The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents

—————

Travels and Explorations

of the Jesuit Missionaries

in New France

1610—1791

THE ORIGINAL FRENCH, LATIN, AND ITALI-

IAN TEXTS, WITH ENGLISH TRANSLA-

TIONS AND NOTES; ILLUSTRATED BY

PORTRAITS, MAPS, AND FACSIMILES

EDITED BY

Reuben Gold Thwaites

Secretary of the State historical Society of Wisconsin

COMPUTERIZED TRANSCRIPTION BY

Tomasz Mentrak

Vol. XXVIII.

Hurons, Iroquois, Lower Canada

1645—1646

CLEVELAND: The Burrows Brothers

Company, PUBLISHERS, M DCCC XCVIII.

THE JESUIT RELATIONS

AND

ALLIED DOCUMENTS

Vol. XXVIII

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The edition consists of sev-

en hundred and fifty sets

all numbered.

No.________

The Burrows Brothers Co.

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Insert "New Amsterdam" Litho with Text.

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Copyright, 1898

by

The Burrows Company

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all rights reserved

The Imperial Press, Cleveland

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EDITORIAL STAFF

Editor	Reuben Gold Thwaites
	| Finlow Alexander
	| Percy Favor Bicknell
Translators.	| William Frederic Giese
	| Crawford Lindsay
	| William Price
	| Hiram Allen Sober
Assistant Editor	Emma Helen Blair
Bibliographical Adviser	Victor Hugo Paltsits
Electronic Transcription	Tomasz Mentrak

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CONTENTS OF VOL. XXVIII.
Preface To Volume XXVIII		9
Documents:—
LV.	Relation de ce qvi s’est passé en la Novvelle France, és années 1644. & 1645. [Chap. xii. to close of document.] Barthelemy Vimont, Quebec, October 1, 1645; Hierosme Lalemant, Des Hurons, May 15, 1645		21
LVI.	Nouum Belgium. Isaac Jogues; 3 Rivières, August 3, 1646		104
LVII.	Notice sur René Goupil. Isaac Jogues; undated		116
LVIII.	Lettre au R. P. André Castillon. Isaac Jogues; Montreal, September 12, 1646		136
LTX.	Journal des PP. Jésuites. Hierosme Lalemant; Quebek, January-December, 1646		142
LX.	Relation de ce qvi s’est passé en la Novvelle France, és années 1645. & 1646. [Chaps. i., ii., Part I.] Hierosme Lalemant; Quebek, October 28, 1646		253
Bibliographical Data; Volume XXVIII			305
Notes			313

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[INSERT GRAPHIC HERE]

ILLUSTRATIONS TO VOL. XLVII.
I.	New Amsterdam in 1670; reduced photographic facsimile from Montanus’s De Nieuwe en Onbekende Weereld	Frontispiece.
II	Photographic facsimile of handwriting of Isaac Jogues, selected from original MS. of his Novum Belgium	Facing 104.
III	Map of New Netherland, etc., in 1630; reduced photographic facsimile from De Laet’s Novus Orbis	Facing 112.
IV	Photographic facsimile of title-page, Relation of 1645-46	256.

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PREFACE TO VOL. XXVIII

Following is a synopsis of the documents contained in the present volume:

LV. The Relation of 1644-45 consisted of one part, dated at Quebec, October 1, 1645, written by Vimont, supplemented by a letter from Jerome Lalemant, dated in the Huron country, May 15 previous. The first eleven chapters of Vimont’s account were contained in Vol. XXVII. of our series; we now present the remainder of the document, by both Vimont and Lalemant.

Chap. xii. is Richard’s account of the Miscou (or rather Gaspésian) mission. During the year, fourteen persons have been baptized — six in illness, and a family of eight. The converts show edifying piety and obedience; and even the unbelievers have great respect for baptism. The savages “themselves say that they would all be Christians by this time, were it not for the liquor that is traded to them; and the lack of restraint on that pernicious traffic ruins everything.” The Indians are fond of singing, and offer their prayers with great delight since these have been set to music. Several war parties, passing that way, are interested in the chapel services; they come back from their forays, with several prisoners and scalps, over which they hold rejoicings. The Frenchmen who winter at the Bay des Chaleurs, and the sailors on the fishing vessels, also receive spiritual, ministrations from the missionaries. But the liquor [Page 9] traffic is “the scourge of this region,” and only Heaven can furnish a remedy therefor.

Lalemant’s supplemental letter is addressed to the provincial, at Paris, and concerns the Huron mission. In accordance with the latter’s orders, he has relegated his duties there, as superior, to Ragueneau, and is about to go down to Quebec. He glances at the history of the mission since his arrival thereat in 1638, mentioning the calamities that have “crowded upon this poor Church” — pestilence, famine, and war. So great are the obstacles to the establishment of the faith here, — most of all, in the self-will and unrestrained freedom which prevails among these savages, — that human judgment alone must consider the task almost hopeless. There is among them but little law, and that obeyed only so far as each pleases; their habits are licentious, and their marriages unstable; and, above all, “superstition has contaminated nearly all the actions of their lives,” and they are the slaves of the devil in everything. For such, the law of God is too heavy a burden. Moreover, the constant raids of the Iroquois threaten to ruin the Huron tribes and to break up their trade with the French; this would compel the abandonment of the missions. But, notwithstanding all these hindrances, the missionaries trust in God’s promises and power, and consider nothing impossible to him. Every year secures them a goodly number of baptisms, and they are comforted by seeing the constancy and devotion displayed by their converts. The progress made during these seven years has, on the whole, been all that could reasonably be expected. Various incidents are related to show the earnestness and sincerity of these new [Page 10] Christians; and the seven Huron churches are enumerated. Lalemant closes with an earnest appeal for more men and funds to maintain and defend this important enterprise.

LVI. In his so-called Novum Belgium, Isaac Jogues gives (August 3, 1646) an account of the Dutch colony at New Amsterdam (later, New York City), for which he obtained material during his stay there in the autumn of 1643. He describes the river, and the fort and other buildings; the character of the population, “men of eighteen different languages” and of almost as many religious sects, — none of which, however, save the Calvinists, exercise religious functions; and the inducements offered to colonists by the West India Company. He mentions the settlements made by various nations, from the Connecticut to the Delaware, — adding that “the English prefer to have lands among the Dutch, who require nothing from them, to depending upon English Milords, who, exact rents and like to put on airs of being absolute.” Jogues describes the land and climate; the dwellings of the Dutch settlers; their culture of the land, and trade with the Indians; the savage tribes adjoining the white settlements; and the recent war between the Dutch and Indians.

LVII. In this document (always published, however, in connection with his Novum Belgium), Jogues gives a biographical sketch of the young physician, René Goupil (a Jesuit donné), who for a time shared Jogues’s captivity, and who met death at the hands of the Iroquois, September 29, 1642. A graphic and pathetic account is given of the painful journey, the cruel torture inflicted on the captives, and the young donné’s murder; still more impressive are the [Page 11] fortitude, patience, and holy resignation exhibited by Goupil amid his sufferings, and the self-forgetful altruism which leads him to aid not only his fellow-captives, but a sick Iroquois. On the journey to the village of their captors, Goupil takes, under Jogues’s direction, the final vows of entrance into the Jesuit order, — which, in France, he had been unable to do,’ on account of his frail health. The Iroquois murder him, — and often threaten to slay Jogues also, — because of his praying aloud, and making the sign of the cross, as they afterward plainly tell the Father. The latter endeavors at the peril of his own life, but &vain, to save his follower’s corpse from desecration.

LVIII. This is a letter from Jogues (September 12, 1646) to André Castillon, a fellow Jesuit, and is apparently the last message penned by the martyred missionary. He gives an account of the journey made by him and Bourdon, a few months ‘earlier, to the Iroquois country, whither he is on the eve of departing for a winter sojourn. He describes the beneficial results of the peace concluded last year with the Iroquois; both population and commerce show a notable increase. He prays for similar blessings in spiritual affairs; and closes with an especial petition that prayers may be offered in his own behalf, since he must spend nearly a year away from the sacraments of the Church. A postscript (dated at Three Rivers, September 21) adds the information that he is soon to embark for the Iroquois country.

LIX. The Journal des Jésuites is continued, giving the record for 1646. The greater part of the Journal is occupied with descriptions of the manner in which the various feast days and other functions [Page 12] of the church are celebrated; but many little incidents are related which throw light on social, economic, and political conditions in the early days of Canada; and on the relations existing between the French and the aborigines. On New Year’s Day, gifts are exchanged between all the French people of the colony; those given and received by the Jesuits are enumerated in detail. The French settlements above Quebec are doing well, on the whole; though a quarrel that arises between the Algonkins at Three Rivers, and some Mohawks sojourning there, causes temporary apprehension. The Sillery Indians go (January I 5) on their usual hunt for game; and those left behind, twenty-five in number, are subsisted by the Jesuits and the Hospital nuns. On one occasion, a zealous lady undertakes to send, in array befitting its holy use, the bread for consecration; she adorns it with “a toilet — a crown of gauze or linen puffs,” and, if she had been allowed, would gladly have added tapers and golden coins. Vimont, however, “before consecrating the bread, had all that removed, and blessed it with the same simplicity that I had observed with the preceding portions, and especially with that of Monsieur the Governor — fearing lest this change might occasion Jealousy and Vanity.” Toward the end of January, a disturbance arises among the petty habitants, headed by Marsolet and Maheu; they claim that “M. des Chastelets, the general agent, is living too high, etc.” One of Montmagny’s household takes part with the malcontents, “whence arose many difficulties, and offensive words, and dissatisfaction; and pasquinades were composed. Monsieur the Governor having punished the guilty, everything became quiet.” [Page 13]

On February 12, tidings arrive of Father de Nouë’s death; separated from his companions, while on the way to Fort Richelieu, he loses his way, and is frozen to death on the ice. On the 15th, two men are punished on the chevalet, or “wooden horse,” — one for blasphemy, the other for assaulting his companion; and, later, another man is thus punished for gluttony. The nuns of both convents send the Jesuits, during the Shrovetide season, and on other festal occasions, various delicacies — “pastries, Spanish Wine, etc.;” many liberal gifts from Montmagny are also mentioned.

News is brought from Three Rivers, March 10, that Coûture had returned from the Iroquois country, with Mohawk envoys, and confirmation of the peace recently negotiated.

April 7, one Master Jaques, “surnamed ‘the hermit,’ began his entrance into our service;” it would appear that he became one of the donné of the Jesuits. Since the first of February, the savages left behind at Sillery have been encamped near Quebec, but they return to their homes after Easter; soon after, their hunting expedition comes back. Lalemant, while on a visit to Sillery, meets there Coûture, “whose savage name had been changed at 3 Rivers, at a feast made for him by father buteux, from Ihandich, which sounds ill in yroquois, to Achirra, — the name of the late Monsieur Nicolet, — to the joy of all the Huron, Algonquin, and Annieronon savages.” At a consultation held on the 26th, the Fathers decide to send Jogues to the Mohawk country, ‘and to retain Druillettes in Canada; and they approve of Couture’s proposed marriage. The opening of the St. Lawrence occurs this year on April [Page 14] 17 or 18, and planting is begun a little before that, — not only by the French, but by the savages whom the missionaries have colonized at Sillery and elsewhere.

During the first part of May, negotiations with the Iroquois are carried on at Three Rivers; and, on the 16th, Jogues sets out thence on his journey to the Iroquois. Father Masse dies at Quebec, on the 11th. Lalemant records various quarrels, occurring among both the savages and the French. Forest fires have made great havoc about Quebec; one colonist is burned out, but receives liberal aid from the others. During this month, brother Ambroise is engaged in brewing beer. A gunner at Richelieu, weary of life, wishes to commit suicide, but is restrained by his fear of hell. He then accuses himself of a scandalous offense, invented for the occasion, — “since, on the one hand, he would die, which was what he sought; and, on the other, they would first have him confess, which would enable him to avoid Hell.” Father Du Peron, however, mingles reproof and comfort in his treatment, and leaves the man “in a good frame of mind.” Good news is brought from Tadoussac, regarding both commercial and religious matters.

On the 4th of June, it is decided to rebuild the mill on the Jesuits’ farm at La Vacherie. A marriage occurs on the 18th, at which five soldiers dance a ballet. Indians from Tadoussac bring furs to Quebec, and make complaints of their treatment by De Launay, a French trader at Tadoussac. June 23, St. John’s day is celebrated with cannon shots and bonfires — lighted by Montmagny himself, while Lalemant chants prayers. The governor and [Page 15] Lalemant view the lands along the St. Charles River, in order to ascertain the boundaries of a grant there to the Ursulines; but the decision is left till the return of Bourdon, the surveyor of the colony, from the Iroquois country. The Jesuits receive an increase in the lands of La Vacherie, to replace a tract ceded by them to Quebec. Lalemant here gives interesting information as to the nature of the various land grants in Canada made to the Jesuits. The grant of meadow lands made to the Hospital nuns by Vimont, in the previous year, is retroceded by the nuns, in consideration of other lands obtained by them. The Ursulines promise to do the same, when they shall have secured the lands which they expect to receive. News comes from Miscou that two Indian families have been rendered sedentary.

Father Jogues and Bourdon arrive from the Iroquois country on July 3. The next day, Abenaki chiefs come to Quebec, to ask that a “black gown” be sent to their tribe, to give them instructions; Lalemant “puts them off till Autumn, in order to take time to consider the matter.” On the 13th, the Jesuit property at La Vacherie is increased by eighteen arpents of land.

This year, the fleet from France does not arrive until August 7; with it comes Father Daran. On the next day Charles de la Tour, noted in the annals of Acadia, comes to Quebec for refuge, his fort at St. John having been captured by his rival D’Aulnay. The Sillery Indians kill a Frenchman’s cow, which has injured their corn, and are obliged to pay a fine of six beaver skins, At a consultation held on the 2 I&, the Fathers decide that they will rent their Beauport estate and have a clergy-house built; send [Page 16] Dreuillettes to the Abenaki tribes, and Jogues to the Iroquois; and ask for additional concessions from the habitants. De la Poterie sends a messenger in haste to Montmagny, to inform him of a fancied discovery of gold and copper mines; but the specimens prove valueless — being probably iron pyrites. Des Groseilliers, the explorer, comes down from the Huron country, and apparently returns thither soon after.

Early in September, disputes arise concerning the Jesuit estates at Three Rivers; but they remain for the time unsettled. The Huron fleet this year numbers 80 canoes; and they carry away “a dozen bundles of skins, for want of merchandise.” Father Quentin brings from France several men for the Jesuit missions. Among these is a young gentleman of good family, who had professed conversion to the Catholic faith, and made a vow to go to the Hurons; but he proves to be a liar and swindler, concerning whom various scandals are reported. He finally leaves the colony, after having cheated the Jesuits out of more than 200 livres.

Lalemant notes the large increase in the habitants’ income from the fur trade, under the new arrangement with the Hundred Associates, — the habitants’ share this year being valued at 320,000 livres. The Jesuits ask the Council for an increased allowance; they obtain 1,200 francs additional for each of the missions, but are compelled to furnish their own fuel. Several prominent persons return to France October 31, — Maisonneuve, Giffard, and Tronquet, — “all firmly resolved that they would strive to obtain some regulation for their affairs, each one seeking his own private Interests.” On another vessel embarked several young men, sons of the leading [Page 17] colonists, — “all rogues, for the most part, who had played a thousand tricks on the other voyage; and they all were given high salaries.” At this time, work is begun on the new clergy-house and church at Quebec, and on a brewery and oven at Sillery.

Mother Marie de St. Ignace, the first superior of the Quebec hospital, dies November 5. On the 12th, Marguerite, widow of the explorer Jean Nicolet, is married to Nicolas Macard. On the 21st, Madame de la Peltrie, her maid, Charlotte Barré, and one Catherine, begin their novitiate with the Ursulines. The same day, comes news of “the greatest disaster which had yet occurred in Canada,” — the wreck of the brigantine which went from Quebec to Three Rivers, and carried most of the necessary supplies for the settlers at the latter post. These were lost, with nine men, — a loss shared by the Jesuits to some extent, in goods and in the death of a donné, Gaspar Goüaut, of Poitiers. Later advices show that much of the cargo was saved. November 29, Vimont says mass at the hospital, — in acquittal of the obligation laid upon the Hospital nuns, by the terms of their land grants, — for the members of the Hundred Associates. The Jesuits owe a like ceremony, “for the deceased associates of the Company;” and Lalemant adds: “I certainly intend to say it, but not to invite Monsieur the governor to it, in order not to prejudice our former rights from Monsieur de Vantadour” (the first Canadian viceroy).

In December, a soldier, named De Champigny, abjures heresy, and becomes a Catholic; as this man understands music, and can sing the treble part, the Jesuits are now able to have in the church a choir of four voices. On the last day of the year, a dramatic [Page 18] performance is given at the warehouse, at which is apparently enacted Corneille’s tragedy of Le Cid. “Our Fathers were present, — in deference to Monsieur the governor, who took pleasure therein, as also did the savages, — that is, fathers de Quen, [Gabriel] Lalemant, and defretat; all went well, and there was nothing which could not edify. I begged Monsieur the governor to excuse me from attendance.” The price of wood is this year placed at 100 sols, and some interested persons secure control of the market; besides, the wood is of poor quality and short measure. Hence arise “great disorder and Jealousy,” which are with difficulty quieted.

LX: The Relation of 1645-46 is, like most of its predecessors, in two parts: the first, by Jerome Lalemant, appointed in 1646 to succeed Vimont as superior of his order in Canada, consists of a preliminary letter to the provincial, in France (dated Quebek, October 28, 1646), and ten chapters giving a general view of the missions, particularly of the lower country; Part II. is the Huron report, by Ragueneau, consisting also of a preliminary note to the provincial (dated Des Hurons, May I, 1646), and eight chapters detailing the particulars of the work in Huronia. We herewith present the first two chapters of Part I., and will, conclude the document in Vols. XXIX. and XXX.

Lalemant briefly mentions the present prosperous condition of the French settlements, and the good work accomplished therein by the religious orders. The savages are gradually being attracted within religious influences, and thus encourage the missionaries with brighter hopes for their conversion; over 300 baptisms have occurred during the year. The [Page 19] superior then reverts to the peace recently concluded with the Mohawks — which, however, unfortunately does not include the other Iroquois tribes, who are still hostile. The Sokokis and Mohicans are not friendly to the French, but, fearing the Mohawks, are quiet. A detailed account is given of the Mohawk council in which peace with the French was arranged, — based on the reports of Coûture, who had formerly been a captive with that tribe.

In February, 1646, Coûture returns to Three Rivers, accompanied by seven Mohawk envoys, who come to ratify the treaty with the French, and extend it to their Indian allies. This is accomplished in May following, when Montmagny meets them for that purpose; the speeches and presents are described at length.

R. G. T.

Madison, Wis., August, 1898.

LV (concluded)

Relation of 1644-45

Paris: SEBASTIEN ET GABRIEL CRAMOISY, 1646

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Chaps. i.-xi. were published in Volume XXVII.; here follows the remainder of the document.

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[124] CHAPTER XII.

OF WHAT OCCURRED AT MISCOU.

“G

OD continues his favors toward our poor Savages, — they now open their eyes; they desire Baptism and ask for Christian instruction. I have never seen them better disposed,” writes Father Richard. “We have baptized 14 since my last letter — a family of eight persons; and six in the extremity of illness, who nearly all died shortly afterward. Among these, a young man, who was very intelligent, showed by his answers and his fervor that his was a soul destined for Heaven. As to the family, it was to have been baptized last year; but its head, whose name is Iariet, had been guilty of intemperance, and this occasioned the delay. His wife, however, feared that she might die in childbirth, — for she said that her time had long passed, and she was exceedingly ill, — and desired Baptism before our departure. She obtained it, not only on account of her dangerous condition but also owing to her own [125] merits, which cause her to pass with every one for the most virtuous, the wisest, and most modest of all the Savage women. The administration of the rites was deferred until the Baptism of her husband. On the 30th of July, this favor was granted to him and to all his family. He was named Denis by Monsieur Prevost, Captain in the King’s navy, commanding the Ship St. Joseph; and his wife was named Marguerite. This good woman was [Page 23] not content to answer all questions with the devotion and sentiments with which the Holy Ghost inspired her, but she also assisted her husband, — she exhorted him and suggested to him the answers. They afterward received the Nuptial benediction, and were admitted to Our Lord’s table. On leaving it, Denis Iariet said to me: ‘Now I. will pray in earnest, and will be a good man. I regret my past life; I hate sin, and wish to lead a better life in future.’ Then, drawing out a quantity of Porcelain beads, he said: ‘I am sorry that I am so poor; I have neither Moose nor Beaver to present to those Gentlemen who so greatly obliged us at our Baptism. I wish that I had something by which I might acknowledge the kindness that we have received, but since I have [126] nothing else, I shall be pleased if they will deign to accept this little present from me.’ We thanked him, and were satisfied with this manifestation of his good will. He therefore withdrew, quite content, and returned to Nepegigouit to continue the hunt for Beaver, and to help as much as he could in completing the building that Monsieur the Abbé of sainte Magdalene,[1] and Messieurs the Associates for Miskou, have caused to be begun near us for him and for Joseph Nepsuget, who was baptized last year. They are on good terms with each other; they are good comrades, and hunt together in Summer and in Winter. They had much to suffer at the beginning of last Winter and God tried their constancy and courage. They had selected their hunting district very far within the forest, hoping there to meet better success. They had intended to lay in a supply of Salmon; but the frost forestalled them, and closed the rivers, which quickly reduced them to want. [Page 25] They subsisted as best they could until Advent, when they found themselves completely destitute Of provisions. They searched and hunted everywhere without finding anything but a few Porcupines, and that very seldom. They were [127] compelled to eat their dogs, their skins, and their shoes, and often passed several days without food. During that time, a strange thing happened to a young Frenchman who wintered with them. One day, when a dog had been killed to save the lives of numerous persons who were stating, this boy, who was not satisfied with the little that they had given to him as to the others, seized the liver of the animal, that had been thrown away, and cooked and ate it. He was warned to leave that meat, — that it would do him harm, and make his skin fall off. He would not believe it, and continued his repast, but to his regret, — for it cost him his skin, which fell off in great flakes without any pain, so that in a short time his skin was entirely changed. The Savages know by experience this result on those who have eaten that meat.

“This affliction however did not inspire our people with any distaste for prayer. On the contrary, they had recourse to it in their greatest weakness; and, as they told me, they arose therefrom less inconvenienced by hunger. They attributed the misfortune to their sins, and acknowledged that God punished them for their offenses. ‘It is true,’ said Joseph Nepsuget, [128] ‘that we have given God cause to be angry with us; but I, principally, have done so by my anger and impatience, and by my former drunkenness. He punishes us justly. Let us therefore have recourse to him; let us ask pardon of him. He will have pity on us; he is our Father. [Page 27] I will never offend him again; I will never allow myself to be overcome by anger or by liquor; I wish for the future to please God, and to be a good man.’ After that, they began their prayers which they continued for a long time, and frequently recommenced. Finally, God had pity on them; and, after allowing them to suffer much through famine from the eighth of December to the sixth of January, he sent them an abundance of food, and three times as much as the other Savages had. In the first place, they killed a Moose with much difficulty, for they were extremely weak and could hardly stand. This food restored their strength and courage to some extent; so they took the field in all directions, and in a short time they filled their cabin with meat. They were not ungrateful, but thanked God for every animal that they killed, and at the end of the Winter [129] they related everywhere the favors that God had conferred on them. Joseph came to us as soon as the ice had left the rivers free, and Denis came shortly afterward. They told us of their good and evil fortunes during the Winter, and of the care they had taken to pray to God, to observe the Sundays, and to remember what they had been taught. ‘For my part,’ said Denis Iariet, who was then a Catechumen, ‘I often found by experience that I derived no benefit and gained nothing by hunting on Sundays but if, after having rested on that day, I went to hunt on the morrow, I never failed to be successful. Therefore I will never do anything to transgress that day.’ It is consoling to see how careful these good people are to observe the Festivals and Sundays. If they had no time to put their few ‘household effects in order, and to prepare their provisions [Page 29] so that they might not be spoiled, still they did not venture to touch them, without previously ascertaining from us whether it was permitted to do so. In the same manner, I often observed that on Fridays and fast days they suffered much, rather than do anything contrary to abstinence on those days.

[130] “But we are human, and the strongest are not always sure to remain upright. This Joseph of whom we speak found means to procure a cask of wine; he gave himself up to intemperance, and afterward to disorder, and committed a scandalous sin. This is the evil that we have for a long time deplored here; and the lack of restraint on that pernicious traffic ruins everything, as we have frequently written to Your Reverence. They themselves say that they would all be Christians by this time, were it not for the liquor that is traded to them. When this poor man came to his senses, he was so ashamed that he did not dare to show himself; but, as his offense had been public, he also had to make public reparation. This he willingly agreed to, on a Sunday morning in the Chapel, — in the presence of all, both French and Savages, — with great manifestations of sorrow. May God continue to grant him grace and to strengthen his courage.

“As for the remainder of our Savages, they are very willing and well disposed. Many of them, although they are infidels, are anxious to procure Baptism for their sick; they promptly inform us as soon as they see any one in danger, [131] and beg us to go and baptize them. The principal men among them glory in calling and bringing the others to prayers, — they assemble, urge, and press them though most of them need no spur. Our Chapel is [Page 31] often too small to hold them all; the prayers have to be repeated at various times: and they show by their fervor and modesty that they relish them. In fact, since we have set their prayers to music they take a remarkable pleasure in attending them, and pride themselves on singing well. Some of them, in truth, have very fine voices; and those who have seen and have lived at Kebec, do not find our Savages less deserving of praise than the Montagnais. Two persons of rank among them came one day, when all the prayers were over, to ask that they be made to pray to God. ‘And where were you,’ they were asked, ‘when the prayers were said? Why were you not there?’ ‘We knew nothing about it,’ they said;’ we were at some distance, and heard nothing of them. Make us pray to God; we are sorry to have failed in that duty.’ They had to be satisfied, and, when they had performed their devotions, they showed by deed and by word that they [132] were pleased. But truly delightful it is to see, when we teach the Catechism to them, the care and the trouble that the parents take to make their children attentive, and to impress on their minds what by this means we teach them and the older ones. They will take before them their children whom they tenderly love, and have them make the Sign of the Cross; they will repeat to them what the Reverend Father says, and then enlarge upon the subject, and explain it in other words; they will exhort them to remember it well, and will not forget to instill into their souls a horror for sin. A band of Savages, of the chief men of Acadia, led by a brave Captain named Herout, passed here last Spring, on their way to war. They attended the prayers and the [Page 33] exhortations that we addressed to them in their language in the Chapel of this settlement, and were all delighted to hear things so beautiful and so new. ‘Alas!’ said they, ‘we have so long frequented the French settlements on our shores, and we have never been taught in that fashion. We know not what it is to pray, at least in our own language; our children are not taught as you teach them here.’ At all events, they went away [133] inclined to right sentiments, and perhaps this Divine seed will bear fruit in its time. On their return from war, a party of them passed by our House of Nepegigouit where they showed themselves as assiduous and as zealous for the prayers, as they had been at Miscou. They came to rejoice with our Savages at the brave exploits of the war that they had performed at Chichedek, in the Country of the Bersiamites, where they had killed seven Savages and taken thirteen or fourteen prisoners, most of whom were children. Those from the Bay here, who had gone before them with the same purpose of war, showed themselves much more reserved and never ventured to attack any Canoes that they met in that quarter, because they imagined, from their speech, that they prayed to God. But these others, who have less love for prayer and are not so well instructed, did not disturb themselves on that account. They threw themselves on the first prey that fell into their hands; they came back victorious, and desired by these massacres to allay the grief and sorrow of all the Country, which is afflicted by the death of many persons who have died during the past few years. They threw on the shore, at landing, the scalps of the poor massacred people, [134] and at the same time [Page 35] spread joy throughout the cabins. The women vied with one another who should first seize these Trophies, and who should sing and dance the best. Neither rain nor wind could stop them, from morning to night. It is strange that this constant and continued dancing and singing for several days did not tire or weary them. But a false alarm, and the rumor that the enemy had appeared, interrupted their rejoicing, threw them into fear and apprehension of falling into the hands of the Hiroquois, and made them think of flight. They all withdrew to Miskou, where for a long time they continued their baleful songs to the cadence of the waving scalps.

“So much for our Savages. As for the French, Your Reverence is aware that we devote ourselves to those who winter in this settlement, and to several fishing ships that come here every year and spend the Summer on these Coasts; and I may say, to the glory of God, that this Mission supplies the spiritual needs not only of the latter but also of the former, and of the Savages of the Country. Sermons, and the teaching of Catechism; the frequent [135] Confessions and Communions; the disputes and quarrels that have been settled and appeased, — even among the principal persons, who had gone so far as to challenge each other, — sufficiently show the importance of these excursions in which the Savages also have a share. For, as they readily remain near the ships, we cannot assist the one without also having the means of assisting the other. But liquor, which is here traded and sold with impunity, is the scourge of this region. When will Heaven furnish a remedy therefor, since we await it in vain from earth? It will be through the prayers of Your Reverence, to which I earnestly commend myself.”[Page 37]

[136] Letter from Father Hierosme Lalemant, writ-

ten from the Huron country to the Rev-

erend Father Provincial of the

Society of JESUS.

M

Y REVEREND FATHER,

I was deprived last year of an especial consolation, because the letters that Your Reverence had written to me had fallen into the hands of the Hiroquois, our enemies. I learned, however, at the end of the Summer, the orders that you had sent, in accordance with which I have left the care of this Huron Mission to Father Paul Ragueneau and have prepared to depart from these upper countries and go down to Kebec.

In my uncertainty as to what might happen to me on the way, I have deemed it advisable to write this letter previous to my departure, and to leave it here to be sent after me, so that in any case Your Reverence might know my latest thoughts and opinions concerning the conversion of these Countries, — after I have dwelt here nearly seven years, witnessed the labors of the Fathers of our Society, [137] and seen the fruits that Heaven has reaped from them, — and the hopes that I leave here for the future, if God continue to pour his blessings on these Peoples as he has begun.

Maladies succeeded one another, until it seemed as if they singled out the Christians more than the Infidels, cruelly decimating their families, and more frequently sparing those who had refused Baptism, — while at the same time, in the same cabin, and in the same bed, death snatched others from us who had embraced the Faith. Although by this means God indeed increased in Heaven the number of his Elect, for whose sake alone he has chosen that his holy Name be announced to these barbarous Peoples, nevertheless it was not, it would seem, a desirable preparation for making our Faith more lovable [Page 41] and for increasing the number of this Church militant; it was more fitted to produce aversion therefor, and to inspire a horror of it as great as of death.

Then Famines had their turn; and the people [139] thought that, because they had changed Masters, and had placed their confidence in God rather than in the Demons of Hell, the Faith had drawn these misfortunes after it; and that he whom it adored was either powerless to do us good, or was wanting in love for those who wished to love him.

Wars have been more pitiless, and, although they have ravaged this Country most cruelly, without sparing any sex, age, or condition of persons, nevertheless we may truly say that it seems as if God had chosen to reap the flower of our Churches with that sharp sword. Into the heart of the Country, and to the doors of the villages where the reign of the Faith most prevailed, the Hiroquois have come from a hundred leagues’ distance, to slay those who supported it and who by the example and holiness of their lives, by the ardor of their zeal, and the efficacy of the impassioned words that the Holy Ghost placed in their mouths, already possessed the qualities of Apostles of their country, wherein they preached more powerfully than we the greatness of him who makes Saints of barbarians.

[140] These were deeply felt losses for a Church newly born; but those that have followed since our last Relations have seemed more disastrous, — not only to the advancement of the Faith, but also to all these Countries, which become weaker day by day, and seem to be drawing near their ruin, if some arm more powerful than ours or some intervention of [Page 43] Heaven do not arrest the insolence and success of their Enemies.

A year ago last Summer, our Christians had mustered a band of about a hundred picked men, who joined some Infidel warriors to go and lay ambushes on the frontiers of the enemy’s Country. They were met by seven or eight hundred Hiroquois; and, after fighting for a whole evening and a whole night, they were all killed on the field of battle or taken prisoners, not one effecting his escape.

One misfortune attracts another. In the same year, two bands of Hurons fell into the hands of other Hiroquois who are nearer Kebec, and who lay in wait for them on the River which they descend to go and see the French, and to trade their Beaver skins and furs with them.

[141] And last year three other fleets, mostly of Christians, also met with death or captivity on the same road, — one, soon after their departure from Three rivers; another, a little above Ville-Marie; the last, about sixty leagues higher up. For the peril continues over a hundred leagues of road. There is no safety for a moment from an enemy hidden in the rushes along the banks of the river, or in the depths of the forest, which screen them from your sight while they can see you coming from a distance of four, five, or six leagues, — thus having time to prepare for a combat, if they see that you are weaker; or to retreat, or remain hidden in their ambush, if they consider you the stronger.

A single band, which had passed through these dangers, reached here safely, and brought to us Father Jean de Brébeuf, whose absence during three years had been greatly felt by us, and Fathers Leonard [Page 45] Garreau and Noel Chabanel, who had newly come to our assistance. Their arrival consoled us exceedingly in our regret for our recent loss of Father Bressany, who had fallen into the hands of the Hiroquois. [142] This band was escorted by the troops which Monsieur de Montmagny, our Governor, sent us most opportunely, not only for the preservation of the poor Hurons, who ran a great risk of also falling into the ambushes of the enemies, but still more for strengthening this Country, which was threatened this Winter with the sight of a Hiroquois army coming to ravage their villages, bringing with it general desolation, and wasting everything with fire and sword. But the arrival of this relief made them alter their plans. And if this same escort of French Soldiers, which is about to return, in order to accompany the Hurons who are going down the river, reach Kebec as safely as they came up last year, Heaven will have fully blessed all the designs of Monsieur our Governor. In any case, I pray God ever to preserve for New France a person who should be so precious to us; for I do not think that, in the nine years during which he has had the Government of it, any one could have acted with more zeal than he has displayed, with more disinterested prudence, with more [143] strength of mind, and with a more truly Christian courage, amid the almost insurmountable difficulties that have been encountered, and that would have discouraged a heart less firm than his.

But to return to our subject, and to tell your Reverence my sentiments respecting the conversion of this country, I may frankly confess that, if we had to judge the establishment of the Faith in these [Page 47] countries from the standpoint of human prudence, I could hardly believe that there is any place in the world more difficult to subject to the Laws of Jesus Christ. Not only because they have no knowledge of letters, no Historical monuments, and no idea of a Divinity who has created the world and who governs it; but, above all, because I do not believe that there is any people on earth freer than they, and less able to allow the subjection of their wills to any power whatever, — so much so that Fathers here have no control over their children, or Captains over their subjects, or the Laws of the country over any of them, except in so far as each is pleased to submit to them. There is no punishment which [144] is inflicted on the guilty, and no criminal who is not sure that his life and property are in no danger, even if he were convicted of three or four murders, of having received a reward from the enemy for betraying his country, or breaking off by his own act a peace, that is decided upon by the general consent of the whole country. These are crimes that I have seen committed, the authors whereof have gloried in them and have boasted that the wars that they had aroused would make their names immortal. It is not because there are no Laws or punishments proportionate to the crimes, but it is not the guilty who suffer the penalty. It is the public that must make amends for the offenses of individuals; so that, if a Huron has killed an Algonquin or another Huron, the whole country assembles; and they come to an agreement respecting the number of presents to be given to the Tribe or to the relatives of him who has been killed, to stay the vengeance that they might take. The Captains urge their subjects to [Page 49] provide what is needed; no one is compelled to it, but those who are willing bring publicly what they wish to contribute; it seems as if they vied [145] with one another according to the amount of their wealth, and as the desire of glory and of appearing solicitous for the public welfare urges them to do on like occasions. Now although this form of justice restrains all these peoples, and seems more effectually to repress disorders than the personal punishment of criminals does in France, it is nevertheless a very mild proceeding, which leaves individuals in such a spirit of liberty that they never submit to any Laws and obey no other impulse than that of their own will. This, without doubt, is a disposition quite contrary to the spirit of the Faith, which requires us to submit not only our wills, but our minds, our judgments, and all the sentiments of man to a power unknown to our senses, to a Law that is not of earth, and that is entirely opposed to the laws and sentiments of corrupt nature.

Add to this that the laws of the Country, which to them seem most just, attack the purity of the Christian life in a thousand ways, especially as regards their marriages — the dissolution of which, with freedom to seek another consort, is [146] more frequent and easy here than it is in France for a master to take another servant, when the one he has does not please him. The result is, truth to tell, that, in the closest of their marriages, and those which they consider most conformable to reason, the faith that they pledge each other is nothing more than a conditional promise to live together so long as each shall continue to render the services that they mutually expect from each other, and shall not in any way wound the [Page 51] affection that they owe each other. If this fail, divorce is considered reasonable on the part of the injured one, although the other party who has given occasion for it is blamed.

But the greatest opposition that we meet in these Countries to the spirit of the Faith consists in the fact that their remedies for diseases; their greatest amusements when in good health; their fishing, their hunting, and their trading; the success of their crops, of their wars, and of their councils, — almost all abound in diabolical ceremonies. So that, as superstition has contaminated nearly all the actions of their lives, it would seem that to be a Christian, one must deprive himself not only of [147] pastimes which elsewhere are wholly innocent, and of the dearest pleasures of life, but even of the most necessary things, and, in a word, die to the world at the very moment that one wishes to assume the life of a Christian.

Not that, after examining their superstitions more closely, we find that the Devil interferes and gives them any help beyond the operation of nature; but nevertheless they have recourse to him; they believe that he speaks to them in dreams; they invoke his aid; they make presents and sacrifices to him, — sometimes to appease him and sometimes to render him favorable to them; they attribute to him their health, their cures, and all the happiness of their lives. In this, they are all the more miserable that they are slaves of the Devil, without gaining anything in his service, — not even in this world, of which he is called the Prince, and wherein he seems to have some power.

If lesser difficulties have caused trouble in [Page 53] converting civilized Nations, and if it has taken entire centuries to implant the Faith in them, though God then assisted those who preached his word, with a multitude of miracles, — with the gift of cures, [148] the gift of tongues, of prophecies, and everything that can astonish nature and make even the most impious acknowledge the power and majesty of him whose greatness they proclaimed, — what can be expected from these barbarous nations when it has not pleased God to bless us with frequent miracles, and to make the Faith more agreeable to them by the pleasant things that it would cause Heaven to shower, even in this life, on those who should submit to his Laws; and when we have not here even such temporal aids as the succor, the benefits, and the gifts which have been employed with the Savages in the other countries of the World to procure their conversion? Finally, we cannot here have force at hand, and the support of that sharp sword which serves the Church in so holy a manner to give authority to her Decrees, to maintain Justice, and curb the insolence of those who trample under foot the holiness of her Mysteries.

As Faith is not natural to these peoples, — as it seems to be in France, where it is imbibed with one’s mother’s milk, — it is not a mere trifle to have made a man a Christian. More contests, more pains, and more labors are needed to retain and [149] keep him in the Church than were required to win him to God. Temptations show them their feebleness; their minds are not always fervent; Heaven does not always fix their gaze; earth has not lost all its attractions for them; it is easy for them in the course of many years to fall back into their frailties; grace is but transitory, while nature ever remains; in a [Page 55] word, I mean to say that perseverance in the exercise of Faith is no less difficult here than it is in France for the majority to retain the innocence of Baptism, and not to lose through sin the grace that makes us agreeable to God.

Add to this the fury of a Hiroquois enemy who closes the way to us; who deprives us of the necessities of life, and of the help that may be sent us in a forsaken country; who kills and massacres those who come to our aid; whose insolence grows from year to year; who depopulates the country, and makes our Hurons think of giving up the trade with the French, because they find that it costs them too dear, and they prefer to do without European goods rather than to expose themselves every year, not [150] to a death that would be endurable, but to fires and flames, for which they have a thousand times greater horror.

Now, therefore, what can we expect in the midst of a barbarous nation where we shall no longer have the necessaries of life; where they will no longer venture to send us the reinforcement of laborers that would be required here to promote the affairs of God; where all who shall remain will be abandoned to the fury of a desperate people, who will no longer be restrained from massacring us all by the fear of losing their trade with the French, — which they will find impossible to them, and which will be completely ruined, as far ‘as they are concerned? In that case, the Christians who compose this nascent Church will then see themselves without Pastors, without Sacraments, without Sacrifice, and without the means of having recourse to those who alone are their refuge in their desolation, their support in their weakness, [Page 57] the sacred tie that binds them to God, and their succor against the powers of Hell.

Beyond a doubt, these are reasonable fears, — difficulties capable of arresting our minds, obstacles insurmountable to our weakness, and misfortunes that seem inevitable, — if France does not make [151] extraordinary efforts to overthrow this enemy, who with one and the same blow destroys these Nations and the Faith that we preach to them. To tell the truth, so many misfortunes that have followed one another, and so powerful opposition to the designs that bring us here, would have caused us to lose courage, did we not raise our eyes higher, and if our confidence were not upheld by Heaven. But when we think that these are the affairs of God more than ours; that the Faith has not been founded anywhere in the World except in the midst of tempests; that God has always been pleased to manifest his power where there is least of human strength; that his arm is not shortened; when we think that the Blood of Jesus Christ has been shed no less for these nations than for the remainder of the earth, and that the fruits of his love are not exhausted for those who have already acknowledged him as their Savior; that he must be adored by all the peoples of the earth, and be praised by as many tongues as there are in the Universe; when we see Nations surrounding us on all sides and almost an entire world where his holy Name has never been adored, [152] and where nevertheless it must be that the Gospel shall have penetrated before the end of the ages, since God has pledged his word to it; when we see with our own eyes what he has already begun there, and that he alone has worked there more than we have, — that [Page 59] he performs every day miracles greater than the creation of a new World would be, changing the hearts of Barbarians into Christian hearts; finally, when we think that God never leaves his work unfinished; that his glory is at stake and not ours: — then we consider nothing impossible; we hope against all hope; our confidence is as great as ever; both on account of the pledges of his love in the past, in favor of these nations, and of what he does there now, we feel assured that he will not fail them in the future.

For notwithstanding all these ravages of plagues, of famines, and of wars; whatever opposition there may be in the nature of these peoples, in their laws, and in their customs, to the holiness of the Faith; whatever Dominion the Demons may have — we have not failed each year to baptize a goodly number, and even this past year more than one hundred and seventy. And though God has disposed [153] of the majority, — several of whom are in Heaven as we have every reason to believer — we have, nevertheless, the consolation of seeing in the midst of this barbarism seven small Churches, wherein the hand of God has worked far more than we; wherein the Spirit of the Faith reigns, and finds nothing barbarous in the hearts of those whom it chooses to subdue to itself; wherein Innocence preserves itself in the midst of impurity. This induces us to say, without the shadow of a doubt, Digitus Dei est hic. Now, as God is for us, can we really feel fear amid our undertakings, without exposing ourselves to the reproaches addressed by the Savior of the world to St. Peter: Modiæ fidei quare dubitasti?

But I am afraid that too much fear is felt for us, and that want of confidence on the part of those who [Page 61] are far from the fight will arrest the course of the victories that the Faith gains here over impiety. I mean to say that the doubts that may exist in France with reference to the conversion of these nations is one of the greatest impediments that can be offered; and that God may withdraw his favors from these pagan countries because, in the midst of tempests, confidence in him has been withdrawn. For, in [154] truth, it is easy to despair of the conversion of these nations, — even in this presumption alone, that, because they are barbarians, some can hardly believe them to be men, and that we can hardly make Christians of them. But it is wrong to judge thus; for I can say in truth that, as regards Intelligence, they are in no wise inferior to Europeans and to those who dwell in France. I would never have believed that, without instruction, nature could have supplied a most ready and vigorous eloquence, which I have admired in many Hurons; or more clear-sightedness in affairs, or a more discreet management in things to which they are accustomed. Why, then, should they be incapable of having a knowledge of a true God?

In truth, their customs are barbarous in a thousand matters; but after all, in those practices which among them are regarded as evil acts and are condemned by the public, we find without comparison much less disorder than there is in France, though here the mere shame of having committed the crime is the offender’s punishment. What, therefore, would their innocence be if the Faith reigned among them?

At present we have a greater [155] knowledge than ever of their language, of their customs, and of the means that must be taken to enter into their minds [Page 63] and hearts, and, by winning them over to ourselves, to gain them for Heaven. We find it very easy to expound to them the truths of our Faith which, at the beginning, seemed to us the most difficult to explain, owing to the poverty of their language in such matters, and the ignorance in which they had always lived of things beyond the reach of sight and of the senses. They can no longer reply to us that indeed the Law of Jesus Christ that we preach to them is holy, but that it is impossible for them; for they have seen their countrymen — born in barbarism as well as they, brought up in their customs, fed on their vices, and engulfed as much as they in the impiety that floods all these countries — save themselves from the wreck, cast off nature, clothe themselves with the holiest Virtues of Christianity, and have nothing but horror for earthly pleasures, and no love but for Heaven. They are compelled to confess that God is the master of all hearts, and that his goodness is greater than our evil deeds; when they see [156] every day that those who had had the greatest aversion for our Mysteries are the first to submit to the truth, that Faith opens the Mind; and that, when God has taken possession of their souls, they are more stro