance.

On the 8th, the 40 hours' devotion commenced. As is usual in our Society, the Blessed Sacrament was exposed at 4½ o'clock, and replaced in the tabernacle at 7 o'clock on Sunday and Monday evening; and on Tuesday, after the benediction at 7 o'clock. Each morning, there was no other celebration than the masses, which were continued from 5 ½ until 11 o'clock; and in the evening there was benediction on Sunday after Vespers, and on Monday and Tuesday at 4 o'clock precisely. At the benedictions there was an exhortation, lasting about a quarter of an hour. Monsignor the Bishop officiated at benediction on Sunday and Tuesday; and on Monday, Monsieur de Charny. On Sunday, at benediction, only the pange lingua was chanted before the blessing, because vespers were just over. On the two other Days, we also chanted the miserere on Monday and the Exaudiat on Tuesday; then the short sermon was preached, at the end of which the officiating priest came [page 135] to the middle of the Altar to incense while the Ecce panis was chanted. After that, the orisons were said and the benediction given.

On Ash Wednesday, the ashes were blessed at the Altar before the first Mass, which was said as usual on festivals. We thought that there would be a sufficient number of persons present, as usual, to preach a sermon to them. But as very few were there, no sermon was preached. It will be more advisable in future to bless them, according to Custom, in the sacristy before the first mass, as is done in the case of holy water.

At the parish church there was a fair attendance of people at high mass, who would have well deserved a short exhortation on the Ceremony.

Permission to eat eggs for this year was published everywhere. Cheese was not spoken of; permission to eat it was taken for granted, as in the case of butter.

Father Chatelain preached on Fridays at the hospital; I, Hierosme Lalemant, at the Ursulines on Wednesdays; father Dablon, at the parish church on festivals and Sundays.

The winter was very severe and unpleasant up to the feast of St. Mathias, when it commenced to grow milder and to thaw.

On this same Day, the feast of St. Mathias, Monsignor the Bishop administered Confirmation at Québec for the 2nd time. During the ember-days, the order of Deacon was conferred on Monsieur de Bernieres in our Church, and that of the priesthood at the parish church, on the vigil of passion Sunday.[page 137]


At this time, monsignor the Bishop visited the hospital, whence the boarders, of whom there were only two, were sent away.

On the 19th, the Feast of St. Joseph, mass was said here as usual at 6 or 5½ o'clock,—without any exhortation, because Monsieur de Bernieres was to say his first Mass at the Ursulines'. In fact, he said it at 7 o'clock, monsieur de Charny assisting him. We went thither to hear Confessions, and there were a great many Communicants. After this, Father Dablon said mass there; and then I sang high Mass, at which father Dablon and Father Chaumonot assisted me as Deacon and sub-deacon. Father Chastelain and monsignor the Bishop had said mass there before monsieur de bernieres. A plenary Indulgence was applied by Monsignor the Bishop, out of 3 which he had the power to apply, beside three others connected with the 40 hours' devotion. The solemn sermon was preached at the parish church after dinner, and that of the Ursulines at the same time, without any celebration at their grating. Then the solemn benediction was held by monsieur de Bernieres with music as follows, while the Blessed Sacrament was exposed. The music began with the pange fingua, immediately after which the nuns sang a Short motet of the Blessed Sacrament; then the music began again with the iste Confessor, immediately after which the nuns sang a motet of the Saint; then the music recommenced with the Domine [page 139] Salvum fac regem, following which Monsieur de Bernieres, the officiating priest, chanted the versicle and the 3 corresponding orisons; after that the nuns were to have sung something during the incensing and benediction, but they did not do so because they were not notified in time. The whole Concluded with the Laudate dominum, sung with musical accompaniment. Great satisfaction was felt, and the ceremony appeared elevated and devout. The entire Church was filled. They forgot to put the inscription "plenary Indulgence" over the door.

On the 21st, palm Sunday, mass was said here at a quarter to 6 o'clock. It was said as usual with our Society, with the blessing of the palms and a short Instruction. Father Druilletes came and presented the palm to me, and I gave him two,—one for himself, and the other for Monsieur the Governor, to whom he carried it. The sermon was preached at the parish church after dinner.

On the 25th, Holy Thursday, mass was said at the same hour. It was the only one said at our house, and at this mass our Fathers and brethren, 6 in all, received Communion. After mass there was a procession around the Church; Monsieur the governor took part in it, to whom we presented a candle, as well as to some others of his household. Father Chaumonot carried The Cross; then came two Censers, and father Dablon as assistant priest. Monsieur de Charny said mass in [page 141] the morning at the hospital, and Monsieur Pelerin at the Ursulines'.

At the parish church, the ceremony of blessing the holy oils was performed. All passed quite well. I officiated as Archdeacon, but considerable trouble was experienced in mixing the balm with the holy oils. In addition to the Officiating priest, the priest acting as Assistant, the Deacon, and the subdeacon, there were 4 other priests in habitu, myself being the 5th. I took the Chasuble, when the time came for breathing on the oils. During The remainder of the time I wore the Alb and Stole, and in that guise I arrived in the Choir with the flambeaux of the Elevation, the 4 other priests having entered it with the officiating priest.

After The Consecration of the oils, the procession was formed, to take the Holy oils to the sacristy by the longest way. It merely went around the Choir.

The procession of the Blessed Sacrament was badly arranged for want of a Master of Ceremonies. If there be none, the Deacon who marches last must perform the duty, making those who go before walk in rank. Thus The Crozier and the miter went behind when they should have gone in front, etc. Monsignor the Bishop also made several mistakes. At the beginning, he intoned the pange lingua while still on his knees on the lowest step, instead of ascending to the highest before intoning it, if he wished to intone it at all, and then descending only when it [page 143] would be time to walk in his proper place in rank; thus he did not give himself leisure to get there. Moreover, when he reached the repository, instead of standing on the first step, he ascended and turned toward the people to give the Blessed Sacrament to the Deacon.

The washing of the feet was afterward performed at the hospital, where all went well. In both cases, the only thing to be done is strictly to observe what is written in the Books. Nevertheless, The blessing at the beginning of the meal was forgotten. The subdeacon washed the feet, the deacon held the towels, the assistant priest gave the basins, and I withdrew those that had been used; the Acolytes carried them.

Benediction took place here as soon as the Tenebræ were Over. As no bell is rung for this, I was not there in time, and caused some delay. Two Cushions had been placed near the railing of the repository, one for Monsignor the Bishop, and The other for Monsieur the governor. Monsieur the Governor came first, and knelt near that of Monsignor the Bishop, without heeding his own; he Deemed it more advisable to go away altogether than to change his position, and take his place where his own was put. Another time, the Bishop's Hassock will have to be placed in the sanctuary of the repository.

On Friday, at 7 o'clock, the passion was preached at the parish church. At a quarter to ten, we had the service here, which was very badly performed. Father Dablon, who [page 145] had preached the passion, had no time to prepare either himself or the others, so that the sacristan took up the Cross and carried it to the Altar. There were no lights in the procession, and, later on, most of our fathers and brethren were missing. In future, this must be looked after by some other person than he who is to preach.

On Holy Saturday, the service was held at 9 o'clock; this is early enough. I made a mistake at the blessing of the fire; for I gave neither holy water nor incense.

The litanies should have been repeated, which was not done.

The remainder went off passably, with two brethren and 3 fathers. Father Chaumonot carried The Cross.

I gave a General Permission to say mass privatim. It is better to give it only to those who may desire it, and who may ask for it expressly, and to say but one public Mass. Monsignor the Bishop came and said it here, between six and 7. He had some doubt whether he should say it Januis clausis; but he said It publicly, and at his Mass some to whom he had given a dispensation received communion.

In the evening, there was solemn benediction here.

On Easter Sunday, 4 masses were said at the parish church; in our house, 3 were said in succession in the morning. Father Dablon said one at the hospital, and Father Chatelain at the Ursulines'. At 4½ o'clock, benedictions took place at the parish church. [page 147] There was a difficulty about the blessed bread. It was given by Monsieur the Governor, who wished to present it as usual, with Drums beating, etc., and this Monsignor the Bishop would not permit. It was arranged that the blessed bread should be brought to the church before the service and carried away afterward, in order that the service might not be interrupted.

On Monday, the Children, to the number of 40, made Their 1st Communion. However, there were a number of others at breakfast, who had received communion the year before. Monsignor the Bishop chose to give the breakfast, and that at His own dwelling. We had here 7 or 8 other boarders gratis, during Lent; and Monsignor the Bishop placed in the Ursulines' house about 20 little girls during the same period. Monsignor the Bishop said a low Mass for them in the Parish church.


On St. Mark's day, we did not say the Litany of the saints at low mass; neither is it necessary, except at low masses in parish churches.

On the eve of the feast, father Albanel arrived from Tadousac. Before leaving Tadousac, he had married a Frenchman named François Pelletier to a Christian savage woman without publishing any banns and without giving notice of it to the relatives, or to monsignor the Bishop, or monsieur the Governor; this caused a great sensation.

At the same time, sieur Boucher arrived [page 149] from 3 rivers in our Shallop, which was freighted with 190 minots of wheat for us; this gave many people an opportunity of sowing seed, and securing means of subsistence. The scarcity of wheat was almost excessive, and on that account its price had risen; but we were not willing to take advantage of the distress of the country, and contented ourselves with the price usually paid in the past,—namely, 5 livres,—although at that time it sold for 6, 7 , or 8 livres.

On the 27th, father Druilletes departed with the savage warriors who had come from Tadousac, to go with them to 3 rivers for the purpose of giving instruction there to the poissons blancs, etc. '

On the same Day, Eustache Lambert started for Montréal. In his vessel, among others, was Monsieur Dalet, who had been ill during the whole winter at the hospital.

Father Mercier, who had returned from his mission of Beaupré‚ on the 6th of April, went back thither on the 26th.

René Ouré—who had given himself to us when he went to Onontae 3 years ago, or thereabout—wished to break his contract; this he was allowed to do on the 28th of April.

1660, MAY.

On the rogation days they came here on Wednesday, and the mass of the De profundis was chanted with musical accompaniment; on Tuesday at the hospital, on Wednesday at the Ursulines'.[page 151]

On the 6th, Ascension Day, the Excommunication was published against those who give intoxicating liquors to the savages. On the 15th, the Tadousac warriors returned; they had surprised a Canoe manned by Iroquois, of whom they had killed three on the spot, and had made one prisoner. From him they obtained news of the army of 9 or 12 hundred enemies, who were gathering together at the split rock. This prisoner, who was wounded and could not be taken to Tadousac alive, was burned here on the 18th.

On Wednesday the 19th, in the evening, the nuns began to come here to sleep—the Ursulines in the hall of the Congregation, and the Hospital nuns in the joiners' shop. They did so through fear of the Enemies, as their house was not in a state of defense. Item, the Blessed Sacrament of the parish church and of their house.

On the 26th, the Ursulines ceased to come.

On Corpus Christi there was no procession, on account of bad weather. On that Day, the Blessed Sacrament was exposed at the parish church and not at ours; but, after vespers in the parish church, it was borne hither, and benediction was chanted in our church, where the Blessed Sacrament was again left. Throughout the octave, it was exposed in our church only, in the morning during the masses, and was replaced in the tabernacle at the last; benediction at p o'clock in the evening.

On the Sunday in the octave, the grand procession took place. It went to the lower [page 153] town, the temporary altar being at the Warehouse; then it reascended to the fort, where there was also a temporary altar. We did not go thence to the Ursulines', but turning off opposite Monsieur duquet's house, we passed before the dwelling of monsignor the Bishop, and then proceeded to our Church, where the benediction took place; and the procession ended at the parish church, whence it had started. Then, at 8 o'clock in the evening, the Sacrament was quietly brought back by the Curé to our Church, where, before giving The benediction, we recited our litanies.

In the procession, 4 de nostris (beside the 2 who were in charge of the savages); sic enim nos decet implere omnem justitiam, etc., idque sine ullo ordine regulari. I walked 1st, as superior, with father Dablon, in surplice and stole; then followed father Ragueneau and father Chatelain, wearing Chasubles; then Monsieur Pellerin and St. Sauveur, in Copes.


On the 1st, father Mercier came back from his mission of Beaupré, and on the 5th he returned thither. On the same day, the fifth, a Canoe of 8 Iroquois, or rather Iroquoised Hurons, carried off picar's wife, with 4 Children, at the petit Cap. They were discovered on the same Day, at 10 o'clock at night, while they were passing point de Levi, by about 20 Montagnais or Algonquains, accompanied by 8 Frenchmen. The woman was dangerously wounded. of the 8 Iroquois, 3 were drowned and 5 brought in alive; of these, 3 [page 155] were burned here, one was given to 3 rivers, and the other was spared his life.

On the 3rd, the octave of Corpus Christi, the Blessed Sacrament was not exposed at our church. At the parish church, at 8 o'clock, a low mass was said, at which it was consecrated and exposed. There was high mass at 8 o'clock, and then a procession outside, around the Church. The Blessed Sacrament was carried in it, and was exposed during the mass that was still to be said. It was then replaced in the tabernacle, and in the evening there was benediction as usual. Four of our Fathers took part in that procession, and 2 or 3 of us went to meet it at the door in surplices.

On the 8th, about midnight, news came of the defeat of the 40 remaining hurons, who had gone to war with 17 Frenchmen and 4 Algonquains. They were defeated by an army of 700 Iroquois, who had been mustered to come to Québec and had turned aside to strike the blow in that engagement. Item, the news of the death of Monsieur d'Ailleboust, who died on the last day of May.

On the 12th, a Saturday, the first ship from Normandy made its appearance, in consequence of the new treaty respecting the Trade of the country, made by sieur de Becancour.

In the following week, there came in a Shallop Monsieur le Gangneur and Monsieur Denys the Younger, with father Frémin; and on the following day, Thursday, another Shallop arrived, in which were Massé, peré, and other petty traders. [page 157]


On the 7th, the first ship returned, to get flour in France; and, on the same day or the day before, sieur Grignon, le Gangneur, and others returned in their Shallop.

On the 8th, Monsieur the Governor started for 3 rivers with father Albanel. When he was ready to return thence, the Iroquois fell on two Algonquains, killing one of them and taking the other away alive. They were pursued by Monsieur the Governor, accompanied by about a hundred persons; but the enemy enticed them into their ambushes, and they found themselves all in great danger. However, only one person was slightly wounded.

He returned here on the 19th with father Aloez; and on the same Day father Gabriel and father Frémin started for Tadousac in company with the gentlemen who control the trade; these did their utmost, in an underhand way, not to embark them.

On the 20th, Jaques d'Ekwi left; he had served in the seminary for many years, but toward the had become, as it were, stupid and Confused. He started in a Shallop of Monsieur Mass‚, a Huguenot, but in company with Monsieur Peré and others, to go to Isle percée and join Captain le Fevre.

At the feast of St. Ignatius, the 31st, vespers were chanted on the eve. Mass was said with a deacon and subdeacon, by Monsieur Torcapel and his colleagues of the parish church. La flesche's mass was sung; father pijart preached in the middle of it. Vespers [page 159] at 2 o'clock; benediction at 7 as usual. No one was invited to the refectory for dinners. We sent 4 salmon—one for the fort, another to Monseigneur the Bishop, the 3rd to Messieurs the Ecclesiastics of Montréal, and the 4th to the Ursulines. The Hospital nuns carried on the fishery with us.


On the first, Guillaume Bovin started for 3 Rivers.

On the 4th, the 2nd ship arrived.

Shortly afterward Father Drüilletes and Father Frémin came back from Tadousac; and at the same time the Montréal boat came down having on board madame d.Ailleboust, D. and 4 oiochronons. The latter said here had offered themselves to carry Collars to Father Menar, their former pastor; and had detached themselves from 12 others, who remained near Montréal. This greatly embarrassed everyone. They were taken back and we had the 12 others who had remained.

On the 15th, news came that two Frenchmen had been captured at Three Rivers by 20 or 25 enemies.

On the 17th, Monseigneur of Petræa set out for his visitation to 3 Rivers and Montréal with Monseiur de Charny and others, and withe the 4 oiochronons. He arrived at Montréal on the 21st, at about 5 o'clock in the evening. The Outawats had arrived there on the 19th, and left on the following day, the 22nd, reaching 3 Rivers on the 24th, whence [page 161] they started on the 27th. They were 300 in number. Des Grosilleres was in their Company; he had gone to their country the previous year. They had started from Lake superior in 100 canoes; 40 turned back and 60 reached here, loaded with furs to the value of 200,000 livres. They left some to the value of 50,000 livres at Montréal, and took the remainder to 3 rivers. They came down in 26 Days, and took two months to return. Des Grosillers wintered with the nation of the ox, which he says consists of 4 thousand men; they are sedentary Nadwesseronon s. Father Menar, Father Albanel, Jean Guerin, and 6 other Frenchmen went with them.


On the 7th, the 3rd Ship arrived, having on board monsieur du Menil and others.

On the 19th, father Albanel returned; the savages had landed him at Montréal on account of an Agnieronon, a former Captive, who left the band of Outawats with whom he had come.

On the 19th, father Aloés left to become Superior at 3 rivers, and Father le moyne received orders to go to Montréal on a mission.


On the 7th Tsanhohy, an escaped Huron, arrived; he brought tidings of a new Army of 600 men and reported that he had met Father Menar who was going up with the Outaëk.

On the 18th the 2nd Ship sailed; on board of it were messieurs the priests, Monsieur [page 163] Torcapel and Monsieur Pelerin, monsieur Bourdon, his wife, and others.

On the 21st, Monsignor of Petræa left for his visit to 3 rivers, with Monsieur de Bernieres—and, on the same Day, he appointed Monsieur de Charny Vicar-general, Monsieur de Bernieres Curé, and father Mercier Vicar.

He returned on the last day of the month.


On the 5th sailed the last ship—that of Pointel, on board of which were Monsieur Charon, Villeré, and others.

On the 7th, a huron arrived who had escaped from Agniée; he confirmed the news of an army.

On the 28th, Monsignor the Bishop held a meeting of the churchwardens, and stated that Monsieur the Governor was no longer an honorary Churchwarden; and. this without having told him of it. On the 30th following, Monsieur the Governor was present at the meeting of the churchwardens, with his usual suite; and there he asserted his right to maintain himself in his office, declaring to Monsignor the Bishop that he had not the power to remove him. Several words were said that were not very respectful to the position of Monsignor the Bishop, which gave rise to dissatisfaction on both sides.


On the feast of St. Xavier we thought that we would not preach a sermon in the morning, because there were few people present at the beginning of mass. However, as [page 165] Monsieur the Governor came in at the Credo, the sermon was preached after the Credo.

At Christmas, as last year, the first bell for mass in our house was rung at a quarter past 11; fieri non debebat, but at 11½, at the same time as the bell in our house for rising. The Confessors at the parish church were Monsignor, father Chastelaine, and Monsieur de Bernieres, the Cur‚, who was unable to sing, and left the office to be sung by others. Monsieur de Charny said Midnight mass; father Mercier officiated as Deacon, and father Dablon as subdeacon. Monsignor the Bishop had I not given any orders to awake him so that he and all his people very nearly failed to be present at the midnight mass. Monsignor the Bishop said mass at about 2 o'clock in this house at the side Altar, at which Boquet alone served him; the latter very properly refused him the Ablution twice,—very properly, because he was to say the 3rd mass at the parish church in the morning. The sermon was preached after vespers, as usual; and at the end of it Monsignor gave the benediction from his place, et hoc male, for he should have gone to the Altar.

In this month, barbe Halé was brought from Beauport. She had been possessed with a Demon of lunacy for 5 or 6 months, but only at intervals. At first she was placed in a room in the old hospital, where she passed the night, in the company of a keeper of her own sex a priest, and some servants. Longa historia, de qua alibi fuse. [page 167]











Relation Of 1659 - 60


Source: We follow a copy of the original Cramoisy in Lenox Library—one formerly owned by George Bancroft.

Chaps. i.-iv. appear in this volume the rest of the document will be given in Volume XLVI. [page 171]





of the Society of Jesus ,



in the years one thousand six hundred fifty-nine

and one thousand six hundred sixty.

Sent to Reverend Father Claude Boucher,

Provincial o f the Province of France.






Sabastien Cramoisy, Printer in ordinary

to the King and Queen : ruë saint

Jacques, at the Sign of the Storks.



By Royal License.

[page 173]

Extract from the Royal License.

Y grace and License of the King, permission is granted to Sebastien Cramoisy, Printer in ordinary to the King and Queen, Director of the Royal Printing-house of the Louvre, and former Alderman of Paris, to print or cause to be printed, sold, and retailed, a Book entitled: La Relation de ce qui s'est passé en la Mission des Peres de la Compagnie de Jesus, au Païs de la Nouvelle France, és années 1659 et 1660. And this during the time of twenty consecutive years, forbidding, under the penalties provided by the said License, all Booksellers, Printers, and others, to print or cause to be printed the said Book under pretext of any disguise or change that they might make therein. Given at Paris, on the 15th of January, 1661. Signed, By the King in his Council,


[page 175]

Permission of the Reverend Father Provincial.

WE, Claude Boucher, Provincial of the Society of Jesus in the Province of France, have for the future granted to Sieur Sebastien Cramoisy, Printer in ordinary to the King and Queen, Director of the Royal Printing-house of the Louvre, and former Alderman of this city of Paris, the Printing of the Relation of New France. Paris, January 8, 1661.

Signed, Claude Boucher.

[page 177]



Table of Chapters.


Of the Condition of the Country in general


Chap. II

Of the condition of the Country of the Iroquois, and of their cruelties


Chap. III

Of The Condition of the Algonkin Country, and of some new discoveries


Chap. IV

Of the Condition of the Huron Nation, and of its latest defeat by the Iroquois


Chap. V

Of The Condition of the surviving Hurons after their latest defeat


Chap. VI

Of the Condition of the Missions, and How they have been reopened

116 [i.e., 134]

Chap. VII

Of some Prisoners captured from The Iroquois and burned at Québec



Of some other noteworthy matters which could find no place in the preceding Chapters


[page 179]

[1] Relation of that occurred in the Mission

of the Fathers of the Society of J E S U S, in

the countries of New France, from the

Summer of the year 1659 to the

Summer of the year 1660.



HE Condition of the old France and the new, bear, at present, considerable likeness to that " mountain of the Indies of which, the story goes, the parts facing east [2] and west are so different and opposite in nature that the former enjoys all the mildness of Spring, while the latter, owing to constant rains, suffers the inconveniences of Winter.

The Ocean which separates us from France sees, on its eastern side, only rejoicing, splendor, and bonfires; but, on its western, nothing but war, slaughter, and conflagrations. Our invincible Monarch gives peace and life to all Europe, while our America seems to be reduced to extremities by the most cruel of all wars. Those bonfires that have, in all the cities, lighted up the victories and trophies of our conquering and pacific God-given sovereign, are for us changed into fires of [3] cruelty, in which our poor French are inhumanely burned. To old France we can well say, with Abraham, in the sense [page 181] that St. Ambrose gives to the words: Inter vos et nos chaos magnum firmatum est,—it is not so much the vast stretch of seas which separates us from one another, and interposes a great chaos, so to speak, as it is the difference in our conditions. Yours is a happy one—you bask in joy, and rest in the bosom of peace; whereas ours is a lamentable one, threatening us with the extreme of misfortune.

This does not mean that, at sight of so flourishing a condition as that now enjoyed by all France, our eyes have not shed tears of joy amid those which they [4] shed, as it were, from habit and necessity. We chanted the Te Deum with much feeling, it is true, but with conflicting emotions; for we seemed to hear, at the same time, our captive Frenchmen singing on the scaffolds of the Iroquois, as they are compelled to do at that barbarous ceremony,—either for the purpose of finding some relief amid their torments, or to afford entertainment to their executioners.

What consoles us is our full assurance that people do not regard us merely as do those who, being themselves in port or on the shore, contemplate with some compassion the wreck of a poor vessel shattered by the storm, and even shed some tears over it. But [5] we promise ourselves much more, knowing the vows, the prayers, the penances, and all sorts of good works, which are being performed almost everywhere for the conversion of our Savages; and learning of the good purposes with which God has inspired many persons of merit, for accomplishing the destruction of the Iroquois. That means, to open a door, high and wide, for proclaiming the Faith and giving the Preachers of the Gospel access [page 183] to peoples of great extent, in regard to both the territories which they occupy, and the diversity of Nations composing them—all of whom are four or five hundred leagues distant from us in the forests, shunning the common enemy. Were it not for the latter, they would come and enrich this country with their [6] furs, and we should visit them to enrich Heaven with the glorious spoils that we should wrest from the powers of Hell.

Such an enterprise is worthy of the piety of those engaged in it, and quite consistent with the glory of the French name, which has never shone more brightly than it did in the holy wars and in the defense of Religion.

From what is recorded in each chapter of this Relation, the reader will judge of the necessity of' this glorious expedition, which embraces all interests, divine and human.

God's interests therein are deeply involved; for, although this farthest quarter of the world is not inhabited in proportion to the rest of the earth, 'we know nevertheless that, whithersoever [7] we turn our eyes, we see tribes of Savages who are only waiting for some one to go and gather up among them the precious remnants of the Blood of Jesus Christ. They are, for the most part, nomadic tribes, carrying their houses with them in rolls, and building towns at the end of each day's journey. Some of them have embraced the Faith, and perform the exercises of Religion amid the snows and in the forests; others have received only a slight tincture of Religion; and the rest have never seen any Europeans.

We know—and we will state the facts more fully [page 185] in the third chapter—that there are tribes of the same language, both stationary and wandering, as far as the North sea, on whose shores these [8] nations border; and that there are others, very recently discovered, extending as far as the South sea. They stretch out their arms to us, and we ours to them, but on both sides they are too short to unite across such a distance; and when, finally, we are on the point of embracing each other, the Iroquois steps in between and showers blows upon both of us.

We know that very far beyond the great Lake of the Hurons,—among whom the Faith was so flourishing some years ago, when the Iroquois did not molest our Missions, and before he had expelled us from them by the murder of our Fathers and the pillage of those nascent Churches,—we know that some remnants of the wreck of that Nation [9] rallied in considerable numbers beyond the lakes and mountains frequented by their enemies, and that but recently they sent a deputation hither to ask back again their dear old Pastors. But these good Pastors are slain on the way by the Iroquois, their guides are captured and burned, and all the roads are rendered impassable.

We even know that among the Iroquois the Faith is in a vigorous condition, although they do not possess it in their own persons, but in those of numerous captives. These only long to have us with them, or to be themselves with us; and they have caused that divine seed which we sowed among them, before their destruction, to yield marvelous returns. But venit inimicus homo; when our hopes [10] seemed the brightest, when we were ready to reap blessed harvests,—having gone in quest of those poor sheep [page 187] into the very jaws of the wolves, establishing ourselves at Onnontagué for this purpose,—the enemy of the Faith came upon us unawares, and bore away from us a part of the prey that we had in our grasp., He had already destined us for his fires and his hatchets; but Providence, with eyes ever watchful over its own, took care of the Pastors, preserving them, not without a miracle, for other sheep, quæ non sunt ex hoc ovili.

Finally, we know that, whithersoever we go in our forests, we find some fugitive Church, or else some infant one; everywhere we find children to send to Heaven, everywhere sick people [11] to baptize, and adults to instruct, But everywhere, too, we find the Iroquois, who, like an obtrusive phantom, besets us in all places. If he finds us among our new Christians, he slaughters them in our arms; if he meets us on the River, he slays us; and if he takes us in the cabins of our Savages, he burns us with them, Death, however, would be welcomed by us, and would be much more precious, if it were not followed by the general desolation of our poor Churches, and if the loss of the Shepherds did not cause also that of the Sheep. The latter can without doubt excite compassion, and draw tears from the eyes of those who see not only so many conversions retarded and so many souls lost, but also those Neophytes Forced to seek caves [12] and the thickest and most remote forests, there to drag out a miserable existence, in want of all things; and to flee very much as did the early Christians, when the rage of tyrants instigated similar persecutions. Truly, our hearts bleed when we see ourselves at the gates of so fair a harvest, and unable to enter; when we see [page 189] so many souls fall into Hell, when they are so near the Kingdom of Heaven. And what is the cause of this? A little handful of Iroquois, who all together would not equal the thousandth part of those whose salvation they prevent. Are not these sights touching enough to rekindle in the French that zeal and .ardor which, of old, made such noble conquests among the infidels, and rendered France so glorious through the [13] crusades? which were, so to speak, the precious appanage of the most Christian Kingdom.

But, although temporal interests are of small moment compared with the eternal, I could nevertheless find abundant arguments to spur on the bravery of those who entertain hopes of gain, if I wished to expatiate on the injury the Iroquois are doing them, by cutting off all the sources of traffic. They prevent the tribes from five or six hundred leagues about us, from coming down hither, laden with furs that would make this country overflow with immense riches—as was done in a single journey which some of those Nations undertook this year—although secretly, and, as it were, by stealth, from fear of their foes.

It must be admitted that, in spite of this, the [14] prospects of our French colonies would be excellent if the fear of the Iroquois did not render their stay dangerous. The soil is very productive; and, if the husbandman who cultivates it only labors with diligence, in a few years he will see himself not merely out of need, but at his ease—he, his wife, and his children. We see many such men who, having received a grant,—which can here be had for the asking,—in less than five or six years harvest enough grain to. feed themselves with all their family, and even to sell some. They are furnished with all the [page 191] conveniences of a farm-yard, and soon find themselves rich in live stock, so that they can lead a life free from hardship' and full of happiness.

In a few years the families [15] increase; for, as the air of this country is very salubrious, one sees few children die in the cradle. Though the winters are long, and snow covers the earth for five whole months to the depth of three, four, or five feet, yet I can affirm that the cold often seems more endurable here than in France—whether because the winters are not rainy here, and the days are always pleasant, or because we have wood at our doors. Moreover, the greater the fire one keeps, day and night, to combat the cold, the more does he fell the neighboring forest, and make himself new lands to till and sow, which yield good harvests of grain, and enrich their Owners. Often one has fishing in plenty, before his own door, chiefly [16] of eels, which are very excellent in this country, not being muddy as they are in France, because they swim in the vast waters of our river St. Lawrence. In the months of September and October, this eel-fishing is so productive that many a man will catch for his portion forty, fifty, sixty, and seventy thousand. .And the great advantage is that we have found means of salting them conveniently, and thus preserving them untainted. They constitute a wonderful manna for this country, and one that costs nothing beyond the catching, and ordinarily carries with it all its own seasoning. During the winter, Moose are hunted on the snow; and many of our Frenchmen have killed thirty or forty apiece. Their flesh is easily preserved [17] by freezing, and serves as provision throughout the winter, while their skins are still, more valuable. [page 193] Formerly, the hunting of them appeared to our Frenchmen an impossibility, and now it serves them as recreation. They have also adapted themselves to the hunting of the beaver, which forms one of this country's great sources of wealth. '

But the warfare of the Iroquois thwarts all our pleasures, and is the sole affliction of new France, which is in danger of becoming utterly devastated unless prompt and powerful relief is rendered from France. For, to tell the truth, nothing is so easy for these barbarians as to subject all our settlements to fire and massacre whenever they choose, with the exception of Québec, which is in a state of defense, but which would still be only a prison that one could not [18] leave with safety; and where one would die of hunger, if all the outlying country were laid waste.

What gives the enemy this advantage over us is, that all the rural settlements outside of Québec are without defense, and are distant from one another as much as eight or ten leagues on the banks of the great River. In each house there are only two, three, or four men, and often only one, alone with his wife and a number of children, who may all be killed or carried off without any one's knowing aught about it in the nearest house.

I say nothing of the. losses that France would suffer if these vast regions should pass from her control. The foreigner would reap ,a great [19] advantage, to the detriment of French navigation. "

Moreover, in their method of warfare the Iroquois are so stealthy in their approach, so swift in their execution, and so expeditious in their retreat, that one commonly learns of their departure before gaining [page 195] any knowledge of their arrival. They come like foxes through the woods, which afford them concealment and serve them as an' impregnable fortress. They attack like lions, and, as their surprises are made when they are least expected, they meet with no resistance. They take flight like birds, disappearing before they have really appeared. A poor man will work all day near his house; the enemy, hidden in the forest that is close at hand, steals upon him like a hunter upon his [20] game, and deals his blow in safety at the moment when its recipient deems himself most secure.

Now, what is there easier, for a band of eight hundred or a thousand Iroquois, than to scatter through the woods along the entire line of our French settlements and inflict a general massacre, adopting this method of surprise all on the same day, killing the men and leading away captive the women and children, as they have often done already? They would pass before Québec in broad noonday, laden with this most innocent prey and no one could pursue them, or recover the prisoners from their hands, over Whom we could only weep unavailing tears. Our shallops are too heavy and their canoes too light to render possible our overtaking them. [21] And, besides, if there should be anything for them to fear, the night 'would serve them as a veil to conceal them from our eyes they would slip into the woods, where they find their way everywhere, although to a Frenchman there seems to be no path whatever; and even though we should outnumber them, they, would be in a position of safety, and we would not dare to follow them.

It is a kind of miracle that the Iroquois, although [page 197] able to destroy us so easily, have not yet done so; or, rather, it is a providence of God, who has hitherto blinded them, and foiled the plans which they have formed for prosecuting this kind of war against us This year, they had again left their country for this purpose, to the number of seven hundred; and the consequent alarm was so great [22] here, toward last spring, that the country houses were abandoned as prey to the enemy. All thought themselves as good as lost, until Monsieur the Vicomte d'Argençon, our Governor, reassured them by his courage and his wise course of action—putting all the posts of Québec in such good order that the Iroquois was rather hoped for there than feared. As for the rest of the country, our settlements are so exposed to the enemy that, if they have not wrought general devastation among them, it is because God has stayed their course; and, although they have been the cause of some loss of life to our French, still, the country being preserved and continuing in its entirety, we have reason rather to bless God than to [23] complain of our losses.

But God has not bound himself to continue over us this almost miraculous providence, which has not only equaled our desires but has exceeded our hopes; and he seems to have had no other design than to assure our subsistence up to the present time, when, peace being happily established in France, it will be possible to send us aid against an enemy that has finally resolved either to destroy us, or to perish in the attempt. Our destruction would involve that of a countless number of souls; the destruction of the enemy would give new life to this whole country and cause here a reign of peace, the sweets of which [page 199] France is now tasting, and can share with us if she will. Let her only say, " I will; " and with the word she opens Heaven to a host of Savages, [24] gives life to this colony; preserves her new France, and acquires a glory worthy of a most Christian Kingdom, which bears elder Sons of the Church and heirs of the great St. Louis,—heirs are these not only of his piety, but also of his conquests; since if in times past he planted the Lilies in the bosom of the Crescent, it will at the present day be a no less glorious conquest to make a Holy land of one that is infidel, and to rescue the Holy land from the possession of the infidels. Once more, let France determine to destroy the Iroquois, and he will be destroyed. For what is this Iroquois who causes himself to be talked about so much? Two Regiments of brave Soldiers would very soon overthrow him. Most of our Men, more used to handling [25] the hoe than the sword, have not the Soldier's determination. Some time ago, when Monsieur our Governor was pursuing these enemies in shallops, and found himself near the spot whither they had retreated, he gave orders to disembark. No one stirred; he was the first to leap into the water, up to his waist, and then all the rest followed him. Good Soldiers would have preceded their Captain; and we hope that such will be sent us, now that Peace makes it possible to select them. [page 201]




HAT a Poet has said of fortune,—that her most customary game [26] is to break scepters, abase crowned heads, and, in rolling her wheel, raise some to the throne by the same movement whereby she casts others down, Ludum insolentem ludere pertinax,—and what History teaches us of the overthrow of States, of the downfall of Republics, and of the revolutions that have so often changed the face of the Empires of the Greeks, Persians, Romans, and other nations, may be applied here, si parva licet componere magnis.

This blind and fickle dame does not refrain from taking her diversion in Savages' cabins and amid forests, as well as in Kings' palaces and in the midst of great Monarchies. She can play her game everywhere, and everywhere she deals her [27] blows, which in truth are more remarkable when they tall on gold and scarlet than when they strike only States of wood and destroy only towns of bark. But, after all, she causes equal vexation to both classes.

Of the five tribes constituting the entire Iroquois nation, that which we call the Agnieronnons has been so many times at both the top and the bottom of the wheel, within less than sixty years, that we find in history few examples of similar revolutions. Insolent in disposition, and truly warlike, they have [page 203] had to fight with all their neighbors,—with the Abnaquiois, who are Eastward of them; on the south, with the Andastogehronnons, a people inhabiting the shores of [28] Virginia; with the Hurons on the West; and with all the Algonkin Nations scattered throughout the North. We cannot go back very far in our researches in their past history, as they have no Libraries other than the memory of their old men; and perhaps we should find nothing worthy of publication. What we learn then from these living books is that, toward the end of the last century, the Agnieronnons were reduced so low by the Algonkins that there seemed to be scarcely any more of them left on the earth. Nevertheless, this scanty remnant, like a noble germ, so increased in a few years as to reduce the Algonquins in turn to the same condition as its own. But [29] this condition did not last long;. for the Andastogehronnons waged such energetic warfare against them during ten years that they were overthrown for the second time and their nation. rendered almost extinct, or at least so humiliated that the mere name Algonkin made them tremble, and his shadow seemed to pursue them to their very firesides.

That was at the time when the Dutch took possession of these regions and conceived a fondness for the beavers of the natives, some thirty years ago; and in order to secure them in greater number they furnished those people with firearms, with which it was easy for them to conquer their conquerors, whom they put to rout, and filled with terror at the mere sound of their guns. And that is what has rendered them formidable [30] everywhere, and victorious over all the N'ations with whom they have been at [page 205] war; it has also put into their heads that idea of sovereign swry to which they aspire, mere barbarians although they are, with an ambition so lofty that they think and say that their own destruction cannot occur without bringing in its train the downfall of the whole earth.

But what is more astonishing is, that they actually hold dominion for five hundred leagues around, although their numbers are very small; for, of the five Nations constituting the Iroquois, the Agnieronnons do not exceed five hundred men able to bear arms, who occupy three or four wretched Villages.

The Onneioutheronnons have not a hundred warriors; the Onnontagehronnons [31] and Oiogoenhronons have three hundred each, and the Sonontwaehronons, who are the farthest removed from us and the most populous, have not more than a thousand combatants. If any one should compute the number of pure-blooded Iroquois, he would have difficulty in finding more than twelve hundred of them in all the five Nations, since these are, for the most part, only aggregations of different tribes whom they have conquered,—as the Hurons; the Tionnontatehronnons, otherwise called the Tobacco Nation; the Atiwendaronk, called the Neutrals when they were still independent; the Riquehronnons, who are the Cat Nation ; the Ontwagannhas, or fire Nation; the Trakwaehronnons, and others,—who, utter Foreigners although they are, form without doubt the largest and best part of the Iroquois.

[32] It is therefore a marvel that so few people work such great havoc and render themselves so redoubtable to so large a number of tribes, who, on all sides, bow before this conqueror. [page 207]

It is true, they have performed some valiant deeds, and have, on certain occasions, distinguished themselves as highly as could be expected from the bravest warriors of Europe. Savages although they are, they still understand warfare very well; but it is usually that of the Parthians, who gave the Romans of old so much trouble, fighting them just as the Savages fight us. The Agnieronnons especially have always excelled in this kind of warfare, and sometimes even in that which demands courage only. They defeated two thousand men of the [33] Cat Nation in the latter's own intrenchments; and, although they were only seven hundred in number, they nevertheless climbed the enemy's palisade, employing against it a counter-palisade which they used, in place of shields and ladders, to scale the fortress, receiving the hail of shot that fell on them from every direction. It is said of them that, while there are no Soldiers more furious than they when they form an army, so there are none more cowardly when they are only in small bands, whose glory it is to break a number of heads and carry off the scalps. Yet they have not failed to demonstrate, on several occasions, that the courage of individuals went even to the point of rashness,—as when one of them passed the night at the entrance to a [34] Huron village, hiding in a dunghill; thence he suddenly emerged at dawn of the following day, like a man risen from the dead, and hurled himself upon the first comer, taking Bight again after breaking his head in this most unexpected manner. Two others showed themselves still braver. Under cover of the darkness, they stealthily approached a sentry post, where careful watch was being kept after the manner [page 209] of the Savages, which is to sing at the top of one's voice all night long. When they had allowed the sentry to shout for a considerable time, one of the two nimbly mounted the sentry post, and deliver‚d a blow with his hatchet upon the first man whom he encountered; then, throwing the other to the ground, he took his leisure to kill him and remove the scalp from his head, as the noblest trophy of his victory. [35] Last year, an Agnieronnon went all alone to war against Tadoussac; he accomplished a journey of two or three hundred leagues, making his way alone by sea and land, to find an Algonkin who was his enemy and whom he killed at last with his own hand, almost in the very midst of the French and of a large body of Savages. It is true, he lost his life in the act; but he lost it in defying them and in making his retreat as if he were walking for pleasure,—a haughtiness that caused his death.

But these traits of bravery are not found in all the Iroquois; knavery is much more common with them than courage, and their cruelty far exceeds their knavery; and it may be said that, if the Iroquois have any power, it is only because they are either knavish or cruel. All the treaties that we have made with [36] them are proofs of their perfidy; for they have never kept a single one of the promises that they have so often and so solemnly sworn to us. And as for cruelty, I would make this paper blush, and my listeners would shudder, if I related the horrible treatment inflicted by the Agnieronnons upon some of their captives. This has indeed been mentioned in the other relations; but what we have recently learned is so strange that all that has been said on the subject is nothing. I pass over these matters, [page 211] not only because my pen has no ink black enough to describe them, but much more from a fear of inspiring horror by recounting certain cruelties never heard of in past ages.

It is only a neat trick with them to make a cut around the thumb of a captive, [37] near the first joint; and then, twisting it, to pull it off by main strength, together with the sinew, which usually breaks toward the elbow or near the shoulder, so great is the violence employed. The thumb, thus removed with its sinew, is hung to the sufferer's ear like an ear-pendant, or attached to his neck in place of a carcanet. Then they will do the same with a second and a third finger, while, to replace the fingers that have been pulled off, they force into the wounds splinters of hard wood, which cause pains quite different from the foregoing, although excessive, and very soon produce a great inflammation and a huge swelling of the entire hand and even of the whole arm. Even if this first game were all, is it not with reason that the French of this country have so long asked [38] the destruction of so cruel an enemy? since, after all, five or six hundred men are unable to withstand a courageous undertaking, if it be executed in such manner as the glory of God and the compassion due to them demand. The Iroquois have the disposition of women; there are none more courageous when no resistance is offered them, and none more cowardly when they encounter opposition. They deride the French, because they have never seen them wage war in their country; and the French have never done so because they have never made the attempt, hitherto believing the roads more difficult to pass than they really are. With our [page 213] present knowledge of these barbarians,—having seen, when we were in [39] their midst, how alarm was everywhere felt when they beheld themselves attacked in their own country,—it may be said with full assurance that, if an army of five hundred Frenchmen should arrive unexpectedly, it could say, Veni, vidi, vici.

I haue stated that there are only five or six hundred men to destroy; for it is beyond doubt that, if the Agnieronnons were defeated by the French, the other Iroquois Nations would be glad to conipromise with us, and give us their children as hostages of their good faith. Then those fair Missions would be revived at Onnontagué, at Oiogoen, and in all the other remaining Iroquois Nations, among whom we have already sown the first seeds of the faith. These have been so [40] well received by the common people that we may not, without distrusting the divine Providence, despair of one day reaping therefrom very abundant fruits. Moreover, the great door would be open for so many old and new missions toward the tribes of the North, and toward those newly discovered ones of the West, all of whom we embrace under the general name of Algonquins. But it is a subject of too wide a scope and demands a separate Chapter. [page 215]




CANNOT more clearly describe the condition of the Nations of the Algonkin tongue than by giving the [41] simple account of what one of our Fathers has learned about them,—who has been, this year, on the Saguenay River of Tadoussac,—as Providence gave him opportunities for this during that journey.

As those Nations are very widely extended over five or six hundred leagues of forest, facing toward the North, he divides them into three groups,—those extending toward the East, those dwelling in the uttermost parts of the West, and those of the North, lying between the two others. of those of the East he says nothing that has not been given in the preceding Relations; of the two other groups he speaks as follows.

" On the thirtieth of July of the year one thousand six hundred and sixty, ascending the Saguené‚ to the distance of thirty-two leagues from Tadoussac, I encountered [42] eighty Savages; and among them was one named Awatanik, a man of importance because he was a Captain in rank, and much more so because he had received holy Baptism ten years before in the country of the Nipisiriniens. The glorious Archangel, whose name he bears, seems to have taken pleasure in leading this man, as if by the [page 217] hand, and conducting him here to us, to show us the way which will take us to the North sea—where various Algonquin Nations have sought a retreat, fleeing from the Iroquois, who also prevents us from going in search of them by the ordinary route of the great River. I will give an account of the various routes, and some incidents of his journey.

" He started, in the month of June of the year one thousand six hundred and fifty-eight, [43] from the lake of the Ouinipegouek, which is strictly only a large bay in lake Huron. It is called by others, the lake oF the stinkards, not because it is salt like the water of the Sea,—which the Savages call Ouinipeg, or stinking water,—but because it is surrounded by sulphurous soil, whence issue several springs which convey into this lake the impurities absorbed by their waters in the places of their origin.

" He passed the remainder of that summer and the following winter near the lake which we call Superior, from its position above that of the Hurons, into which it empties by a waterfall that has also given it its name; and, as our traveler halted there for some time, let us pause a while with him [44] to note the peculiarities of the place.

" This lake, which is more than eighty leagues long by forty wide in certain places, is studded with Islands picturesquely distributed along its shores. The whole length of its coast is lined with Algonkin Nations, fear of the Iroquois having forced them to seek there an asylum. It is also enriched in its entire circumference with mines of lead in a nearly pure state; with copper of such excellence that pieces as large as one's fist are found, all refined; and with [page 219] great rocks, having whole veins of turquoise. The people even strive to make us believe that its waters' are swollen by various streams which roll along with the sand grains of gold in abundance—the refuse, so to speak, of the neighboring mines. What inclines us to believe this [45] is that, when the foundations of saint Joseph's Chapel were dug on the shore of lake Huron,—which is nothing but the discharge of lake Superior,—the workmen found a vein, as large as one's arm, of these grains of gold, the sand that was mixed with the vein being so little in quantity as to be almost imperceptible in comparison with the rest. But the workmen, who knew that there were mines of copper in those regions, being persuaded that it was from a brass mine (in ignorance that brass is a composition), filled in the foundations which they had dug, without knowing that they were sealing up a treasure there.

"But there are riches of another nature. The Savages dwelling about [46] that end of the lake which is farthest distant from us, have given us entirely new light, which will not be displeasing to the curious, touching the route to Japan and China, for which so much search has been made. For we learn from these peoples that they find the Sea on three sides, toward the South, toward the West, and toward the North; so that, if this is so, it is a strong argument and a very certain indication that these three .Seas, being thus contiguous, form in reality but one Sea, which is that of China. For,—that of the South, which is the Pacific sea and is well enough known, being connected with the North sea, which is equally well known, by a third Sea, the one about which we are in doubt,—[47] there remains nothing [page 221] more to be desired than the passage into this great sea, at once a Western and an Eastern sea.

"Now we know that, proceeding Southward for about three hundred leagues from the end of lake Superior, of which I have just spoken, we come to the bay of St. Esprit, which lies on the thirtieth degree of latitude and the two hundred and eightieth of longitude, in the Gulf of Mexico, on the coast of Florida; and in a Southwesterly direction from the same extremity of lake Superior, it is about two hundred leagues to another lake, which empties into the Vermilion sea on the coast of new Grenada, in the great South Sea. It is from one of these two coasts that the Savages who live some sixty leagues to the West of our lake Superior [48] obtain European goods, and they even say that they have seen some Europeans there.

" Moreover, from this same lake Superior, following a River toward the North, we arrive, after eight or ten days' journey, at Hudson bay, in fifty-five Degrees of latitude. From this place, in a North-westerly direction, it is about forty leagues by land to Button Bay, where lies port Melson, on the fifty-seventh degree of latitude and the two hundred and seventieth of longitude; the distance thence to Japan is to be reckoned at only one thousand four hundred and twenty leagues, there being only seventy-one degrees of a great circle intervening. These two Seas, then, of the South and of the North, being known, there remains only that of the West, which joins them, to [49] make only one from the three; and it is the fresh knowledge that we have gained from a Nation which, being situated at about the forty-seventh degree of latitude and the two hundred [page 223] and seventy-third of longitude, assures us that ten days' journey Westward lies the Sea, which can be no other than the one we are looking for,—it is this knowledge that makes us believe that the whole of North America, being thus surrounded by the sea on the East, South, West, and North, must be separated from Groeslande [Greenland] by some strait, of which a good part has already been discovered; and that it only remains now to push on some degrees farther, to enter nothing less than the Japan sea. In order to make the passage of Hudson strait, this is to be attempted only in the [50] months of August and September; for, during these months only, the passage is less blocked with ice.

" But enough of this for the present. If the Iroquois permit, we shall be fully able to go and enlighten ourselves more clearly concerning this discovery, which, being known to us only through the medium of Savages, does not give us all the information we might desire. Let us follow our guide, who, after wintering in the place I have just described, left it in the following Spring. Advancing by short stages because of his family, who accompanied him, after covering about a hundred leagues' distance, he arrived at the great bay of the North, along which he found various Algonkin Nations who have settled on the shores of that sea.

[51] "This bay is Hudson bay, of which we have just been speaking. In the middle of it our Savage saw a large Island which takes its name from the white Bears inhabiting it. These are water rather than land animals, since they leave the sea but rarely and generally live on fish, whereas black Bears feed usually only on flesh, and do not leave [page 225] the land. The white Bears' greatest dainty,—excepting the Bustards, on which they make war as skillfully as do the most expert men,—are the little whales, which they are constantly hunting, but not without danger of falling into the jaws of the large whales. These, from a natural antipathy, [52] devour in turn those animals by which their own young are devoured. If, as sometimes happens, these white Bears, coming together toward Springtime, are borne out into the open sea on some block of ice that has become detached from the shore, about the month of June, it is then a fine sight to see these new Argonauts voyaging at the mercy of winds and storms, and contending for their lives against the hunger that assails them on those floating icebergs, or against the whales that wait to devour them when hunger shall force them to leap into the water and fish for sea-wolves or sea-dogs. They often pass whole months in this perilous seafaring, until at length, by a stroke of good luck, their vessel is wrecked by running aground [53] somewhere; for then these animals leap ashore, utterly famished, and make ample amends for the fast they have endured, devouring everything in their path, and sparing neither man nor beast to satisfy their ravenous hunger.

" But let us return to our Pilgrim. On his way, he met with various Nations whose names have already been recorded. He noticed especially the Kilistinons, who are divided among nine different residences, some of a thousand, others of fifteen hundred men; they are settled in large villages, where they leave their wives and children while they chase the Moose and hunt the Beaver. The [page 227] skin of the latter is of so little value to them since the Iroquois has prevented its sale, that they broil [54] the Beavers over the fire, as is done with Swine in France, to render them eatable the more quickly. After visiting these tribes, our man betook himself to the Pitchibourenik, a people dwelling at the entrance to the Bay, whither the Hurons and Nipisiriniens formerly were wont to go for trade; and whence they procured a great abundance of Beavers in exchange for hatchets, cleavers, knives, and other like commodities, which they carried thither. During a certain part of the year, the abundance of Deer is still greater in these regions than that of Beavers; indeed, it is so enormous that they provision themselves therewith for a year—either by smoking the flesh, which is their most usual method, or by letting it freeze. For toward those Northern regions nothing decays [55] or becomes tainted during the greater part of the year; and, indeed, a little farther Northward human bodies lose none of their beauty for a long time after death, being as rosy and as intact thirty years after their decease as during their lifetime. And so it is said in those countries that the dead are in good health, but the living fall ill. Icebergs are seen there, some of twenty-two brasses, others of three hundred or three hundred and sixty feet. These become detached from the shore, and break sometimes with such violence that, on falling into the sea, they arouse by this downfall, storms that have put vessels in danger of being sunk; they, possibly, caused the destruction of the one whose wreck the Savages have seen [56] on their coast.

"What excites my especial admiration in this unfortunate land is to see how Providence fails its [page 229] creatures in nothing, supplying the defects of some by aid from others, in a way one would never imagine. when one views the shores of this sea almost destitute of trees,—whether from the severity of the cold, which prevents their growth, or because the rocks with which these regions are almost entirely covered cannot provide nourishment for large forests,—who would not think it contrary to God's will that these lands .should be inhabited by man, since they are so destitute of the conveniences of human life ? Nevertheless, Nations are found peopling these rocks and occupying this soil which is most sterile and most hard favored by [57] nature. But how can people live there without fire, when the cold is so intense ? God has provided for that; he gives them their store of wood every year, and uses the stags as beasts of burden to carry it to them. This fuel consists of the wood or horns of the stags themselves. You may believe what you choose; but we are assured that these peoples have no better fire than that which they make with the wood of these great animals, which must be in prodigious numbers to supply with their antlers the branches of oaks and of other trees suitable for burning.

"But let us not leave our Guide, who is coasting along the entire Bay. It does not fare ill with him, for he declares that he has no lack of game, large and small; [58] and that a man in his company killed one of those white Bears of which we made mention. We did not learn from him whether its flesh is as good as that of the wild Geese, Swans, and Ducks that are found in the same region in the month of May, as well as countless numbers of little tufted birds and swallows, and likewise martins, white [page 231] hares, and black foxes. If powder for hunting runs short, one can resort to fishing for trout and salmon, which those Savages well know how to catch, not with lines, but with the harpoon simply.

" After our Algonkin had visited all the Nations surrounding the Bay, and had laden himself with various presents sent by those peoples [59] to the French and Algonkins of these regions,—to attract them to their Bay, in order that they might all fortify themselves there against the Iroquois,—he left the seacoast to proceed inland and seek a road to Tadoussac, through vast forests which were unknown to him. As he was advancing through the woods, without compass and without taking altitude, he learned of the three Rivers, one of which leads straight to our village of three Rivers. This route he would not take, although it is much shorter and surer, but, at the same time, much more exposed to the Iroquois. The two other Rivers flow into lake St. Jean, whence the river Saguené takes its rise. He chose the more remote of these two Rivers as the safer one,—the other being not very far from the [60] country where three Nations were overthrown by the Iroquois, two or three years ago, and compelled to seek a refuge with other more distant ones. The names of these latter are the Kepatawangachik, the Outabitibek, and the Ouakwiechiwek.

" Finally, he reached a spot thirty-two leagues from Tadoussac, where he entertained me with an account of his adventures and travels, and began to tell me in advance the condition to which the Iroquois had reduced the Algonkin Nations toward lake Superior and the lake of the Ouinipeg. But scarcely had I returned to Québec when I found two Frenchmen [page 233] there who had but just arrived from those upper countries, with three hundred Algonkins, in sixty canoes loaded with furs. Following is an account of what they saw with their own eyes; "it will give us a view [61] of the condition of the Algonkins of the West, as we have until now mentioned those of the North.

" They passed the winter on the shores of lake Superior, and were fortunate enough to baptize there two hundred little children of the Algonkin Nation with whom they first made their abode. These children were the victims of disease and famine; and forty went straight to Heaven, dying soon after Baptism. .

" During their winter season, our two Frenchmen made divers excursions to the surrounding tribes. Among other things, they saw, six days' journey beyond the lake toward the Southwest, a tribe composed of the remnants of the Hurons of the Tobacco Nation, who have been compelled by the Iroquois to forsake their native land, and bury themselves so deep [62] in the forests that they cannot be found by their enemies. These poor people—fleeing and pushing their way over mountains and rocks, through these vast unknown forests—fortunately encountered a beautiful River, large, wide, deep, and worthy of comparison, they say, with our great river St. Lawrence. On its banks they found the great Nation of the Alimiwec, which gave them a very kind reception. This Nation comprises sixty Villages—which confirms us in the knowledge that we already possessed, concerning many thousands of people who fill all those Western regions.

" Let us return to our two Frenchmen23 . Continuing [page 235]their circuit, they were much surprised, on visiting the Nadwechiwec, [63] to see women disfigured by having the ends of their noses cut off down to the cartilage; in that part of the face, then, they resemble death's heads. Moreover, they have a round portion of the skin on the top of their heads torn away. Making inquiry as to the cause of this ill treatment, they learned, to their admiration, that it is the law of the country which condemns to this punishment all women guilty of adultery, in order that they may bear, graven on their faces, the penalty and shame of their sin. What renders this custom the more admirable is that, although each man in that country has seven or eight wives, and temptation is, consequently, much stronger among those poor creatures,—some of whom are always more cherished than the others,—yet the law [64] is more strictly executed there than it would be perhaps in the most highly civilized Cities, if it should be established therein. If Barbarians, who are instructed only by the law of nature, have such excellent sentiments of chastity, what reproaches will they make some day to the libertine Christians who have the commandment to pluck out their own eyes rather than permit themselves anything prejudicial to their salvation ? What is not done among Christians is practiced by Savages, who cut off the most conspicuous parts of the face that has proved a source of scandal and a stumbling-block. Our Frenchmen visited the forty Villages of which this Nation is composed, in five of which there are reckoned as many as five thousand men. But we must take leave of these people,—without [6] much ceremony, however,—and enter the territories of another [page 237] Nation, which is warlike and which with its bows and arrows has rendered itself as redoubtable among the upper Algonkins as the Iroquois among the lower; and so it bears the name of Poualak, which means 'Warriors.'

" As wood is scanty in supply and small in size in their country, nature has taught them to make fire with coal from the earth and to cover their cabins with skins. Some of the more ingenious make themselves buildings of loam, very nearly as the swallows build their nests; and they would sleep not less comfortably under these skins and this mud than do the great ones of the earth under their golden canopies, if they did not fear the Iroquois, who come [66] in search of them from a distance of five and six hundred leagues. "

But if the Iroquois goes thither, why ,shall not we also ? If there are conquests to make, why shall not the faith make them, since it makes them in all parts of the world? Behold countless peoples, but the way to them is closed; therefore we must break down all obstacles, and, passing through a thousand deaths, leap into the midst of the flames, to deliver therefrom so many poor Nations. We have not spared ourselves for any of them, nor have we let slip a single opportunity that has presented itself for hastening to their aid; and we are running to succor them again at the present time, as I shall relate after saying a few words concerning the pitiable condition to which the Iroquois has reduced the Hurons. [page 239]




F ever a people could say with the Prophet, Dissipata sunt ossa nostra, it is the poor Hurons, who now see themselves scattered through all parts of these regions. They are no longer alive, except as are those insects which, on being cut into pieces, still show some signs of life by the movement remaining in the severed parts.

But if it be any one's right to say with the same Prophet, Dissipa gentes quæ bella volunt, it is for us to utter these words against the Iroquois, who live only on [68] blood and carnage, and breathe only the air of war. Certainly they deserve to be scattered, after having dispersed and ruined all their neighbors, among whom there are none with more cause for complaint than the poor Hurons. In all these regions they constituted, some time ago, the most settled Nation, and the one best fitted for receiving the seed of the faith; and now they are the most nomadic and the most scattered of all. To tell the truth, when their country met with defeat, those who were killed or burned by the Iroquois formed only the smallest part of the thirty or forty thousand souls constituting the nation. Famine—which follows war as the shadow follows the body, and which brings diseases in its train—attacked them much more severely but I [69] may say, much more fortunately [page 241] for them, since it peopled Paradise with most of them. Those poor people, in the general devostation of their country, had only this consolation, that they died Christians.

Those left from the wreck who could flee, scattered in every direction, like an army defeated and pursued by the victor. Some hastened to the neutral Nation, expecting to find a place of refuge there, because of its neutrality, which had not hitherto been violated by the Iroquois; but those treacherous people embraced the opportunity to seize the whole Nation, and carry it entire into a harsh captivity in their own country. Others sought refuge with the Tobacco Nation, but the latter was itself obliged to seek shelter among the [70] upper Algonkins. Others wandered for ten whole days in the woods, and still others decided to go to Andastoé, a country of Virginia. Some sought an asylum with the fire Nation and the Cat Nation; while one whole Village even threw itself upon the mercy oF the Sonnontwaehronnons, one of the five Iroquois nations, and was well received by them,—having since then preserved its identity, in the form of a Village apart from those of the Iroquois. Here the Hurons live in Huron style, and the old Christians retain what they can of Christianity.

In this dispersion, those who had cast in their lot with Québec and, like good sheep, had decided to follow their shepherds thither, lived like very good Christians on the Isle of Orleans, to the [71] number of five or six hundred souls. They passed eight years there peacefully enough, although they were in no greater security under shelter of the French than under that of their fellow-Savages allied to them. [page 243] We saw and lamented their removal, and were bespattered with their blood when the Iroquois, with abominable perfidy, murdered them in our arms. There remained to us only a mere handful of them, which so excited our compassion that, in order to preserve this precious remnant of a Christian people, the late Monsieur d'Ailleboust, who was then in command, caused a fort to be built for them in the heart of Québec, to ensure the Nation against perishing utterly. But this remnant has at length been taken from us, through dispensations of Providence utterly beyond our scrutiny, yet [72] none the less adorable. They at least perished gloriously, since by their death they saved this country,—or, at any rate, bore the brunt of the storm that was about to break over us, and averted its fury when we were most threatened by it,—as will be seen from what follows.

Forty of our Hurons, constituting the flower of all those of importance that remained here with us, toward the close of last winter set out from Québec, under the lead of a Captain of considerable renown named Anahotaha, to wage petty warfare, and lay ambuscades for the Iroquois when returning from the chase. They stopped at three Rivers, where six Algonkins joined them under the command of Mitiwemeg, a Captain of' note. Then arriving at Montréal, they found [73] that seventeen Frenchmen of courage and resolution had already formed a league for the same, purpose as their own, generously sacrificing themselves for the public good and the defense of Religion. They had chosen sieur Dolard as their Chief, a man of accomplishments and generalship; and, although he had but quite recently arrived from [page 245] France, he was entirely fitted for this kind of warfare, as he well proved, and his comrades likewise; yet fortune seems to have denied them the glory of succeeding in .so holy and courageous an enterprise.

Our Savages, glad to increase their own number with so active and resolute a band, embarked, full of new courage, our Frenchmen joining them and paddling along [74] in high spirits, hoping to surprise the enemy very soon. They journeyed by night to avoid discovery, and prayers were regularly held every morning and evening, all addressing themselves to God in public, each in his own language. Thus they formed three Choirs, which Heaven was pleased to behold; it had never seen here such saintly warriors, and very gladly received vows couched in the French, Algonkin, and Huron languages at the same time.

They did not hesitate to pass the St. Louis falls and the other rapids. The zeal and ardor of so holy an expedition made them set at naught encounters with the ice, and the coldness of the waters but recently melted; they resolutely leaped into them to [75] drag their Canoes with their own hands amid the stones and the blocks of ice. Having gained lake saint Louis, which is above the Island of Montréal, they turned to the right and entered the River leading to the Hurons, taking their position below the falls of la Chaudiere, there to await the Iroquois Hunters. who, according to their custom, were expected to pass that way in single file, on their return from their winter's hunt.

Our warriors had no sooner reached this spot than they were perceived by five Iroquois, who were coming up to reconnoiter, and who returned up stream with [page 247] all speed in order to warn all the hunters to combine together, drop the character of huntsmen, and assume that of warriors. The change was quickly made; a small hatchet in the belt, instead of a sword, a musket at the [76] Canoe's prow, and a paddle in the hand—such was the equipment of these Soldiers. They assembled accordingly; all the Canoes, containing two hundred Onnontagehronnons, combined, and proceeded in excellent order, steadily descending the rapids. At the foot of the descent, our men, surprised by so prompt and orderly an advance, and seeing themselves far outnumbered, took possession of a wretched remnant of a fort built in that neighborhood the preceding Autumn by our Algonkins, and tried to fortify themselves there with gabions as well as they could. The Onnontagehronnon approached and, after reconnoitering the enemy, attacked him furiously, but was received so warmly that he was forced to retreat with loss. This made him turn his thoughts toward his customary artifices, despairing of gaining his end by force; and, in order to divert [77] our men while summoning to his assistance the Agniehronnons,—whose rendezvous was on the Richelieu Islands,—he pretended to desire a parley. The Algonkins and Hurons seemed inclined to give them a hearing, but our French know no such thing as peace with those barbarians, who have never treated for an adjustment of differences without having their trickery detected soon after. Therefore, while all seemed very peaceful on one side of the fort, our men, being treacherously attacked on the other, were not taken by surprise, but delivered so hot a fire against the assailants as to compel them to retreat for the second time, in great astonishment that a [page 249] little handful of Frenchmen could offer resistance to two hundred Iroquois. Doubtless, they would have been [78] entirely routed and utterly defeated, as they I have admitted, had the French made a sortie from the fort, sword in hand, or had not the Agniehronnons arrived soon after, to the number of five hundred, with such frightful and piercing yells that all the country around seemed full of Iroquois. The fort was surrounded on every side, and a general discharge of musketry was kept up day and night. The assaults were fierce and frequent, our Frenchmen meanwhile never ceasing to arouse admiration by their resolution, their vigilance, and above all by their piety, which made them use in prayer the little time they had between the several attacks. Thus, as soon as they had repulsed the Iroquois, they would go down on their knees, [79] rising only to drive him back again. And so for ten days, during which this Siege continued, they had but two duties to perform, to pray and to fight, executing them successively; to the astonishment of our Savages, who were incited by such noble examples to die bravely.

As the heat of the combat was great and the assaults almost unintermittent, our men were pressed with thirst more than by the Iroquois. They were obliged to endure a hailstorm of lead, and go with drawn swords to dip water from the River, which was two hundred paces distant from the Fort. Here, at last, by dint of digging, they found a tiny thread of muddy water—so little in quantity, however, that the blood ran much more abundantly from the veins of the dead and wounded than the water from this miry spring. [page 251]

[80] This necessity reduced the Fort to such extremities that, its defense seeming no longer possible to the Savages occupying it, they thought of treating for Peace, and delegated some Envoys to the enemy's camp with fine presents of porcelain, which are used in this country on all great occasions of Peace and War. They were received by the Iroquois with loud outcries, whether of pleasure or of mockery, which, however, alarmed our Savages. Some thirty of these, on being invited by their fellow-Hurons who were living among the Iroquois to surrender, with the assurance that their lives would be spared, leaped over the palisade, disregarding their companions, and leaving the Fort much weakened by so shameful an act of cowardice. This inspired [81] the Iroquois with the hope of getting possession of the rest, either by threats or by fair words, without striking a blow. For this purpose, some deputies approached the Fort with the Envoys that had left it; but our Frenchmen, placing no confidence in all these parleys, fired on them unexpectedly, stretching some of them dead on the ground and putting the rest to flight. This humiliation so incensed the Iroquois that, with might and main, they rushed headlong to seize our palisade, and set about undermining it with their hatchets, in a spirit of courage that made them shut their eyes to all dangers and to the constant fire that was being leveled at them. It is true that, to shelter themselves from most of this hail, they made themselves mantlets [82] of three pieces of wood lashed side to side, which covered them from the crown of the head to the middle of the thigh; by this means they seized the curtains under the cannoneers, and, as these defenses were not [page 253] flanked, carried on their mining in considerable security.

Our Frenchmen employed all their courage and ingenuity in this extremity. As they had no grenades, they supplied the place of these with some of their musket-barrels, which they loaded to bursting and threw down into the midst of their enemy. They even hit on the plan of using a keg of powder, and they threw one over the palisade; but, unluckily striking a branch in the air, it fell back into the Fort, and wrought sad havoc there, [83] the greater part of our Frenchmen having their faces and hands burned by the fire, and their eyes blinded by the smoke which this contrivance created. The Iroquois, taking advantage of this, seized all the loopholes and opened fire from the outside, killing all whom they could see in the Fort through the thick smoke. Animated by this success, they climbed the palisade, hatchet in hand, and descended into the Fort from all directions; they filled the whole place with blood and carnage, giving vent to such frenzy that only five Frenchmen and four Hurons were left alive, all the rest being killed on the spot, together with the leader of the whole band, named Anahotaha. This man, finding himself about to expire, begged that his head might be put into the fire, in order to rob the Iroquois of the glory of bearing off his scalp. [84] Laudavi magis mortuos quam viventes,—it was doubtless with this thought of the Sage in mind that one of our Frenchmen executed a startling feat. Seeing that all was lost, and that several of his companions who had been mortally wounded were .still alive, he dispatched them with sturdy blows of his hatchet, to deliver them, by this inhuman act of [page 255] mercy, from the fires of the Iroquois. And in truth, cruelty succeeding to fury, two Frenchmen with some breath of life left in them being found among the dead, they were made the prey of the flames. Instead of oil to ease their wounds, lighted firebrands and red-hot awls were thrust into them; and in place of a bed to hold these poor dying men's limbs, they were made to lie on the embers. In a word, [85] these poor creatures, in their death-agony, were cruelly burned in all parts of their bodies as long as life was left in them. As for the five other Frenchmen, they and all the rest of the captives,—both those who surrendered voluntarily, and those who were captured,—were forced to mount a scaffold, where the first caresses bestowed on prisoners were given them. Some were given fire to eat, others had their fingers cut off, and still others their legs and arms burned; all, in short, received marks of their captivity.

This scene of horror, so agreeable to the eyes of the Iroquois, was not less so, I am sure, to those of the Angels, when one of the poor Huron prisoners, remembering the instructions he had received, assumed the character of Preacher [86] and exhorted all those sufferers to endure with constancy these cruelties, which would soon pass and be followed by eternal happiness, since they had undertaken this war against the enemies of the Faith only for the glory of God and out of zeal for Religion. I doubt whether the early Church saw anything more beautiful in its persecutions,—a barbarian preaching Jesus Christ and making a Doctor's chair of a scaffold. And he did it so well that the scaffold became changed into a Chapel for his hearers, who, amid [page 257] their torments and in the midst of the flames, offered their prayers as if they were at the foot of the Altar; and they still continued to offer them during all their captivity, exhorting each other thereto whenever they met.

[87] After the first fury of the Iroquois had been appeased by the sight of their prisoners and by these trial strokes of their cruelty, they divided their captives. Two Frenchmen were apportioned to the Agnieronnons, two to the Onnontagueronnons, and the fifth to the Onneioutheronnons, to give them all a taste of French flesh, and impart to them an appetite and a desire to eat of it,—that is, to invite them to a bloody war for avenging the deaths of a score of their men killed on this occasion. After this distribution they departed, abandoning their intention to come and overwhelm our settlements, in order the sooner to conduct to their several countries those wretched victims, destined to appease the rage and cruelty of the most barbarous of all Nations. We must here give [88] glory to those seventeen Frenchmen of Montréal, and honor their ashes with a eulogy which is justly their due, and which we cannot refuse them without ingratitude. All had been lost had they not perished, and their disaster saved this country,—or, at least, exorcised the storm that threatened to burst over it, since they checked its first movements and entirely diverted its course.

Meanwhile, to make sure of their captives on the way, they every evening stretch them out almost entirely naked on their backs, with no other bed than the bare earth, into which are driven four stakes for each of the prisoners, for binding thereto their feet and hands, the latter being open, and the limbs [page 259] extended in the form of a saint Andrew's Cross. A fifth stake is also driven into the ground and a cord fastened to it, which [89] is tightly wound about the prisoner's neck three or four times. Finally, he is bound around the waist with a belt, a kind of strap that the Savages use for all sorts of purposes; and he who has charge of a captive takes the two ends of the belt and puts them under him while he sleeps, in order to be awakened if his man moves ever so little. This single position during a whole night, under such constraint and at the mercy of the Gnats and Mosquitoes,—which sting incessantly to the very quick, and suck the blood in all parts of the body,—is undoubtedly a very severe torture; and such is the treatment that our poor Frenchmen, as well as the other captives, receive every night, to prepare them for the tortures by fire which they are confidently to expect. But let us see how, despite [90] all these precautions, several Savages effected their flight, with such good luck that escapes of this sort may be regarded as little miracles. From these men we learned the Facts given above.18 [page 261]




The original of this letter of Bishop Laval, addressed to the father general, under date of August, 1659, was in the domestic archives of the Society, at Rome, when copied by Father Felix Martin about 1858; but could not be found among the MSS. of the order, when, in 1897, search was made in the interest of this series. We are obliged, therefore, to follow Father Martin's copy, in Carayon's première Mission, pp. 257-259.


In reprinting Jerome Lalemant's little annual for 1659 (Paris, 1660), entitled Lettres envoiées de la Novvelle France, we follow a copy of the original Cramoisy edition in the Lenox Library. It consists of three of Lalemant ' s letters, each dated "A Kebec" in 1659, and respectively as follows: "12. de Septemb.," "10 d'Octobre,'' and "16 d'Oct." The "Priuilege" was "donné à Paris le 26. Decembre 1660," while the date of the "Permifsion" is the same as that of the Relation of 1657-58, namely "Donné à Paris, au mois de Decembre 1658." The volume forms no. 113 of Harrisse's Notes.

Collation. Title, with verso blank, I leaf; "Premiere Lettre," pp. 3-21; "Seconde Lettre," pp. 21-33; "Troisieme Lettre," pp. 34-49; "Extrait [page 263] du Priuilege du Roy," p. (I); "Permifsion," with verso blank, I leaf. Signatures: A-C in eights, D in two. No mispaging; but in two of the three copies in the Bibliothèque Nationale the pagination of p. 3 is omitted.

Five copies are known to be now extant; one other copy was burned; and there is an interesting facsimile, done by pen—each of which we describe at length.

  1. A good copy (the Neilson) was burned on February 1, 1854, in the fire which destroyed many important volumes of the now Canadian Library of Parliament (then at Quebec). An account of this conflagration will be found in our description of the rare fragmentary annual for 1655 (Paris, 1656), the Copie de devx Lettres. The statements made therein (q.v.) apply likewise to the present volume.
  2. There are three copies in the Bibliothèque Nationale of Paris; all of them bearing the class-mark "Reserve Lk12. 741." We are indebted to Monsieur Viennot, sous-bibliothècaire of that library, for a detailed description of each copy. They are identical, save that in two of the copies the paginatlon of p. 3 is omitted. Their binding (boards) is of a comparatively recent date—probably since 1850; measurements are as follows:

No. 1—15 cent. 1 mill. by 9 cent. 8 mill.

No. 2—16 cent. 1 mill. by g cent. 8 mill.

No. 3—16 cent. 4 mill. by 10 cent.

The omission of pagination already alluded to occurs in nos. 1 and 2. These copies were in the library in the days of Van Praet, early in this century; and it is believed that they have been there since the particular year of their publication. [page 264] No. 3 formed part of the Bibliothèque de la Sorbonne, and during the period of the French Revolution became a part of the now Bibliothèque Nationale. It is the best copy of the three, and contains also a manuscript pagination, which is proof of its having been at one time a part of a collection of pamphlets.

  1. The Lenox copy measures 61/8 by 41/16 inches. It is at present unbound; but the last line of the title-page ("Auec Priuilege du Roy.") has been cut off by a former binder. Harrassowitz offered it in 1882 (no. 40) for 2,500 marks, together with twenty-five other Relations, each of the latter with its own catalogue price. The entire lot was sold en bloc to the late Charles H. Kalbfleisch. His son sold this particular nugget, through J. Osborne Wright, a bookseller in New York, to the late George H. Moore, at the time superintendent oá the Lenox Library, for $500. Upon the death of Dr. Moore, it passed to his heirs, from whom it was bought (June 14, 1893) by the Lenox Library, for $500.
  2. Albert Gallatin, the American statesman, had a copy. It was in the possession of his descendant, Count de Gallatin, as late as 1893, when he offered it to the Lenox Library. But it was not included among the collection of Relations which he sold at that time to Dodd, Mead & Co., and which is now the property of a well-known private collector of Brooklyn, N. Y. The volume, in a desirable state of preservation, is presumed to be still in the Count's possession.
  3. Laval University, at Quebec, has not a printed original, but contains a carefully executed pen facsimile, the work of a nun of the Hotel Dieu. It is a fact worthy of record, since it exhibits the estimation [page 265] in which these works are held by the religious.

Prior to 1851-52, American students, who gave to the New France Relations a special study, were not aware of the existence of the annual under consideration; nor was its title so much as known to them. About that time the Neilson copy was among the Relations which were housed in the Canadian Library of Parliament; and Dr. O'Callaghan, having been apprised of its existence, communicated the news to Mr. Lenox in a letter dated at Albany, N. Y., September 14, 1852. Mr. Lenox at once wrote to O'Callaghan (September 22), expressing a desire for a transcript. The latter's reply recommended George B. Faribault, of Québec, as the proper person to whom an application should be addressed. Permission was granted, and a transcript, under Mr. Faribault's direction, was made by George Miville de Chène, of Québec, for £1. We have examined the receipt for this transaction, which bears the date of December 14, 1852. After the Quebec original had been burned, as already stated, Mr. Lenox had a limited edition printed for private circulation. It was issued in both large and small paper (12mo and 18mo) form. This reprint contains a few errors, due to faulty transcription. There was, of course, no way of proving the text, after the destruction of the only copy known to Americans. The apograph from which Mr. Lenox's reprint was made, as well as his large paper copy with canceled title-pages and other leaves (at the end), and his ordinary copies, are now in the Lenox Library. Mr. Lenox's munificence and scholarly interest in behalf of the Jesuit Relations must ever put Americanists under great obligations to him.


For bibliographical particulars of the Journal des Jésuites, see Vol. XXVII.


In reprinting the Relation of 1659-60 (Paris, 1661), we follow a copy of the original Cramoisy edition in Lenox Library. No author's or editor's name is attached to this annual; it cannot, therefore, be said who was individually responsible for its issuance. A letter from René Ménard is inserted on pp. 152-154, which bears the date "Des trois Riuieres ce 27. d'Aouƒt à 2. heures apres minuit. 1660." The "Priuilege" was "Donné a Paris le 15. Ianuier 1661;" and the "Permiƒƒion" was given "A Paris, le 8. Ianuier, 1661.'' The volume forms no. 115 of Harrisse's Notes.

Collation. Four preliminary leaves, consisting of: blank, I leaf; title, with verso blank, I leaf: "Priuilege," with "Permiƒƒion' on the verse, I leaf; "Tables des Chapitres," pp. (2); the text covers pp. 1-202. Signatures: Flour preliminary leaves, without signature marks, A-M in eights, N in four. The signature marks for Aiiij and Eiiij are by mistake printed Aiij and Eiij, respectively. The pagination is quite erratic. Pages 95 and 96 are in duplicate; 142 is mispaged as 141; and there are no pp. 143, 144, 177, and 178. If the paging were consecutive, there would be 200 pages of text.

Copies have been sold as follows O'Callaghan (1882), no. 1239, sold for $45, and had cost him $38.75 in gold; Barlow (1890), no. 1309, sold for $70; and at the Lellox duplicate sale at the auction rooms of Bangs & Co., New York City, April 29, 1895, a copy [page 267] (item 177) was sold to Dodd, Mead & Co., for $52.50. Copies are possessed by the following libraries: Lenox, New York State Library, Harvard, Brown (private), Ayer (private), Laval University (Quebec), Library of Parliament (Ottawa), British Museum. And Bibliothèque Nationale (Paris). [page 268]



(Figures in ,parentheses, following number of Note, refer to pages of English text.)