PREFACE TO VOL. XXXV

Following is a synopsis of the documents contained in the present volume:

LXXII. This is a letter from Ragueneau to the father general, dated in the Huron country, March 13, 1650. In it is depicted in vivid colors the distress and misery into which the Huron nation has been plunged. Since the last Relation, two more Jesuits have fallen at their posts,—Charles Garnier and Noel Chabanel. The little Huron church is scattered in every direction, the country being devastated by war, famine, and pestilence. So great is the famine that cannibalism prevails, and corpses are dug from the graves for food. In the midst of their afflictions, the people seek instruction and baptism from the missionaries, as never before. The latter—'; as good shepherds, following their flock "—have abandoned their house of Ste. Marie, and established a new residence on St. Joseph (now Christian) Islands that they may minister to the Hurons who have fled thither. Here they make a fresh clearing in the forest, and build homes; and, besides, construct fortifications for defense, should the Iroquois attack them. Hardest of all is to clear the ground from stumps, and plant it with seed. They have brought supplies of food and live stock from Ste. Marie, and have aided their disciples with their reserves of Indian corn. Notwithstanding their hardships, all [page 9] connected with the mission are ready to lay down their lives for its sake; and they rejoice in their sufferings, regarding these as tokens of God's favor.

LXXIII. The Journal des Jésuites continues its record, through the year 1650. But few events of importance occur, until the coming of summer. In January, a cabin for the savages is erected at the hospital, by the French carpenters; but, " upon occupying it, the cabin proved to be useless, on account of the smoke. " The moose-hunt of this winter is unusually good.

"On St. Joseph's eve, there was a very cold bonfire—that is to say, very simple, without fireworks or rockets." In consequence of the governor's illness, Lalemant starts the fire, " but with great repugnance." Late in April, the Jesuits decide to assign lands at Beauport to the fugitive Hurons; also, to erect, at their own expense, a slew building for their mission at Three Rivers. May 11, the Iroquois make a raid upon a farm close to Quebec, and kill two men. At this time, the Jesuits exchange their land at Three Rivers—nearly 500 arpents—for another tract of like size, that the former may be turned into common lands; this is done under constraint from the local authorities. Bressani sets out for the Huron country, on June 7, accompanying a large trading. fleet of canoes. A week later, a Huron from Three Rivers comes to Quebec, claiming that the Iroquois have sent him to negotiate a peace with the French. This story proving false, his own countrymen condemn him to death; " he was accordingly baptized on the 20th, and named Louys, without as yet knowing whether he were to live or to die." On the following day, he is put to death by the Hurons; and [page 10] charitable French women bury his corpse. About this time, the Jesuit superior makes the visitation at the hospital; but he " did not go in, or see the Accounts, having noticed that they had not much inclination for this. "

This year, Lalemant excuses himself from the St. John's bonfire,—"not judging it proper to encourage this custom, which had not been practiced in the time of M. de Montmagnì" (this last statement being apparently a lapsus memoriœ, to judge by the record of the Journal itself). The French fleet comes earlier than last year; the letters it brings are conveyed from Tadoussac to Quebec by a Jesuit and a habitant, arriving at the latter place July 5; the first ship reaches Quebec on the 10th. On the 28th, Ragueneau also arrives, with all his company. In August occur more Iroquois raids, several Frenchmen being captured or killed by them. Among the latter is Robert le Coq, a Jesuit donné.

On the returning vessels, this autumn, eight Fathers, with numerous brethren and donnes, are sent back to France. Among these are Jerome Lalemant, the superior, who is succeeded at Quebec by Ragueneau; the latter, therefore, continues the Journal after October 22. The new superior seldom mentions in its pages a church service or procession,—unlike Lalemant, who filled most of the Journal with minutiae of all ecclesiastical affairs; Ragueneau notes, as a rule, only matters of general interest in the annals of the colony.

Several prominent habitants go down to Tadoussac, November 10, to engage in the seal-fishery, for which they have secured important concessions. The Jesuits' new church is consecrated December 24, and [page 11] the first mass is said therein, although the building is not completed. The Ursuline convent is burned to the ground on the night of December 30, and the nuns with difficulty save their own lives, losing all their furniture and clothing; the loss is estimated at 40,000 francs. The Ursulines are aided, as much as possible, by the Hospital nuns and the Jesuits; the latter (including even the brethren) decide to deny themselves their desserts, " in order to aid therewith these good mothers, who have more need than we of these delicacies."

LXXIV. The Relation of 1649-50 is entirely written by the new superior, Ragueneau being dated at Quebec, September 1, 1650; it is supplemented by two letters,—one, penned by Jerome Lalemant, apparently soon after his arrival in France, in December following, and addressed to the provincial at Paris; the other by the mother superior of the Hospital nuns, addressed to " Monsieur N., a citizen of Paris," and dated at Quebec, September 29.

In the Relation proper (of which we here give the first twelve chapters), a short prefatory note to the provincial announces the removal of the Huron Christians from their ruined country to the more sheltered vicinity of the French settlements. The Relation proper begins with the removal of the mission from Ste. Marie to St. Joseph Island. The wretched Hurons Slaving fled in all directions,—into the forests or the rocky islands of the lake, or to a refuge among the Tobacco and Neutral tribes,—the Jesuits see that they can no longer remain at their posts, but must follow their flocks. Accordingly, they accede to the request made by their disciples, that they will accompany the latter to St. Joseph,—[page 12] some of the Fathers, however, being sent on itinerant missions to remote bands of savages. The departure from their old home, and its destruction by their own hands, lest the enemy should find it a vantage spot, are eloquently and pathetically related. At the new Ste. Marie, built upon the island, the Jesuits are obliged to fortify both their house and the neighboring village. This village had over a hundred cabins, containing more than six thousand souls; but famine and pestilence have swept away many of these. During the entire winter, the people not only suffer these horrors, but are in constant dread of a threatened attack by the Iroquois. This accumulation of misfortunes, however, renders the poor Hurons so tractable to the Faith that the missionaries accomplish among them " by a single word, more than ever before, in entire years." Another potent influence upon them is the charity of the Jesuits, who aid the starving and sick people to the utmost of their power; " many have remained alive only through the assistance which we rendered them." It is interesting to note the method employed by these Fathers in aiding the poor—that of personal investigation, the essential element of the best modern almsgiving; and the foresight which secured, before winter, all available supplies of food within their reach. The writer describes the occupations of the missionaries during the winter, relieving the poor, visiting the sick, and instructing all in religion.

Ragueneau describes, at length, the capture and devastation of the mission villages in the Tobacco tribe, and the martyr deaths of Garnier and Chabanel,—the former, on December 7, 1648; the latter, [page 13] about two days later. Then follow biographical sketches of these two Fathers, with eulogies upon their apostolic labors and saintly characters. Chabanel's missionary life presents an especially pathetic aspect, since—though full of zeal and spiritual aspiration—he could not learn the Indian language; and, moreover, was filled with disgust and aversion at the natives, their customs, and mode of life, and at the hardships imposed by his duties to them. Yet he would not relinquish these, and even bound himself by a vow, to " remain there until death, that he might die upon the Cross."

Certain infidels in the mission of St. Mathias, where Chabanel was stationed, had during his absence formed a conspiracy against the missionaries, and had profaned and plundered one of the Jesuit chapels. There is good evidence that Chabanel was murdered by an apostate Huron,—probably as a result of that conspiracy.

Some of the Huron fugitives have made a new settlement, on the shore of Lake Huron, and a missionary is sent to spend the winter with them; this constitutes the mission of St. Charles. Some welcome the Father gladly; others accuse the Faith of bringing ruin upon them. These last " must be humiliated, before they can be saved;" this is accomplished by famine, the fishery being this year a failure. Thereupon, " they flocked to him like sheep, and entreated for Holy Baptism." At the end of winter, many of these sufferers betake themselves to the new Jesuit post on St. Joseph Island. Another mission is carried on, among the Algonkin tribes along Lake Huron,—the Fathers sharing the wretched nomadic life of those people. [page 14]

Ragueneau describes the renewed incursions of the Iroquois in the spring of this year (1650), which complete the ruin of the wretched Hurons. Their country is thoroughly devastated; the scattered bands who still remain are ruthlessly butchered by an enemy " more cruel than cruelty itself; " and despair reigns in the hearts of the few survivors. Many of those who had taken refuge on St. Joseph Island are driven by hunger to the mainland, to search for food, and are destroyed by the Iroquois. The Christian Indians who remain on the island see but one hope for their lives; they entreat the Jesuits to convey them to the French settlements on the St. Lawrence, and there form a Huron colony under French protection. This proposal is accepted? and the remnant of the tribe, some three hundred in number, make their way to Quebec,—always in danger, while on this fifty days' journey, from ferocious Iroquois rangers. Ragueneau graphically portrays the devastation which these enemies have wrought, not only in Huronia, but along Lake Nipissing and the Ottawa River,—reducing a populous region, full of promise, to a wilderness.

At last (July 28) this sad company arrive at Quebec. All possible aid is furnished to them there, but this new charge is too great for the means of the little colony, and much suffering occurs among the fugitives; several hundred more of these are expected before long, from the upper country. The Iroquois are now constantly harassing the French settlers, wherever they can find them away from the protection of the forts; and it is desirable that measures be at once taken to break their power.

Some Christian Indians from Sillery, and some of [page 15] the Hurons, go in the spring to attack the Iroquois; but, through the treachery of one of their own number, suffer a severe defeat. Some of their warriors are burned to death by the Iroquois, but they suffer as Christians, even to the latest breath. The Sillery church has thus suffered greatly, having lost many of its chief native Christians, and numerous instances of their faith are recorded.

This year, it has been impossible to send a missionary to the Attikamegues, although they desire one; but their goodness and innocence being great, they do not need so much spiritual support as do most other tribes.

Then follows an account of the Holy Cross mission at Tadoussac. The most conspicuous feature in this work is " the burning zeal manifested by the Christian Savages and their Captains for the extension of Christ's Kingdom, and the banishment of vice from their Churches." Various instances of this are related, especially in their attempts to restrain drunkenness. The Tadoussac Christians invite the people of neighboring tribes (of whom they had formerly been jealous) to come and dwell near them, that they also may receive Christian instruction; and they even invite the missionaries to go with them upon their trading expeditions inland,—upon [page 16] which they had hitherto refused to take any Frenchmen. Accordingly, Druillettes goes to a distant tribe (probably one which De Quen had visited before), wherein are some Christians, whom he consoles and instructs, administering to them the sacraments.

R. G. T.

Madison, Wis., November 1898.

 

LXXII—LXXIII
MISCELLANEOUS DOCUMENTS, 1650
LXXII.	—Epistola P. Pauli Ragueneau ad R. P. Vincentium Caraffam, Præpositum Generalem Societatis Jesu; ex Domo Sanctæ Mariæ in Insula Sancti Josephi apud Hurones, 13° Martii 1650
LXXIII.	—Journal des PP. Jésuites, en l'année 1650
SOURCES:Doc. LXXII. is from Rochemonteix's Jésuites et la Nouvelle-France, t. ii., pp. 466 - 469. Doc. LXXIII. We obtain from the original MS. in the library of Laval University, Quebec.

Letter of Father Paul Ragueneau to the Very Reverend Father General, Vincent Caraffa.

Our Very Reverend Father in Christ,

Pax Christi.

Last year, we received no letters from Europe; not even from Quebec did any reply come to those letters which I wrote, fully describing the condition of our affairs. As before, the hand of God has continually stricken us. yet we complain not, nor do we cry: Miseremini mei, saltem vos amici mei; because we rather are glad, and always rejoice, for these evils by which God permits us to be tried result in blessing to all of us who are here, and to our church; and by them he certainly crowns us, rather than casts us down.

Your Paternity has learned from my last letter of the precious death, or rather martyrdom, of our Fathers,—Father Antoine Daniel, Father Jean de Brebeuf, and Father Gabriel Lallement,—whom the savage Iroquois cruelly snatched from this growing Church, slaying each of these pastors with his Christian flock, as he watched over his own.

Toward the close of this same past year, 1649, two other Fathers suffered a like death, at their posts,—Father Charles Garnier, an apostolic man, who certainly was born for the salvation of those peoples, and to whose complete holiness nothing was lacking; and his companion, Father Noel Chabanel, who had [page 19] come to us from the Province of Toulouse. One of these was murdered by the hand of an enemy, on the seventh day of December, in the middle of the village, which the victorious Iroquois had raided and laid waste with fire and arms. The other was slain only the next day, a day sacred to the Immaculate Conception of the Virgin. It is uncertain by whose hand he fell, whether that of an enemy, or, more probably, that of a treacherous apostate,—who may have murdered the Father as he wandered, a fugitive, through the trackless forest, that he might rob the priest, poor as he was, of even his clothes, shoes, and torn hat.

But of these matters I will write more fully at another time. For, in truth, our Hurons are distressed not only by war, but by a deadly famine and a contagious plague; all are miserably perishing together. Everywhere, corpses have been dug out of the graves; and, now carried away by hunger, the people have repeatedly offered, as food, those who were lately the dear pledges of love,—not only brothers to brothers, but even children to their mothers, and the parents to their own children. It is true, this is inhuman; but it is no less unusual among our savages than among the Europeans, who abhor eating flesh of their own kind. Doubtless the teeth of the starving man make no distinction in food, and do not recognize in the dead body him who a little before was called, until he died, father, son, or brother. Nay, more, even the dung of man or beast is not spared. Fortunate are they who can eat the food of swine,—bitter acorns, and husks,—innocent food, and indeed not without relish, to; which hunger adds a sauce; to these, the scarcity of [page 21] this year has given a value far higher than, formerly, was usually placed upon Indian corn.

This calamity of our people was, though destructive to their bodies, salutary to their souls,—for, up to this time, our labors have not yielded greater fruits; never before has faith gone more deeply into hearts, or the name of Christian been more glorious, than in the midst of the disasters to a stricken people. We count more than three thousand savages baptized this last year; so that verily that saying of the Apostle seems to be spoken unto us: Flagellat Deus omnem filium quem recipit. At present, there remain in this mission thirteen Fathers, four coadjutors, twenty-two donned eleven other domestics (to whom alone are paid very modest wages), six soldiers, and four boys,—sixty souls in all; to these, heavenly things have so sweet a savor that they render those of earth insipid. Truly, I can declare to your Paternity that there is not one who does not worship God in spirit and in truth,—so that this may verily be called Domus Dei, et Porta cœli

We experience the fatherly guidance of God; for, although evils environ us, they yet do not touch us, so that nothing is lacking to either soul or body,—not indeed of those things which minister to pleasure, but in those which sufficiently sustain a nature content with little. Yet we do not live here merely for ourselves; but the divine bounty has given us, in addition, means with which to relieve, in compassion, the poverty and wretchedness of the Christians,—so that there is hardly one among the living who does not live by our aid; hardly one of those that died who did not acknowledge that he owed more to our charity than to that of any other human being. [page 23] Indeed, we are publicly hailed as the fathers of this Country, and so we are,—wherein there is certainly strong support to the Christian faith.

For the future, the Lord will provide; sufficit enim diei malitia sua. Nevertheless, there are two sources of possible destruction to this mission, which we greatly dread,—first, the hostile Iroquois; second, the failure of provisions; and it is not clear how these dangers may be encountered. Our Hurons, last year, were forced not only to leave their homes and their fortified villages, but even to forsake their fields, because they were harassed by warfare, and crushed by unceasing disaster. We, the Shepherds, followed our fleeing flock, and we too have left our dwelling-place,—I might call it our delight,—the residence of Sainte Marie, and the fields we had tilled, which promised a rich harvest. Nay, more, we even applied the torch to the work of our own hands, lest the sacred House should furnish shelter to our impious enemy: and thus in a single day, and almost in a moment, we saw consumed our work of nearly ten years, which had given us the hope that we could produce the necessities of life, and thus maintain ourselves in this country without aid from France. But God has willed otherwise; our home is now laid waste, and our Penates forsaken; we have been compelled to journey elsewhere, and, in the land of our exile, to seek a new place of banishment.

Within sight of the mainland, about twenty miles from that first site of Sainte Marie, is an Island surrounded by a vast lake (which might better be called a sea). There the fugitive Hurons checked their flight,—at least most of them; there also we must abide; there, where lately were the dens of wild [page 25] beasts, we were obliged to build new homes; there the forest, never touched by the axe since the creation, had to be cleared away; there, finally, not only we, but the savages, had to construct fortifications, a task pertaining to war. This was our occupation, this our unceasing effort,—winter and summer alike,—that we might at last render ourselves safe, in this respect, and quite prepared to receive the common enemy. We surrounded our position, not merely with a wooden palisade, as hitherto had been the custom, but with a closely-built stone wall, as difficult to scale as it is easy of defense,—which defies the enemy's torch, or a battering-ram, or any engine of war which the Iroquois can employ.

But a far more laborious task remains, in pulling out trees and preparing the ground for cultivation, that its yield of grain, roots, and vegetables may be sufficient to prevent famine—for on such food we live here; we have no other beverage than cold water. We have almost no covering, save the skins of beasts, which nature furnishes without labor on our part. We saved ten fowls, a pair of swine, two bulls, and the same number of cows,—enough doubtless to preserve their kind. We have one year's supply of Indian corn; the rest has been used for Christian charity. However, the small amount which I have mentioned has been saved, because charity does not act blindly, and ought not to be so lavish, especially in saving bodies, as to leave nothing for our sustenance who must devote ourselves to the cultivation of the faith, and to securing the salvation of souls. But, though everything should fail, never, God helping us, shall courage, hope, and patience fail; for love can do all things, and endure [page 27] all things. This solemn assertion I can make as regards all the Fathers living here. Their hearts are ready for all things. They dread neither crosses, nor dangers, nor torture; in the sight of these they live, and in these they pray to die,—counting the state of this mission the more blessed, and the dignity of their own vocation the nobler, the nearer they see each his own cross before him, and himself upon it, whence no mortal could rescue them: whence only the will and command of God, who speaks to them through the voice of obedience, can withdraw them. We beg the love and blessing of your Paternity for us, your sons, in the heavenly places in Christ; for we are sons of the Cross,—oh, that we may die upon it ! This is the burden of our prayers, this our hope, this our joy, which no one shall take from us.

Your most Reverend Paternity's Most humble andobedient son,

Paul Ragueneau.

From the Residence of Sainte Marie,

in the Island of Saint Joseph, among the Hurons

In New France, March 13, 1650.

To our Very Reverend Father in Christ,

Vincent Caraffa,

General of the Society of Jesus, at Rome.

[page 29]

 

 

Journal of the Jesuit Fathers, in the year

1650.

JANUARY, 1650.

ST. The Hospital nuns sent a letter in the morning by Monsieur de St. Sauveur, to whom I gave a cake of candle-wax, a Crucifix, and A gerson,—as being the principal officer of our parish. The Hospital nuns sent 2 Capons in the morning.

The Ursulines sent greeting to us by Monsieur Vignar, and sent nothing else. I gave Monsieur Vignar a cake of candle-wax, and a bible which Mademoyselle Manse had given me.

To St. Martin a cake of candle-wax, a quire of paper, and two spiritual books.

Monsieur the governor sent a squad of soldiers to the end of the bridge, to salute us with a discharge of their arquebuses; and further, 6 flagons of wine, two of which were Spanish.

I sent New-year's gifts to all the domestics of the house,—to wit, a little reliquary of two sols: and, in addition, a book to gloria, and one to beaufour, an officer in the choir. We gave them savage shoes or mittens.

We began on Sunday,—the 1st Sunday of the month and the 2nd day of the year,—to go to benediction at the Hospital nuns', with the resolution to go alternis primis Dominicis Mensium to the religious houses, and pray to [page 31] God for all the needs of the country, through the benediction of the Blessed Sacrament, and Suitable prayers at the close.

We began to go to Beauport, every Sunday and feast-day, to say Mass,—the road being very good, and there being many priests there; And we held a mission there after Christmas, and in the following Months. Father richar had this charge.

A Cabin was erected in the Court of the hospital, for the savages; the warehouse furnished the boards, and, I believe, all the rest,—namely, the Nails and the rafters. It appeared at the start, however, that the Time of certain men was furnished by the Hospital nuns. We gave a Carpenter for two Days, and the fort two soldiers who were Carpenters. Upon occupying it, the cabin proved to be Useless, on account of the smoke.

FEBRUARY, 1650.

Upon the news of yroquois tracks, there was some excitement at Quebek, and a Council for precautions against this misfortune.

There were many moose taken this year both north and South of us—by the French as well as the savages.

Father lyonne, at Sillery, holds a Retreat for Madame de Monceaux.

Dispute concerning the entry of Mademoyselle the governor's wife at Sillery; regulated by a letter sent for this purpose to Sillery.

At Shrovetide, as in the former years, benediction at the parish church, at the End of [page 33] Vespers on Sunday; at the hospital on Monday, about 3 o'clock; and on Tuesday at the Ursulines', at the same hour. Those from Sillery can return, when this occurs at 3 o'clock. For benediction Utrobique, the miserere, Tantum ergo, and a motet by the nuns, instead of the laudate, etc.

Ash Wednesday, as last year; but we rang too soon. It is sufficient to ring the 1st bell at 7 o'clock; at 7½, low Mass; and, Immediately after, the blessing of the Ashes, and high mass.

MARCH.

Ash Wednesday was on the 2nd. Father Bressany preached on Wednesday and Friday, besides Sundays and feast-days, as last year,—id est. on Wednesday at the Ursulines', beginning with the 2nd Wednesday; and on Friday at the Hospital nuns', beginning with the 1st Friday.

Madame de Monceaux, having asked me permission to make a retreat at Shrovetide at the Hospital nuns', I granted it her, after having received in writing the opinion of the Superioress and of the whole Community, who desired it.

On St. Joseph's eve, there was a very cold bonfire,—that is to say, very simple, without fireworks or rockets. Monsieur the governor requested me, through his wife, to start the fire,—he being Indisposed . I did so, but with great repugnance. There was no singing, because it is to be supposed that the [page 37] benediction which has Immediately preceded—that is, about an hour before—compensates for that.

There were many messengers this year from 3 rivers hither, and from here to 3 rivers.

1650, APRIL.

Palm Sunday was on the tenth; all the services were held the same as last year. On Holy Thursday, exactly as last year, occurred the washing of feet at the hospital; there was, however, an omission this year, as well as in all the preceding years,—to wit, that no sufficient order was given that the Blessed Sacrament might not be left alone at the parish church throughout the afternoon. The Fathers might take an hour to go there and say their canonical hours,—at least, from four o'clock till 7.

On Friday the passion sermon began at half past 7,—a good hour; the rest, the same as last year.

On Saturday, we began the service at a ¼ past 7; and this is a very good hour, for several reasons: 1st, for having the Benefit of Monsieur de St. Sauveur, who must be present at the hospital service, and the parish bell must ring first; 2nd, so that our Fathers who desire to say mass, may say it more regularly,—for, the service thus ending about ½ past 9, one may then very naturally and regularly say several Masses, as at Nostre Dame in Paris. All other services occurred as last year.

I made several mistakes at the blessing of [page 37] the fonts, for not having previously read the missal against—relying on what I had practiced in the preceding years; but one should never trust to that.

On Easter Sunday, there were people as early as four o'clock, who occupied at least 4 Confessors until 9 o'clock. Father Bressany discoursed, as in the two preceding years; that appeared to me more appropriate than Ever, as taking the place of a sermon. There were four masses; but there should properly be 5. On that Day, there were two before high mass, and two afterward. We did not go on that Day to Beauport; and at Sillery we did not give the Communion . Benediction at 7 o'clock; supper was eaten a quarter of an hour earlier.

At this time I held two important Consultations, at which were present father Vimont, father Bressany, father de la place, and father richar.

The 1st, as to whether it was incumbent upon us to lodge and assign a location to the Hurons upon our lands at Beauport. It was decided that we should do so, but that these must be families most carefully selected; and that we must resolve to incur an expense of five hundred écus a year for this purpose.

At the 2nd, it was debated whether, having received six thousand livres from the Community for the building of our house at Quebek,—which sum appeared heavy to those who were now in office,—in order to abate this item, it would be proper to ask nothing from the Community for the building at three [page 39] rivers which we likewise desired to erect upon our lands,—although last year they had decreed in the Council to give us two thousand livres therefor, which, however, had not been received. It was decided that it would be better to erect this building at our own expense, for the aforesaid reason; and that we should not press the actual payment of the aforesaid 2 thousand livres.

On the 18th, the day after Easterly the return of father Druillettes, in good health.

On the 25th, St. Mark's Day, we made no procession, but we were satisfied with the litany after Vespers. About this Day, the little river St. Charles became open.

On the 27th, Fontarabie arrived from Montreal; I was at Sillery, where I was making a visitation, and I gave the 6th and last exhortation there.

On the 30th, Robert le Coq left for 3 rivers, with Martin grouvel's Shallop and some Canoes.

MAY.

On the 3rd, father lyonne left with the savages for the mission of Tadoussac and Gaspé.

On the 9th, at evening, our brother Jaques ratel arrived from 3 rivers. They brought word of the capture of an yroquois, who was telling much news.

On the 11th, we left for 3 rivers, after having heard of the first massacres—of two men—and plunder by the yroquois in these districts, committed on that very Day, about [page 41] 4 o'clock in the morning, at the settlement of Jaques Maheu. We came back to Quebek the next day, the 12th, on account of the bad weather; we left again on the 14th, and arrived at 3 rivers on the 19th, after having sojourned 4 Days at Cap a l'arbre. We were 3,—father Bressany, father André richar, and I. Father richar left on the day after our arrival, or two Days later, and arrived at Montreal on the same Day,—whence, on the next day, father DeQuen started, who came back with me from 3 rivers, to go to Tadousac.

During our sojourn at 3 rivers, there happened, 1st, the murder of Petit's man on our lands at Beauport, and the burial of his son Joseph. That occurred on the 13th; and, a little before, two savages were killed toward the river of Champlain, and two others wounded. Finally, came the news of the defeat of the Algonquin warriors, and the loss, by shipwreck, of the good Charles and of 12 others, coming back from Tadousac.

At 3 rivers, the business was transacted concerning the exchange of our Grant,—nearly five hundred Arpents, in order to make A Common or meadow of it,—for as much land above. If we had not done so, they would have constrained us to; and there had been loud threats of this on the part of the governor. The matter was Settled as it appears in the Deed. That was granted as it now stands, after several Consultations,—at which were present fathers Buteux, Bressany, DeQuen, Pierre Pijart, and bailloquet. [page 43]

On the 18th, father Druillettes set out, with Monsieur Bourdon, from Quebek.

JUNE, 1650.

Father Bressany, our brother feuville, robert le Coq,—with two domestics, Jean boyer and Charles Amyot,—and 2 5 or 30 French traders, and as many savages in 22 or 23 Canoes, left 3 rivers, escorted by two Shallops, on Tuesday in Whitsun-week, the 7th of June. We departed thence on the 10th, and were at Quebek on the 12th. The father started from Montreal on the 15th.

The order of the procession of the Blessed Sacrament was as follows- The Bells, the banner, the Cross, and two Boys beside it, with silver candlesticks and surplices (they must be notified early, so as to provide themselves with wreaths of flowers). Then came the savages, and the line of Boys and women, closed by Madame de Monceaux and Mademoyselle de Repentigny, who led them; the men followed, who were led by father duperon, in surplice and stole. (The savages came too late, which occasioned a little Confusion; we nevertheless proceeded.)

Then came the Torches, then the lay choristers; Monsieur de St. Sauveur with cope,—a Taper in his hand;—then Monsieur Vignar, also alone, with Chasuble; next father la place and father Vimon; then two Angels, each with a candlestick in one hand, and a little savage whom he led with the other,—each savage bearing a small taper. Then the [page 45] Deacon alone, in dalmatic, bearing The purse; next, two of our brethren with smoking Censers; then the canopy, borne by Monsieur de Tilly, Monsieur Godefroy of 3 rivers, Monsieur de Maure, and Jean Baptiste, who was very poorly clad,—to wit, in an old Blanket. On each side of the priest who bore the Blessed Sacrament, walked two of our brethren, in surplices and with tapers.

This order is very good, but it was certainly not observed quoad modum, for they marched on One another's heels. The trouble came 1st from the two brethren who bore the smoking censers; these went too fast, and did not take care to keep abreast of each other, et sic de aliis.

At the 1st temporary altar, we sang the dixit dominus in faux-bourdon, and domine salvum fac regem; at the Hospital nuns', 9 articles of the litany of the name of Jesus, and o salutaris hostia, the same at the Ursulines'.

We distributed the savages at several places.

At this same time, four Domestics of Monsieur du Herisson's, at 3 rivers, having escaped from his house, arrived opposite Cap rouge in two Canoes, in which they had Blankets, guns, etc. They pretended to come on some business; but, having slipped away in The night, they were not seen again.

On the 15th, at evening, arrived a Huron from 3 rivers, named Skandahietsi, who said that he was sent by the yroquois with [porcelain] collars to make peace with the French, [page 47] and that the collars were hidden at the little river near 3 rivers,—adding that he had hidden them for fear that the Algonquains should perceive them. He contradicted himself in several points, when questioned; in consequence, he was put in prison, and we sent for the Algonquains and Hurons, in order to know what was to be done in such a case. He was Judged worthy of death, he was accordingly baptized on the 20th, and named Louys, without as yet knowing whether he were to live or to die. The next day, the 21st, he was led to the Carcan by the executioner and the sergeant, and left to the will of the Hurons and Algonquains. A Huron, named henheonsa, gave him two blows with a Hatchet on his head, and killed him on the spot. He was buried by Madame the governor's wife and Madame de Monceaux; and another Huron, named Outarahon, made a long harangue to Justify the affair, and to guarantee that his nation would thoroughly approve all that was done.

On this same 21st, I made the Visitation at the hospital,—going thither to say mass, and talking in private with all the nuns. I did not go in, or see the Accounts,—having noticed that they had not much Inclination for this.

On this same 21st, father DeQuen started to go to Tadousac, in Martin gravel's bark; and, the next day, Monsieur Godefroy's bark sailed,—both to make fortunes in the way of navigation and Trade. I wrote to father Charles by this medium. [page 49]

On the 22nd, the first news from France came by a sailor from the vessel, of Captain Jammes, who was in the St. Sauveur which was lost last year,—wherefrom 32 persons escaped in three shallops, one of which arrived at l'Isbonne [Lisbon].

On the 23rd, they lit St. John's bonfire,—from which I excused myself, foreseeing that they would have me start the fire as usual, and not judging it proper to encourage this custom—which had not been practiced in the time of Monsieur de Montmagnì. Monsieur the governor was the one who started the fire; Father la place was present in surplice and Stole, with St. Martin to sing the Te Deum.

1650. JULY.

On the 5th, about 9 o'clock in the evening, arrived Buissot and father Lyonne; they brought the Chest of letters from France, and news of the approach of the 1st ship,—sent by Monsieur Rozee and Guenet,—which arrived on the 10th.

On the 11th, work was begun on the foundations of the Chapel.

On the 14th arrived the small vessel of Monsieur Giffar;

And, on the 28th, the Father Superior of the Hurons, with all his company; the narrative will be found in the relation and the Archives.

AUGUST.

On the 10th arrived the news of the capture or massacre of 9 Frenchmen, at 3 rivers, by the Yroquois. [page 51]

On the 12th, men started from Quebek to give assistance.

On the 11th, father Druillettes returned from Tadousak.

On the 15th, a solemn procession was made, the order of which is inserted here on a separate paper: the rest occurred as in The former years.

On the 22nd arrived the news of the death of Robert le coq, and of the wounding of several others by the yroquois near 3 rivers. We Announced at the refectory the suffrages for Robert, in these terms: is' All the Fathers will say 6 masses, and the brethren six Rosaries, for the late Robert le Coq, deceased in this country in the perpetual service of the Society;" and, the next day, the mass for him was said. He was killed on the 20th.

On the 23rd there sailed, by the small vessel of la Rochelle, father Pierre Pijart, father greslon, and father françois duperon; Sieur gendron, Joseph Boursier, alias desforges, Louys le boeme, and Louys Pinar and Michel.

On the last day of August arrived our brother liegeois, who brought us news of the last vessel, which was near. This vessel anchored before Quebek on the 8th of September.

At the feast of St. Augustine, the Ursulines observed the 40 hours, 4 Days before, and the hospital nuns 3 Days after, the feast; and on Sunday, which was the Day of St. Augustine, a procession was made, as usual, to the 2 religious houses.

SEPTEMBER, 1650.

On the first, father Druillettes left, with Jean Guerin, for the Abnaquiois; Noel was the Guide.

On the 8th arrived the last vessel, in which were the Young Monsieur d'Ailleboust, Mademoyselle Manse, etc.

On the 19th, at evening, was drowned Laval, Agent on the vessel of Captain Terrier.

On the 21st, Captain Terrier's vessel sailed from Quebek,—in which were father Lyonne, father bonin, and father Daran; our brethren Claude Joyer and Nicolas Noircler; Madame de Monceaux; and two of our pledged Domestics—bernar and rolan.

On the 29th, the Montreal bark sailed, in which was Mademoyselle Manse; and, the last day of September, the frigate, in which was Monsieur de la Poterie.

OCTOBER.

On the 15th the Hurons departed for the war.

On the 18th, Noel returned from the journey to the Abnaquiois, and brought us news and letters from father Druillettes, which will be found in the Archives.

On the same Day, the frigate returned from 3 rivers, in which was father bailloquet.

On the 22nd, father Charles Albanel set out for his journey, or wintering, with the savages; and he returned on the 22nd of April.

NOVEMBER. (Paul Ragueneau.)

On all souls' day, the last Ship sailed, called the Chasseur,—in which were the Reverend [page 55] Father Hierosme Lallemant, superior; Father Joseph Bressany and our brother Liegeois; Joseph Molere and Christophle Renant, domestici perpetui, cum spe ingrediendi in societatem. Monsieur de Tilly and Monsieur Godefroy were of the party, also Monsieur Bourdon.

Father Paul Ragueneau was left as Vice-superior.

On the same day, the bark for Montreal sailed, which conveyed Father Joseph Du Peron to Three Rivers.

On the 7th, I went to make the visitations at Cap tourmente, Beaupre, Beauport, and Cap rouge; and, again passing by Sillery, I went to the hill of Ste. Genevieve, and did not return to Quebec until the fifteenth. I heard about go general Confessions, etc. Father Poncet accompanied me, and Jean Caron.

On the 10th, Simon Guyon, Courville, and Lespiné start by canoe for the Seal-Hunt toward Tadoussac, according to the agreement by a contract of association with Monsieur de Tilly, Monsieur Buissot, and Monsieur Godefroy. This last has received orders to go to France, to obtain the right of this fishery or hunt for Seals at [blank space] from Messieurs of the Company; and to associate therein, as an eighth member, Monsieur Rozee. . . . Besides this scheme for the Seal-fishery, they intend to attract the Savages thither and thus carry on a good trade in Beavers; and to this end the aforesaid Courville, Lespiné, and Simon Guyon had made a voyage into the Sagné, in order to make [page 57] arrangements with the savages, and cast the hook for this trade. The said voyage took place In the month of October; and they brought back about 300 [blank space] Beavers.

On the 22nd, The bark which had been sent to Montreal to carry thither the eels, etc., not having been able to ascend above three Rivers, returned here to Quebec; like St. Pierre was beginning to free and the wind was not favorable for this voyage. This bark brought news of the capture of 7 Hurons of the band of Honda'kont, by the Annéesronnons, who had only three cashes, and were only 17 or 18 in number. These captured Hurons were Atieronhonk, Otrawahe,Etio'ton, Otrihore, Sa¸owendoiak, Tehonande'ton, and[blank space]. They were captured in sight of Montreal, and of ten Huron canoes, which took flight.

On the 22nd, I went to make a second visitation at cap rouge, etc., and returned on the 24th, with Father Poncet.

DECEMBER.

On the 6th, Armand and Tichionwamie start for Three Rivers, charged with Monsieur the Governor's orders for the fortification of the place, and for its defense against the Iroquois.

On the 8th, sister St. Dominique made her Profession at the Ursulines', celebrante Patre De Quen, concionante Patre Chastelain. Monsieur the Governor, Monsieur Menoil, Monsieur de St. Sauveur, and Monsieur Vignal [page 59] came to dine in our refectory,—Monsieur The Governor treating us.

On the 27th, sister de La Passion made her profession at the Hospital nuns', celebrante Patre Chaumonot, Me concionante et admittente vota. Monsieur de St. Sauveur and Monsieur Vignal came to dine in our refectory, the hospital Mothers having sent us the wherewithal.

On the 24th, Father Poncet said The first mass at the new church, et cam benedixit.

Father Poncet said the midnight mass at the new church, Father Mercier here, Father La Place at the hospital, Father Garreau at Martin Grouvel's and I at Monsieur Giffard's at Beauport; Monsieur de St. Sauveur at the hill of Ste. Genevieve.

On the 30th of December, about one or two his hours after midnight, fire caught in the bakery of the Ursuline Mothers, and their whole house was burned; and with difficulty could they escape, almost naked. Nothing of the furniture could be saved, except that of the sacristy. . The loss was estimated at forty thousand francs. The Hospital Mothers received them charitably, and we tried to assist them to the utmost of our power. The statement of this aid will be made and inserted hereinafter. It was by the general opinion of all our Fathers, that we decided that charity obliged us to give this assistance to these good mothers.

On the 2nd day of January, the Decision was made, unanimi omnium Patrum consensu [page 61] imo et fratrum, to deny ourselves our desserts, in order to aid therewith these good mothers, who have more need than we of these delicacies. [page 63]

LXXIV

RELATION OF 1649- 50

PARIS: SEBASTIEN ET GABRIEL CRAMOISY, 1651

SOURCE: In the body of the Relation, we follow Lenox Library's copy of the first issue (H. 95); the letter of the brother Superior, we obtain from the Lenox copy of the second issue (H. 96).

We give herewith chaps. i.- xii.; the remainder of the document will be published in Volume XXXVI.

RELATION

OF WHAT OCCURRED

in the Missions of the Fathers of the Society of JESUS, among the Hurons, and in the lower countries of New France, from the Summer of the year 1649, to the Summer of the year 1650.

 

Sent to

REV. FATHER CLAUDE DE LINGENDES,

Provincial of the Society of Jesus

in the Province of France.

 

By the Rev. Father Paul Ragueneau,

superior of the Missions of the So-

ciety. of Jesus in New FRance.

 

 

 

PARIS

	Sebastien cramoisy,
Print- ed by	Printer in ordinary to the King; and to the Queen Regent,	ruë St. Jac-ques, at the
	AND Gabriel Cramoisy.	sign of the Storks.

M. DC. LI.

BY ROYAL LICENSE.

 

Table of the Chapters contained in this Relation.
RELATION of what occurred in the Mission of the Fathers of the Society of JESUS among the Hurons, inhabitants of a country of New France, from the Summer of the year 1649 to the Summer of theyear 1650.		Page 1
Chap. 1.	Of the removal of the House of sainte Marie to the Island of saint Joseph.	4
II.	Of the Mission of saint Joseph.	9
III.	Of the capture and devastation of the Mission of St. Jean, by the Iroquois, and of the death of Father Charles Garnier, who was missionary there.	25
IV.	Of the death of Father Noel Chabanel.	55
V.	Of the mission of saint Matthias.	66
VI.	Of the mission of saint Charles.	73
VII.	Of the Mission of the holy Ghost.	78
VIII.	Of the devastation of the country of the Hurons, in the Spring of the year 1650.	80
IX.	Of the establishment of the Huron Colony at Kebec.	97
X.	Of the Church of St. Joseph at Sillery	105
XI.	Of the Savages at Three rivers, and the Attiramegues.	120
XII.	Of the Mission of the holy Cross at Tadoussac.	142
XIII.	Of the arrival of a Hiroquois in France, and of his death.	154
Letter of Father Hierosme Lallemant to Reverend Father Claude de Lingendes, Provincial of the Society of Jesus in the Province of France.		172
Letter of the Reverend Mother Superior of the Hospital of Mercy at Kebec, in New France, to Monsieur N., a Citizen of Paris.		178

[1] Relation of what occurred in the Mission of the

Fathers of the Society of JESUS among the

Hurons, inhabitants of a country of New

France, from the Summer of the-year 1649

to the Summer of the year 1650.

To Reverend Father Claude De Lingendes, Provincial of the

Society of Jesus in the Province of France.

Y REVEREND FATHER,

PAX CHRISTI.

It is no longer from the country of the Hurons that I send to your Reverence the Relation of what has happened therein. The poor infant Church—[2] which was seen, a year ago, bathed in its own blood, trodden down by the cruelty of the Iroquois, the enemies of God's name and of the gaits—has since then under gone yet greater sufferings. She larger number of our good Neophytes, with some of their Pastors, have followed through fire and flame the steps of their predecessors, and now bear them company in Heaven. A terrible famine, prevalent everywhere, has wrought desolation. We count over three thousand baptized during the last year; but the dead outnumber those who survive the ruin of their native Land. Reduced thus to extremity, we found ourselves at last compelled to relinquish a position that was no longer tenable, that we might, at least, save those who remained. It was on the tenth day of last June that we toots our departure from this land of Promise, which was to us a Paradise, and in which death would have been to us a thousand times more sweet than life will be in any place where we could dwell But we must follow God, and must love his leanings, however opposed they may seem to our wishes, our holiest hopes or the tenderest longings of our hearts. In a word, we have come down to Kebec, together with [3] some Christian families of the poor Savages who have followed us in our retreat,—and with whom, if it please Our Lord to bless their purposes and ours, we shall endeavor, undercover of our French fort, to form a Huron Colony. Your Reverence will find all the details in this Relation that I send you, beseeching you to obtain for us the prayers of all who have any love for these peoples. We stand in greater Need of them than ever.

My Reverend Father,

From Kebec, this first

day of September, 1650.

Your very humble and obedient

Servant and subject in Our Lord,

Paul Ragueneau.

[4] CHAPTER I.

OF THE REMOVAL OF THE HOUSE OF SAINTE MARIE TO THE ISLAND OF ST. JOSEPH.

N consequence of the bloody victories obtained by the Iroquois over our Hurons at the commencement of the Spring of last year, 1649, and of the more than inhuman acts of barbarity practiced toward their prisoners of war, and the cruel torments pitilessly inflicted on Father Jean de Brebeuf and Father: Gabriel Lallemant, Pastors of this truly suffering Church,—terror having fallen upon the neighboring villages, which were dreading a similar misfortune,—all the inhabitants dispersed. These poor, distressed people forsook their lands, houses, and villages, and all that in the world was dearest to them, in order to escape the cruelty of an enemy whom they feared more than a thousand deaths, and more than all that remained before their eyes,—calculated as that was to strike terror into hearts already wretched. Many, [5] no longer expecting humanity from man, flung themselves into the deepest recesses of the forest, where, though it were with the wild beasts, they might find peace. Others took refuge upon some frightful rocks that lay in the midst of a great Lake nearly four hundred leagues in circumference,—choosing rather to find death in the waters, or from the cliffs, than by the fires of the Iroquois. A goodly number having cast in their lot with the people of the Neutral Nation, and with those living on the [page 79] Mountain heights, whom we call the Tobacco Nation,{23} the most prominent of those who remained invited us to join them, rather than to fee so far away,—trusting that God would espouse their cause when it should have become our own, and would be mindful of their protection, provided they took care to serve him. With this in viewer they promised us that they would all become Christians, and be true to the faith till the death came which they saw prepared on every side for their destruction.

This was exactly what God was requiring of us,—that, in times of dire distress, we should flee with the fleeing, accompanying them everywhere, whithersoever their faith should follow them; and that [6] we should lose sight of none of these Christians, although it might be expedient to detain the bulk of our forces wherever the main body of fugitives might decide to settle down. This was the conclusion we came to, after having commended the matter to God.

We told off certain of our Fathers, to make some itinerant Missions,—some, in a small bark canoe, for voyaging along the coasts, and visiting the more distant islands of the great Lake, at sixty, eighty, and a hundred leagues from us; others to journey by land, making their way through forest-depths, and scaling the summits of mountains. Go which way we might, since God was our guide, our defense, our hope, and our all, what was there to fear for US?

But on each of us lay the necessity of bidding fare. well to that old home of sainte Marie—to its structures, which, though plain, seemed, to the eyes of our poor Savages, master-works of art; and to its cultivated lands, which were promising us an abundant harvest. That spot must be forsaken, which I may [page 83] [7] call our second Fatherland, our home of innocent delights, since it had been the cradle of this Christian church; since it was the temple of God, and the home of the servants of Jesus Christ. Moreover, for fear that our enemies, only too wicked, should profane the sacred place, and derive from it an advantage, we ourselves set fire to it, and beheld burn before our eyes, in less than one hour, our work of nine or ten years.

It was between five and six o'clock, on the evening of the fourteenth of June, that a part of our number embarked in a small vessel we had built. I, in company with most of the others, trusted myself to some logs, fifty or sixty feet in length, which we had felled in the woods, and dragged into the water, binding all together, in order to fashion for ourselves a sort of raft that should float on that faithless element,—just as, in former days, we had seen in France floating timbers transported down the streams. We voyaged all night upon our great Lake, by dint of arms and oars; and, the weather being favorable, we landed without mishap, after [8] a few days upon an island, where the Hurons were awaiting us, and which was the spot we had fixed upon for a general reunion, that we might make of it a Christian island.

God, doubtless, led us on this journey; for, even while we coasted along those deserted lands, the enemy was in the field, and on the following day delivered his blow upon some Christian families whom he surprised, during their sleep, along the road which we had followed; some were massacred upon the spot, others led away captive.

The Hurons who were awaiting us on that Island, called the Island of Saint Joseph, had sown there their [page 83] Indian corn; but the Summer drouths had been so excessive that they lost hope of their harvest, unless Heaven should afford them some favoring showers. On our arrival, they besought us to obtain this favor for them; and our prayers were granted that very day, although previously there had been no appearance of rain.

These grand forests, which, since the Creation of the world, had not been felled by the hand of any man, [9] received us as guests; while the ground furnished to us, without digging, the stone and cement we needed for fortifying ourselves against our enemies. In consequence, thank God, we found ourselves very well protected, having built a small fort according to military rules, which, therefore, could be easily defended, and would fear neither the fire, the undermining, nor the escalade of the Iroquois.

Moreover, we set to work to fortify the village of the Hurons, which was adjacent to our place of abode. We erected for them bastions, which defended its approaches,—intending to put at their disposal the strength, the arms, and the courage of our Frenchmen. These would most willingly have hazarded their lives in a defense so reasonable and so Christian,—the village being truly Christian, and the foundation of the Christian church that is dispersed throughout these regions. [page 85]

CHAPTER II.

OF THE MISSION OF SAINT JOSEPH.

HIS Island, to which we had transferred the house of Sainte Marie, [10] being called by the name of Saint Joseph, Patron of these Regions, the Savages who had removed there constituted the Mission bearing the same name. The Huron village comprised over a hundred cabins, one of which might contain eight or ten families,—making, say, sixty or eighty persons. Besides this village, in the Country, here and there, were a few more distant cabins, all of which have provided work for the Fathers who have had charge of this Mission, on which God has poured out his blessings in proportion to the Crosses which he has sent it.

The famine here has been very severe. Not that the lands which had been sown would not have returned with interest what we desired—indeed, more than a hundredfold—that which had been entrusted to them; but for the reason that there was hardly one family in ten which had been able to apply itself to the labor needed to cultivate a field of Indian corn in a place which, when they came to it, was but a thick forest, unprepared in any way for tillage. The greater number of these poor people, exiles in their own country, had passed the whole Summer, a part also of [11] the Autumn, living in the woods on roots and wild fruits; or taking, here and there, in the Lakes or Rivers, a few small fish [page 87] which aided rather in postponing for a little time their death, than in satisfying the needs of life Winter having set in, covering the ground with three or four feet of snow, and freezing all the Lakes and Rivers, that entire multitude of people who had crowded near us found themselves in immediate need, and in the extremity of misery, not having laid in, nor being able to store, any provisions

Then it was that we were compelled to behold dying skeletons eking out a miserable Life, feeding even on the excrements and refuse of nature. The acorn was to them, for the most part, what the choicest viands are in France. Even carrion dug up, the remains of Foxes and Dogs, excited no horror; and they even devoured one another, but this in secret; for although the Hurons, ere the faith had given them more light than they possessed in infidelity, would not have considered that they committed any sin in eating their enemies, any more than in killing them, [12] yet I can truly say that they regard with no less horror the eating of their fellow-countrymen than would be felt in France at eating human flesh. But necessity had no longer law; and famished teeth ceased to discern the nature of that they ate. Mothers fed upon their children; brothers on their brothers; while children recognized no longer, in a corpse, him whom, while he lived, they had called their Father.

We endeavored to relieve these miseries, in part; but, although our alms exceeded, perhaps, what Prudence asked of us, still—the calamity being so widespread, and it being impossible for us to assist all equally—we were compelled to be witnesses of some of these horrifying spectacles. [page 89]

Those who were totally without means to guard against the famine were attacked by a contagious malady, which carried off a great number of them, especially of the children.

The War had already made its ravages, not only in the devastation which occurred [13] in the preceding Winter, but in the number of massacres which happened all through the Summer, on in the vicinity of this Island; poverty comb; numbers of families to go thither, to seek deathly much as life, in the open country given over to the fury of the enemy. But, that nothing might be lacking in the miseries of an afflicted people, all the days and nights of Winter were but nights of horror, passed in constant fear and expectation of a hostile party of Iroquois, of whom tidings had been received; these (it was said) were to come to us to sweep this Island, and to exterminate, with us, the remnants of a nation drawing to its end. Here is an aspect of the matter calamitous indeed; but it was in the midst of these desolations that God was pleased to bring forth, from their deepest misfortunes, the well-being of this people. Their hearts had become so tractable to the faith that we effected in them, by a single word, more than we had ever been able to accomplish z entire years. These poor people, dying of hunger, came of their own accord to see us, and besought of us Baptism,—[14] consoling themselves with hopes of Paradise, which they beheld as near to them as was the death itself which they carried in their bosoms.

One mother was visited, who had but her two breasts, and these dry and without milk,—which, nevertheless, were the sole offering she had been [page 91] able to make to three or four infants, who wept as they were pressed to her bosom. She beheld them die in her arms, one after another, and had not even the strength to cast them into the grave. She expired under this burden; but with her dying breath she said: " Yes, My God, you are the lords of our lives; we shall die, since you; will it, but how good it is, that we should die Christians. I would have been damned, and my children with me, had we not died in affliction They have received holy Baptism; and I firmly believe that, being companions in death, we shall rise all together."

Another mother, perceiving that she would be the first to die, left—with the same peace as if she were falling into a sweet slumber—upon her bosom two poor orphans, who continued to suck from her after her death, and who died upon their mother [15] ad quietly as formerly they had slept there, when they drew from her both milk and life.

Many, when dying, commended their souls to God; others bade their children think only of him, since he, and no other, would be their Father through eternity. Some, having sold for a meal of acorns, boiled in water, the single possession which remained to them of all their goods,—and which they bid reserved in order that they might not die in as naked a condition as they had issued from the wombs of their mothers,—finding themselves thus despoiled, said to God, while awaiting the death that was at hand: " Yes, my God, I have nothing more on earth, and my heart cannot be attached to it. I await with joy the death which formerly I so much dreaded; but it is in the hope which your faith affords me, that I [page 93] shall be all the happier in Heaven because I now die in misery."

These poor dying people blessed us, even while confronting their miseries; for there was not one of them who had not received from us more love, and more helpful charity, [16] than they had experienced from even their nearest relatives. For this reason they looked on us only with eyes of love, as upon their Fathers; and, being made recipients of bier charities during life, they were well assured that these would be extended to them even after death. For some of our Fathers, and of the Frenchmen who were with us, had charged themselves with the care which no one else—not even the nearest relatives of the dead—would undertake, of laying out, and burying these poor people,—forsaken indeed by their fellow-men, but whom we could call the beloved of God, since they are now his children, however barbarous and wretched they may have been. Ecce quomodo computati sunt inter filios Die, et inter sanctos sors illorum est.

There were some of these poor Christians who; perceiving that a wretched death was near, sent for us in their miseries. " Ah!" they said to us, "I entreat thee, my brother, bury me now, at once; for my life is over, and thou seest plainly that I am numbered among the dead. Now, what I fear is this, that, if I should die before being buried, other poor people, as destitute as I am, may rob me [17] of these rags that cover my nakedness, to put upon themselves. It will be a consolation to me, on going down to the grave, to know that, after death, my body will not suffer that humiliation, of which I have [page 95] had a horror all my life." Scenes like these drew tears from our eyes.

I must confess that but for us, this mortality would have been very much greater; for many have remained alive only through the assistance which we rendered them; the hand of God, truly that of a father over us, chose to preserve us that we might lead to Heaven the remnant of this dying people. For it was this divine Providence which, by methods full of love (I may call them miraculous), not only supplied to us during this time of general misery, the means for our own subsistence, but gave to us the ability to benefit all, to render ourselves masters of men's hearts, and to gain their affections, that we might win them, one and all, to Jesus Christ. It was this which they themselves extolled,—adoring, at the same time, the almighty power of God and his love toward us, and, therefore, [18] toward themselves, perceiving clearly that we lived but for them alone.

All Winter, having employed the day, some of us in the care of souls, others in works of charity, the night afforded some respite to our labors,—as much, at least, as was needed to prevent our succumbing to the fatigues of the day; but not as much as nature herself would have taken with a guileless pleasure. For, to say the truth, our sleep was but a half-sleep: whatever the cold, whatever the snow, whatever winds might blow, sentinels kept watch all night long, exposed to every severity of weather in the never-ending rounds which formed their duty; the others, who during this time were taking their allotment of repose, were the while under arms, as if awaiting battle.

Our assiduous care for them captivated the hearts [page 97] of these poor Savages, who every day, morning and night, filled our Church that they might there render homage to God. There the Sacraments were resorted to with great devoutness; the Feast-days and Sundays were sanctified by the Piety of the people, [19] and by public preachings. The boys had their day in the week, and the girls their separate day, for learning the Catechism.

But the heaviest part of our work lay in visiting the cabins for the purpose of consoling the afflicted, assisting the poor, aiding the sick, preparing for death those who were nearest to it, strengthening in the faith the Christians and catechumens, and winning unbelievers to Jesus Christ.

Our Fathers, in making these visits, considered the poverty of each person; and, according as they deemed it advisable to aid the most pressing necessities, they made use of a kind of coin which they went about distributing among these poor people; it was a little piece of copper, stamped for this purpose. All who had received it as an alms stood at our door, about Midday, and presented their small coin. To some was given a certain quantity of acorns, which they cooked,—first boiling them in a lye made from ashes, in order to take from them their excessive [20] bitterness. We distributed to others a small portion of smoked fish, which they cooked in water, and on it kept themselves alive. The more favored among them deceived a little Indian meal, boiled in water.

Before the snow had covered the ground, we had bought five or six hundred bushels of acorns, and had despatched several canoes to procure among the Algonquin Nations, sixty, eighty, or a hundred leagues away, this supply of fish. The little corn [page 99] we had was the produce of Huron industry in times of prosperity. Unde exeunt flumina revertuntur. It was for them, as for ourselves, that God had provided, in due season, this manna from Heaven,—for so I term what was the greatest wealth we possessed, which, in France, I would have called great poverty and misery. Nature contents herself with little; and, whencesoever gratifications are excluded, great cares also are banished, and men are relieved from many strong desires,—little in keeping with a life which, after all, [21 cannot be immortal.

Many persons have begged us to acquaint them with the order that is followed in the instruction of our Savages, and the course of our occupations during the day. As these employments make no display, and have no spectators, save those whom people are wont to term the offscourings of the earth, or the refuse of the world, the reply that I make to this inquiry can contain in it nothing remarkable. Those, however, who do not regard as trifles things that concern the salvation of souls, since they wish me to go into particulars,—and since it is for them, and persons like them, that I am writing,—let them know that, having reserved to ourselves two or three hours of the night for intercourse with God, before occupying ourselves with our fellow-creatures, at daylight the Christians were wont to assemble in the Church, where we reserved for them a few Masses. The prayers were said aloud, for the reason that, otherwise, many who were newly converted to the faith would not be able to learn them so readily. One of our Fathers presided at this devotion, and all the Savages followed him,—repeating, without [22] haste, the same words. The prayer ended, we gave [page 101] a short instruction to the whole assembly,—sometimes explaining to them some one of our mysteries; at other times, that we might strengthen them in the faith, deducing from it such motives of action as seemed to us more within the grasp of their minds. Oftentimes, we exhorted them to something practical, with a view to their passing holily the day,—whether it were by urging them to offer to God their labors, their pains, and their sufferings; or by giving them some ejaculatory Prayer that should be their support, and the life of all their work; or by teaching them the means of resisting temptation, and how, if through misfortune they had yielded to it, they should betake themselves to God, and ask his pardon; or, in fine, by inciting them to love of him, and to desires of eternal life.

This instruction ended, and made as short as possible, the first comers withdrew; others remained, in order to receive instruction also, having first joined in the public prayers, like those who had preceded them. The Chapel was filled, [23] thus, ten or a dozen times a morning. Meanwhile, others of the Fathers heard confessions, and, in accordance with the special needs of each one, gave them various advice. Often, in the course of a morning, a single Father would say an appropriate word to fifty or sixty persons. The longest discourses are not always those that sink most deeply into the heart..

At nine o'clock, the door of the Church was shut and it was then that our Fathers went to the cabins to make their visitations, continuing these till about two hours before night. For then, following the example of the morning, we rang the bell to recall the Christians to public prayer, the Church being [page 103] filled and emptied at least ten or twelve times. It was then, too, that many of these good Neophytes gave in their account of the day, as those who had charge of each one detained them at the door for that purpose,—sometimes one, sometimes another, to learn, in a word, how often, throughout the day, they had thought upon God; in what they had been the most true to him; if they had offered to him their labor, their [24] hunger, their misery; H they had not committed some fault. Such questions were answered with a frankness that showed nothing of the barbarous, and—which is an infallible indication of the spirit of God—with the simplicity of a child. The night always came upon us sooner than we desired; nevertheless, it was welcomed by us with pleasure, for it alone afforded us the leisure for going back to God,—if, indeed, they can depart from him, who never speak but of him or act but for him, and who live in him, in the earnest expectation of never dying but for his sake.

Such were our employments in the midst of that barbarism become Christian. It was thus that God proceeded to prepare this people for Heaven, perceiving them to be near to their destruction. This we shall see in the Chapters which follow. [page 105]

[25] CHAPTER III.

OF THE CAPTURE AND DEVASTATION OF THE MISSION OF SAINT JEAN, BY THE IROQUOIS; AND OF THE DEATH OF FATHER CHARLES GARNIER, WHO WAS MISSIONARY THERE.

N the Mountains, the people of which we name the Tobacco Nation, we have had, for some years past, two Missions; in each were two of our Fathers. The one nearest to the enemy was that which bore the name of Saint Jean; its principal village, called by the same name, contained about five or six hundred families. It was a field watered by the sweat of one of the most excellent Missionaries who had dwelt in these regions, Father Charles Garnier,—who was also to water it with his blood, since there both he and his flock have met death, he himself leading them even unto Paradise. The day approaching in which God would make a Church triumphant of that which, up to that time, [26] had always been in warfare, and which could bear the name of a Church truly suffering, we received intelligence of it, toward the close of the month of November, from two Christian Hurons, escaped front a band of about three hundred Iroquois, who told us that the enemy was still irresolute as to what measures he would take,—whether against the Tobacco Nation, or against the Island on which we were. Thereupon, we kept ourselves in a state of defense, and detained our Hurons, who had purposed taking [page 107] the field to meet that enemy. At the same time, we caused the tidings to be speedily conveyed to the people of the Tobacco Nation, who received it with joy, regarding that hostile band as already conquered, and as occasion for their triumph. They resolutely awaited them for some days; then, wearying because victory was so slowly coming to them, they desired to go to meet it,—at least, the inhabitants of the village of Saint Jean, men of enterprise and valor. They hastened their attack, fearing lest the Iroquois should escape them, and desiring [27] to surprise the latter while they were still on the road. They set out on the fifth day of the month of December, directing their route toward the place where the enemy was expected. But the latter, having taken a roundabout way, was not met; and, to crown our misfortunes, the enemy, as they approached the village, seized upon a man and woman who had just come out of it. They learned from these two captives the condition of the place, and ascertained that it was destitute of the better part of its people. Losing no time, they quickened their pace that they might lay waste everything, opportunity so greatly favoring them.

It was on the seventh day of the month of last December, in the year 1649, toward three o'clock in the afternoon, that this band of Iroquois appeared at the gates of the village, spreading immediate dismay, and striking terror into all those poor people,—bereft of their strength, and finding themselves vanquished when they thought to be themselves the conquerors. Some took to flight; others were slain on the spot. To many, the flames, which were already consuming some of their cabins, gave the first intelligence of [page 109] the disaster. Many were taken prisoners; but [28] the victorious enemy, fearing the return of the warriors who had gone to meet them, hastened their retreat so precipitately, that they put to death all the old men and children, and all whom they deemed unable to keep up with them in their flight.

It was a scene of incredible cruelty. The enemy snatched from a Mother her infants, that they might. be thrown into the fire; other children beheld tick Mothers beaten to death at their feet or groaning in the flames,—permission, in either case, being denied them to show the least compassion. It was a crime to shed a tear, these barbarians demanding that their prisoners should go into captivity as if they were marching to their triumph. A poor Christian Mother, who wept for the death of her infant, was killed on the spot, because she still loved, and could not stifle soon enough her Natural feelings.

Father Charles Garnier was, at that time, the only one of our Fathers in that Mission. When the enemy appeared, he was just then occupied with instructing the people in the cabins which he was visiting. At the noise of the alarm, he went out, [29] going straight to the Church, where he found some Christians. " we are dead men, my brothers," he said to them. "Pray to God, and flee by whatever way you may be able to escape. Bear about with you your faith through what of life remains; and may death find you with God in mind." He gave them his blessing, then left hurriedly, to go to the help of souls. A prey to despair, not one dreamed of defense. Several found a favorable exit for their flight; they implored the Father to flee with them, but the bonds of Charity restrained him. All [page 111] unmindful of himself, he thought only of the salvation of his neighbor. Borne on by his zeal, he hastened everywhere,—either to give absolution to the Christians whom he met, or to seek, in the burning cabins, the children, the sick, or the catechumens, over whom, in the midst of the flames, he poured the waters of Holy Baptism, his own heart burning with no other fire than the love of God.

It was while thus engaged in Holy work that he was encountered by the death which he had looked in the face without fearing it, or receding from it [30] a single step. A bullet from a musket struck him, penetrating a little below the breast; another, from the same volley, tore open his stomach, lodging in the thigh, and bringing him to the ground. His courage, however, was unabated. The barbarian who had fired the shot stripped him of his cassock, and left him, weltering in his blood, to pursue the other fugitives.

This good Father, a very short time after, was seen to clasp his hands, offering some prayer; then, looking about him, he perceived, at a distance of ten or twelve paces, a poor dying Man,—who, like himself, had received the stroke of death, but had still some remains of life. Love of God, and zeal for Souls, were even stronger than death. Murmuring a few words of prayer, he struggled to his knees, and rising with difficulty, dragged himself as best he might toward the sufferer, in order to assist him it dying well. He had made but three or four steps when he fell again, somewhat heavily. Raising himself for the second time, he got, once more, upon his knees and strove to continue on his way; but he body, drained [31] of its blood, which was flowing in [page 113] abundance from his wounds, had not the strength of his courage. For the third time he fell, having proceeded but five or six steps. Further than this, we have not been able to ascertain what he accomplished,—the good Christian woman who faithfully related all this to us having seen no more of him, being herself overtaken by an Iroquois, who struck her on the head with a war-hatchet, felling her upon the spot, though she afterward escaped. The Father shortly after, received from a hatchet two blows upon the temples, one on either side, which penetrated to the brain. To him it was the recompense for all past services, the richest he had hoped for from God's goodness. His body was stripped, and left, entirely naked, where it lay.

Two of our Fathers, who were in the nearest neighboring Mission, received a remnant of these poor fugitive Christians, who arrived all out of breath, many of them all covered with their own blood. The night was one of continual alarm, owing to the fear, which had seized all, of a similar misfortune. Toward the break [32] of day, it was ascertained from certain spies that the enemy had retired. The two Fathers at once set out, that they might themselves look upon a spectacle most sad indeed, butt nevertheless acceptable to God. They found only dead bodies heaped together, and the remains of poor Christians,—some who were almost consumed in the pitiable remains of the still burning village; others deluged with their own blood; and a few who yet showed some signs of life, but were all covered with wounds,—looking only for death, and blessing God in their wretchedness. At length, in the midst of that desolated village, they descried the body they [page 115] had come to seek; but so little cognizable was it, being completely covered with its blood, and the ashes of the fire, that they passed it by. Some Christian Savages, however, recognized their Father, who had died for love of them. They buried him in the same spot on which their Church had stood, although there remained no longer any vestige of it, the fire having consumed all.

The poverty of that burial was; sublimed sanctity no [33] less so. The two good Fathers divested themselves of part of their apparel, to cut therewith the dead; they could do no more, unless it were to return entirely unclothed.

It was truly a rich treasure to deposit in so desolate a spot, the body of so noble a servant of God; but that great God will surely find a way to reunite us all in Heaven, since it is for his sake alone that we are thus scattered, both during life and after death.

Dread lest the enemy, having made but a show of departure, might retrace his steps, constrained all that escort of love to set out again that same day, and, without losing time, to return, as speedily as possible, to the place whence they had departed,—without food or drink; by roads difficult of passage; and at a most fatiguing season, as the snow had already covered the ground.

Two days after the taking and burning of the village, its inhabitants returned,—who, having discovered the change of plan which had led the enemy to take another route, had had their suspicions of the misfortune that had happened. But now they beheld it with their own eyes; and at the sight of the [34} ashes, and the dead bodies of their relatives, their wives, and their children, they maintained for half [page 117] the day a profound silence,—seated, after the manner of savages, upon the ground, without lifting their eyes, or uttering even a sigh,—like marble statues, without speech, without sight, and without motion. For it is thus that the Savages mourn,—at least, the men and the warriors,—tears, cries, and lamentations befitting, so they say, the worsen.

The loss of the Pastor and of hi flock has been to us a heavy blow; but in both it becomes us to love and adore the Divine hand that guides us and is over our Churches, and to dispose ourselves to accept all that he wills, until the end.

Father Charles Garnier was born in Paris, in the year 1605, and entered our Society in 1624; he was thus but little over 44 years of age on the 7th of December, 1649,—the day on which he died in labors which were truly Apostolic, and in which he had lived since the year 1636, when he left France and went up to the country of the Hurons.

[35] From his infancy, he entertained the most tender sentiments of piety, and, in particular, a filial love toward the most holy Virgin, whom he called his Mother. " It it she," he would say, " who * carried me in her arms through all my youth, and has placed me in the Society of her Son." He hi made a vow to uphold, until death, her Immaculate Conception. He died on the eve of that august Festival, that he might go to solemnize it yet more gloriously in Heaven.

From the time of his Novitiate, he seemed an Angel, his humility being so uncommon that he was held before all others as a mirror of sanctity. He had experienced the greatest difficulties in obtaining permission from his father to enter our Society; but [page 119] these were very much enhanced when, ten years after that first separation, it became necessary to reconcile the father to a second, of a still more painful kind. This was his departure from France, to go into these Missions at the end of the world,—our Superiors having expressed their wish that his Father should yield consent to this, on account of peculiar obligations which our Society was under to him. His voyage was thus delayed, [36] an entire year; but this only served to fan the flame of his desires. Day and night he thought only of the conversion of the Savages, and of devoting to them his life, to its latest breath. It pleased God, from that time, to visit him with presentiments of the death which has befallen him,—but presentiments so inspiring, so peaceful, so delightful, that I can say that thenceforward he was dead to the world, and the world was to him as some lifeless carcass, for which one feels only horror and disgust. It required, then, a whole year to contend with all the struggles of nature in the mind of his good father, who could not hear of so cruel a separation. He employed therein friends, tears, prayers, and continual mortifications At length, he succeeded in obtaining this great boon from Heaven, and with so much joy in his heart, that he looked upon that day as the happiest of his entire life.

While crossing the sea, he made some remarkable conversions on shipboard. Among others, he was informed that belonging to the crew was a man without conscience, without Religion, and without God. This man avoided every one, and all avoided him; [37] it was over ten years since he had confessed. The Father, carried away by his usual zeal, took in [page 121] hand that gloomy temper and that hopeless man; and, after a thousand evidences of love,—exhibited in all manner of attentions, instructions, and good of fines,—succeeded at last in winning him. He induced this man to make a general confession, and brought him into so great a peace, and joy of conscience, that all wondered, and were touched by it.

As soon as he came among the Hurons, we had in him an indefatigable worker, replete with every gift of Nature and of Grace that could make an accomplished Missionary. He had mastered the language of the Savages so thoroughly that they themselves were astonished at him. He worked his way so far into their hearts, and with such a power of eloquence, as to carry them away with him. His face, his eyes,—even his laugh, and every movement of his body,—preached sanctity. His heart spike yet louder than his words and made itself heard, even in his silence. I know of several who were converted to God by the mere aspect of his countenance, which was truly [38] Angelic, and which imparted a spirit of devotion, and Chaste impressions, to those approaching him,—whether he were at prayer, of seemed to be communing with himself, collecting his thoughts, after some activity in behalf of his neighbor; or whether he spoke of God; or it might be, even, when Charity had engaged him in discourse of a different character, which afforded some relaxation to his mind. The love of God which reigned in his heart gave life to all his movements, and made them heavenly.

His virtues were heroic, nor was there lacking in him one of those which go to make up the greatest Saints. A perfect obedience capable of doing [page 123] everything, and prepared to do nothing if so his Superior willed it. A Humility so profound that, although eminent in every respect, not only did he regard himself as the most unworthy in this Mission, but it was his conviction that God was terribly punishing his unfaithfulness, when he perceived that any one thought highly of him. That, to him, was one of the keenest sufferings that could befall him; and I know that oftentimes, on such occasions, that he might give to these same persons a low opinion of him, he made known to them his failings, and [39] whatever would produce in him a greater loathing of himself,—believing that, in consequence, he would se held in abhorrence.

His prayers were so full of reverence for the presence of God, and so peaceful in the hush of all his own powers, that he scarcely seemed to suffer the least distraction, though engaged in occupational most apt to dissipate his thoughts. His Prayers, from the outset, were but a series of colloquies, devout emotions, and acts of love; and this ardor grew even more intense until the close.

His mortification was equal to his love. He soughed it night and day: always lay on the bare ground, and bore constantly upon his body some portion of that Cross which during life he held most dear, and on which it was his desire to die. Every time that he returned from his Mission rounds he never failed A to sharpen freshly the iron points of a girdle all covered with spur-rowels, which he ware next to his skin. In addition to this, he would very often use a discipline of wire, armed, besides, with sharpened points. His daily fare differed in no way from that of the Savages,—that is to say, it was the scantiest [page 125] that a miserable beggar would expect in France. [40] During that last year of famine, acorns and bitter roots were, to him, delicacies,—not that he was insensible to their bitterness, but that love gave a relish to them. And yet he had ever been the cherished child of a rich and noble hoarse, and the object of all a Father's endearments,—brought up, from the cradle, on other foods than those of Saline. But so far was he from regarding himself as wretched in this great surrender of everything, where he was; or from wishing to say, in the words of the Prodigal son, Quanti Mercenary in domo Patris mei abundant panibus, ego autem hîc fame pereo, that, on the contrary, he esteemed himself happy in suffering all things for God.

In his latest letters, addressed to me three days before his death, in response to a request which I made to him touching the state of his health,—asking if it would not be right that he should quit for a time his Mission, in order to come once more to see us, and recruit a little his strength,—he answered me by urging, at great length, many reasons which disposed him to remain in his Mission, but reasons which gathered their force only from the spirit of charity and [41] truly Apostolic zeal with which he was filled. " It is true," he added, " that I suffer something in regard to hunger, but that is not to death; and, thank God, my body and my spirit keep up in all their vigor. I am not alarmed on that side; but what I should fear more would be that, in leaving my flock in the time of their calamities, and in the terrors of war,—in a time when they need me more than ever,—I would fail to use the opportunities which God gives me of losing myself for him, [page 127] and so render myself unworthy of his favors. I take only too much care of myself," added he; " and if I saw that my powers were failing me, I should not fail, since your Reverence bids me, to come to you; for I am at all times ready to leave everything, to die, in the spirit of obedience, where God wills< but otherwise, I will never come down from the Cross on which his goodness has placed me."

These great aspirations after sanctity had grow with him from his infancy. For myself, having known him for more than twelve years,—in which he opened to me all [42] his heart, as he did to God himself,—I can truly say that, in all those years, I do not think that, save in sleep, he has Splint a single hour without these burning and vehement desires of progressing more and more in the ways of God, and of helping forward in them his fellow-creatures. Outside of these considerations, nothing in the world affected him,—neither relatives, nor friends, nor rest, nor consolation, nor hardships, nor fatigues. God was his all; and, apart from him, all else was to him as nothing.

He took some sick people, and carried them on his shoulders for one or two leagues, in order to gain their hearts and to secure the opportunity to baptize them. He accomplished some ten or twenty leagues during the most excessive heat of Summer, along dangerous roads, where the enemy was continually perpetrating massacres. All breathless, he would hurry after a single Savage, who served him as guide, that he might baptize some dying man, or a captive of war who was to be burnt that same day. He has passed whole nights in groping after a lost path, amid the deep snows and the most biting cold of [43] [page 127] Winter,—his zeal knowing no obstacle at any season of the year.

During the prevalence of contagious diseases,—when they shut on us everywhere the doors of the cabins, and talked of nothing but of massacring us,—not only did he go unswervingly where he felt there was a soul to gain for Paradise; but, by an excess of zeal, and an ingenuity born of Charity, he found means of opening all the ways that had been closed against him, and of breaking down, sometimes forcibly, all that opposed his progress. But that which imparted a more heavenly aspect to every such procedure, and did not result from human sagacity, was this, that, from the moment of his entry, he won over fierce spirits by a single word, and accomplished all that he had set himself to do. Nothing repelled him; and he always looked for good, even from souls the most hopeless.

He had a way of recourse to the Angels, all his own, and experienced their most powerful assistance. The Savages, to whose aid he went at the hour of death, have seen him accompanied, as they said, by a young man of rare beauty and majestic glory, who remained at his side, and [44] urged them to obey the instructions of the Father. These good people could tell no more, and inquired who was this companion who had so stolen away their hearts. They knew not that the Angels do more than we in the conversion of Sinners, although ordinarily, their operation is not so evident.

His strongest inclination was to aid the most depraved, however repulsive the disposition that any one might possess, however vile and insolent he might be. He felt for all alike, with the bowels of a [page 131] Mother,—not omitting any act of corporal Mercy which he could perform for the salvation of souls. He has been seen to dress ulcers so loathsome, and which emitted a stench so offensive, that the Savages, and even the nearest relatives of the sick man, were unable to endure them. He alone would handle these, wiping off the pus and cleansing the wound, every day, for two and three months together, with an eye and a countenance that betokened only charity,—though he often saw very clearly that the wounds were incurable. " But," said he, " the more [45] deadly they are, the stronger inclination have I to undertake the care of them,—that I may lead these poor people even to the gate of Paradise, and keep them from falling into sin at a time which is for them the most perilous in life."

Not one Mission was there in the whole territory of the Hurons in which he had not been; and several of them he had himself originated,—that, in particular, in which he died. Toward the Savages he conducted himself with a remarkable Prudence, and with a sweetness of Charity that could excuse all, and bear with all, though having in it nothing that was mean-spirited.

He tied himself neither to his work nor to persons, to places nor employments; but, regarding equally in everything the will of God, wherever he might be; whatever occupation obedience might appoint to him, from that very moment he betook himself to it with courage and constancy, and as a man who had no other thought in the world save that of finding God where, at the time, it was willed that he should seek him. Often was he called upon to leave the care of Missions, where his whole heart lay, to till [page 133] the ground; to harness himself to some [46] conveyance and drag it over the snows, like a horse at the Slough; to care for the sick; to take charge of the cooking; or to go up and down in the forest in quest of some wild grapes, achieving ten or twelve leagues in finding his load,—to procure from it, after protracted labors, scarcely as much wine as would be needed for the celebration of a few Masses during the remainder of the year. In everything, he was indifferent to himself; and, to look at him, one would think that he had no inclination save for that which one saw him doing, and that that was the real occupation to which God had called him. " we shall do nothing," he used to say, " for the salvation of souls, if God do not take sides with us. When it is he who sets us apart to this, by the direction of obedience, he binds himself to aid us in it; and, with him assisting us, we shall accomplish that which he expects of us. But, when it happens that we set our hearts on any particular employment, be it the holiest on earth, God does not bind himself to second our efforts, but leaves us to ourselves; and, of ourselves, what can we accomplish save a nothing, or the sin which lowers us beneath a nothings "

He was not so wedded to the [47] conversion of the Hurons that his heart did not go out to Nations the most distant,—were it only to baptize the infants, " who," he remarked, " are a certain gain for Heaven. " He often said to us that it would have pleased him to fall into the hands of the Iroquois, and be their captive; for, had they burned him alive, he would at least have had a chance of instructing them for as long a time as they prolonged his torments; and, if they had spared his life, that would have [page 135] been a precious means of obtaining their conversion,—a thing impossible, as it is, the way being closed against us as long as they remain our enemies.

I will conclude this Chapter with a few extracts from a letter which one of our Fathers, he who buried him, wrote to me,—one who had shared with him the work of the Mission during the last years of his life. He writes to me thus:

" Since your Reverence desires that I should relate to you what I know of the virtues of Father Charles Garnier, I will set down here such as have come under my observation. I can affirm, in a general way, that I knew of no virtue that he lacked, and that he [48] possessed all virtues in a high degree. I can also assert that, in the four years during which I have been his companion, I have never known him to commit a fault directly opposed to any virtue. In his work, he truly sought God, and not himself. I never observed any action in him prompted by nature, especially in our Missionary duties. He ardently offered himself for these, whatever they might be; and with as much zeal for the concerns of others, and for the advancement of other Churches, as for his own. I have always remarked in him a wonderful equanimity amid the inequalities of success; neither his heart nor his countenance ever appeared troubled by anything. He enjoyed a great peace of mind, the effect of the perfect conformity of his will with that of God,—in the attainment of which virtue he had been, for some timers particularly studious. Every one knows how zealous he was for the conversion of the Savages; how he loved to be on Mission duty; the pain he felt in leaving it; and how he hasted when at the house, to return to [page 137] the Mission. I remember that in [49] my sickness, when they believed me to be near death, one evening, watching with me, he begged that, when I should be in Paradise, I would pray for the Mission of Saint Joseph, of which he then had the care. He entreated for that above everything else, and in a way that I cannot describe, but which gave me to understand that he thought of nothing but the welfare of his Mission. It was often a source of admiration to me that he never spoke ill of any Savage, however insolent he might have been. Often, too, when I spoke to him of some fault in them that had displeased me, he would listen quietly, and either excuse it or say nothing; nor have I ever seen him manifest, by word or action, even the least passionate feeling toward any Savage. He thought only of the concerns of his Mission. He was ignorant of France, as if he were a man who had never belonged to it; and news of it, which reached him once in every year, made so little impression on him, that it was immediately forgotten. It was only by great effort that he brought himself to make a reply, from which he could not spare himself, to certain letters. [50] He seemed to have been born only for the conversion of the Savages, his fervor in that respect increasing every day. It was a matter of keen regret to him when some little child escaped his vigilance, and died without Baptism; the intelligence surprising and addicting him as another would be afflicted by the death of one of his nearest relatives. His zeal was unwearying: he would often leave his meals or sleep, for the sake of his Christians. I have seen him, many times, set out in fearful weather, to walk with great difficulty from one village to another, even [page 139] falling into Rivers. Nothing stopped him when it was a question of work for the Savages. To a companion, whoever he might be, he accommodated himself in all respects; and to me never uttered a syllable that in the least degree infringed Charity. He always took the worst of everything for himself, and consulted my convenience in everything. He strove also to hide his charity under pretense of his own comfort,—making it appear that, to him, the worst had been the most agreeable. His obedience was exceptional,—most simple and unquestioning. Although he was sometimes [51] punctilious in his ideas, he would, from the moment that he became conscious of a sentiment opposed to that of the Superior, act as readily upon the judgment of another as, before, he would. have done upon his own. He was very exact in his observance of our Rules; and, however occupied he might be in the conversion of the Savages, he never missed any of his times of Prayer, of spiritual reading, or of self-examination. What time was wanting to him for this purpose, owing to the shortness of the day, he took from his sleep. His Chastity was so unsullied that it appeared to me Angelic, and was manifested in a Modesty so rare that, in France, I have seen nothing comparable to it. But, above all, I admired his Humility. He held himself in the very humblest estimation; and although he had eminent talents for these Missions, he assigned to himself a place behind all the others. The praises of men had no effect upon him. I have never heard him speak either in commendation of himself, or slightingly of others Thus far, the words of the Father who writes to me.

I have thought that, in the ingenuousness of this [page 141] letter, they who know what [52] solid virtue is, and whose eyes are open to the things that really make a soul great in the sight of God, will discover the treasure which this his servant possessed. I will merely add here that all who associated with him regarded him as a Saint, and that every one, without exception, spoke well of him. The Hurons named him Orâcha.

There yet remains a little word addressed by him, from the Island of saint Joseph, to his two brothers,—that is, the Reverend Father Henry de St. Joseph, of the Order of the Carmelites, and the Reverend Father Joseph, of Paris, a Capuchin. That letter discloses to us the temper of his heart, and the presentiment he had of his death. " This little word," he wrote, " is to encourage us, all three, to hasten on in the love of our holy Master; for I can hardly think that some one of us three may not be very near the close of his career. Let us redouble then our zeal, hasten our steps, redouble our prayers, each for the others, and make a new protestation that he whom our Lord shall first of us three call to himself shall intercede for the [53] two who remain,—to obtain for them, from Our Lord, his holy love, a perfect union with him, and the grace of final perseverance. I make then, the first, this protestation; and I fervently beseech Our Lord that he will possess our three hearts, and make them one with his own, both now and in eternity." This was the manner of speech of a Saint, who loved his brothers as a Saint, and as Saints. We have been informed also that he possessed these tokens of saintly character from his earliest youth.

The late Monsieur Garnier, his father, was in the [page 143] habit of giving to his children, every month, during their term of study, a small sum of money toward their little amusements. While Father Charles Garnier was a boarder in our College at Paris, setting out at holiday-times for a little recreation in the city, instead of spending his money on a game at tennis, he threw it into the prisoners' box of the petit Chastelet. One of his good brothers, who saw him give at a single alms a whole month's allowance, adds that, passing one day over the Pont-neuf and noticing an indecent and impious book,—[54] written, it was said, by Theophile,—he bought it, and so defaced it that no one could read it. " Perhaps," said he, " some one in reading it might offend God; it is better to buy and destroy it." At another time, his companions having gone into a tavern to make merry, he waited—as he belonged to the Congregation of Our Lady, which prohibits young men from going into places of the kind—for them at the door, as a servant would wait for his master. Such beginnings spoke of a distinguished sanctity in times to come. I am not surprised that Monsieur his father, when he saw that it was his son's wish to become a Jesuit, said to one of our Fathers: " If I did not love your Society above all others, I would not give to you a child who, from the time of his birth to the present, has never been guilty of one act of disobedience, or caused me the least displeasure. " The glory of his death has crowned the innocence of his life.

[page 145]

[55] CHAPTER IV.

OF THE DEATH OF FATHER NOEL CHABANEL.

ERE is the sixth victim whom God has taken to himself from those of our Society whom he had called to this Mission of the Hurons,—there having been, as yet, not one of us who has died there without shedding his blood, and consummating the sacrifice in its entirety.

Father Noel Chabanel was the Missionary companion of Father Charles Garnier; and when the village of saint Jean was taken by the Iroquois, there were but two days in which they were separated, in accordance with the orders which they had received,—our Fathers and I having thought it wiser not to keep two Missionaries exposed to danger; considering, besides, that the famine in that quarter was so severe that sufficient food for both could not be obtained. But it was not God' s will that, having lived and been yoked together in the same Mission, they should be separated in death.

[56] This good Father, then, returning whither obedience recalled him, had passed through the Mission of saint Mathias, where were two other of our Fathers, and had left them on the morning of the seventh day of December. Having traveled six long leagues over a most difficult road, he found himself overtaken by night in the thick of the forest, being in the company of seven or eight Christian Hurons. His men were resting, and asleep; he only was [page 147] watching, and in prayer. Toward midnight, he heard a noise, accompanied with cries,—partly of a victorious hostile force who occupied that road; partly, also, of captives, taken that very day in the village of saint Jean, who were singing, as was their custom, their war-song. On hearing the noise, the Father awoke his men, who fled at once into the forest, and eventually saved themselves,—scattering some here, some there; and taking the route toward the very place from which the enemy had come; outs though a little at one side of it.

These Christians, escaped from the peril, arrived at the Tobacco Nation, and reported that the Father had gone some little way with them, intending to follow them; but [57] that, becoming exhausted, e had fallen on his knees, saying to them, " It maters not that I die; this life is a very small consideration; of the blessedness of Paradise, the Iroquois. can never rob me."

At daybreak, the Father, having altered his route,. desirous of coming to the Island where we were, found himself checked at the bank of a river, which crossed his path. A Huron reported the circus stance, adding that he had passed him, in his canoe, on this side of the stream; and that, to render his flight more easy, the Father had disburdened him self of his hat, and of a bag that contained his writings; also of a blanket, which our Missionaries use as robe and cloak, as mattress and cushion, for a beds and for every other convenience,—even for a dwelling-place, when in the open country, and when they have, for the time, no other shelter. Since then, we have been unable to learn any other news of the Father. [page 149]

Of the manner of his death we are uncertain,—whether he may have fallen into the hands of the enemies, who actually slew on the same road some thirty persons; or that} having missed his way in the forest, he [58] may have died there, partly from hunF ger, partly from cold, at the foot of some tree at which weakness had obliged him to halt. But, after all, it seems to us most probable that he was mur dered by that Huron,—once a Christian, but since an Apostate,—the last to see him, and who, to enjoy the possessions of the Father, would have killed him, and thrown his body into the River. Had we been inclined to pursue this matter further, I feel sure that we would have discovered proofs sufficient to convict this murderer; but, in such general misery, we judged it wiser to smother our suspicions; and we closed our own eyes to what we were well pleased was not evident. It is enough for us that God's purposes should have been served.

Father Noel Chabanel had come to us from the Province of Toulouse, in the year 1643, having been received into our Society as early as the year 1630, when he was only seventeen years of age. God had given him a strong vocation for these countries; butt once here, he had much to contend with; for, even after three, four, and five years of effort to learn the [59] language of the Savages, he found his progress so slight, that hardly could he make himself understood even in the most ordinary matters. This was no little mortification to a man who burned with desire for the conversion of the Savages, who in other ways was deficient neither in memory nor mind, and who had made this manifest enough by having for some years successfully taught Rhetoric in France. [page 151] In consequence of this, the temper of his mind was so opposed to the ways and manners of the Savages, that he saw in them scarce anything that pleased him; the sight of them, their talk, and all that concerned them, he found irksome. He could not accustom himself to the food of the Country; and residence in the Missions did such violence to his entire nature that he encountered thetw extraordinary hardships, without any consolation,—at least, of the character that we call sensible. There, one must always sleep on the bare ground, and live from morning to night in a little hell of smoke; in a place where often, of a morning, one finds himself covered with the snows that drift on all sides into the cabins of the Savages; where vermin abound; where the senses, each and all, are [60] tormented both night and day. one never has anything but water to quench his thirst; while the best food usually eaten there is only a paste made with meal of Indian corn boiled in water. One must work there incessantly, though always so poorly nourished; never have one moment in the day in which to retire to any spot that is not public; have no other room, no other apartment, no other closet, in which to prosecute his studies. One has not even any other light than that of a smoky fire,—surrounded, at the same time, by ten or fifteen persons, and children of all ages, who scream, weep, and wrangle; who are busied about their cooking, their meals, their work, about everything, in a word, that is done in a house. When God, besides all this, withdraws his sensible graces, and hides himself from a person who longs only for him,—when he leaves him a prey to sorrow, to disgusts, and repugnances of Nature,—these are trials [page 153] that are not within the compass of ordinary virtue; and the love of God must be strong [61] in a heart, if it is rzot to be stifled by them. Join to these the continual sight of dangers, in which one finds himself at every moment, of attack by a savage Enemy who often will subject you to the sufferings of a thousand deaths, ere death itself ensues; who uses only fire, and flames, and unheard of cruelties. Doubtless a courage is needed worthy of thy children of God, if one is not to lose heart in the midst of such abandonment.

It has been in this abandonment that God has willed to put to the test, for five or six years, the fidelity of this good Father; but assuredly the Devil never having got the better of him upon that account, although he represented to him every day that, by returning to France, he would find there the joy, repose, and comfort which during all his past life he had received; that there he would not lack employment better suited to his disposition, employment in which so many Saintly souls nobly practice the virtue of Charity in a zeal for Souls, and expend their lives for the salvation of their fellow-men. Never, for all that, would he break away from the Cross on which God had placed him; never [6a] did he ask that he might come down from it. On the contrary, in order to bind himself to it more inviolably, he obliged himself, by a vow, to remain there till death, so that he might die upon the Cross. These are the terms of the vow, as he conceived it, and its very words:

Domnine Jesu Christe, qui me Apostolorum Sanctorum hujus vineœ Huronicœ adjutorem, licit indignissimum, admirabili dispositione tuœ paternœ Providentiœ voluisti: [page 155] Ego, Natalis Chab