The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents Volume 26

The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents

—————

Travels and Explorations

of the Jesuit Missionaries

in New France

1610—1791

THE ORIGINAL FRENCH, LATIN, AND ITALI-

IAN TEXTS, WITH ENGLISH TRANSLA-

TIONS AND NOTES; ILLUSTRATED BY

PORTRAITS, MAPS, AND FACSIMILES

EDITED BY

Reuben Gold Thwaites

Secretary of the State historical Society of Wisconsin

COMPUTERIZED TRANSCRIPTION BY

Tomasz Mentrak

Vol. XXVI

Lower Canada, Hurons

1642—1644

CLEVELAND: The Burrows Brothers

Company, PUBLISHERS, M DCCC XCVIII

THE JESUIT RELATIONS

AND

ALLIED DOCUMENTS

Vol. XXVI

[Page iii]

The edition consists of sev-

en hundred and fifty sets

all numbered.

No.________

The Burrows Brothers Co.

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EDITORIAL STAFF

Editor	Reuben Gold Thwaites

	\| Finlow Alexander
	\| Percy Favor Bicknell
Translators.	\| William Frederic Giese
	\| Crawford Lindsay
	\| William Price
	\| Hiram Allen Sober

Assistant Editor	Emma Helen Blair

Bibliographical Adviser	Victor Hugo Paltsits

Electronic Transcription	Tomasz Mentrak

[Page v]

CONTENTS OF VOL. XXVI.

Preface To Volume		9
Documents:—
LIII.	Relation de ce qvi s’est passé en la Novvelle France, és années 1643. & 1644. [Chaps. ix.-xiv. of Part I., and Chaps. i.-v. of Part II., being the second installment of the document.] Barthelemy Vimont; Kebec, September 5, 1644. Hierosme Lalemant; September 21, 1643.		17




Bibliographical Data; Volume
Notes			315

[Page vii]

[INSERT GRAPHIC HERE]

ILLUSTRATIONS TO VOL. XLVII.

I.

[Page viii]

PREFACE TO VOL. XXVI

Document LIII. (the Relation of 1643-44) was commenced in Vol. XXV., wherein we presented Chaps. 1.-viii. of Part I. (by Vimont, as superior). In this volume, the remainder of Part I. is given, together with the first five chapters of Part II. (the belated Huron report, by Lalemant). It will be remembered, from the prefatory note in Vol. XXV., that Part I. is dated at Quebec, September 5, 1644; and that the principal portion of Part II., dated in the Huron country, September z I, I 643, is a second copy of the Huron report which had been intended for the Relation of 1642-43, — the first copy was captured by the Iroquois, and, although restored to Jogues, was left in his cabin when he went to visit the Dutch, who unexpectedly enabled him to escape. The conclusion of this report, together with a closing chapter dated March 31, 1644, bringing the account of Huron affairs up to that date, will appear in Vol. XXVII.

Continuing his report, Vimont describes the Huron seminary maintained at Three Rivers during the winter, and the instruction of its six adult pupils. In the spring, they set out to return to their own country, accompanied by Father Bressani; but they have journeyed only six leagues when they are captured by an ambushed band, and carried prisoners into the Iroquois country. Ten different bands of these ferocious invaders have this summer ravaged [Page 9] the St. Lawrence valley, and have even captured several Frenchmen, besides Hurons and Algonkins. The news of Bressani’s capture is brought by a Huron who escaped from the Iroquois; later, Particulars of his experiences in captivity are given by “a trustworthy person, who was an eyewitness of all his sufferings.” Bressani is horribly tortured by his captors, and is afterward given as a slave to a woman of their tribe; but is sent by her to the Dutch at Fort Orange, who pay her a ransom for the Father (August 19). The Dutch treat him with the utmost kindness, and keep him until he has recovered from his wounds, then send him back to France.

A Huron war party attack the Iroquois near Fort Richelieu, and capture three of their enemies, whom they carry in triumph to Three Rivers. Montmagny intercedes for the prisoners; one is yielded by the Algonkins, but the Hurons insist on taking theirs to their own country, — promising not to harm them, but through their means to negotiate a peace. The governor consents; and he also grants them the aid of twenty French soldiers, who are to winter in the Huron villages, and escort their fleet to Quebec next summer. With them go also three Jesuits — Brébeuf, Garreau, and Chabanel, the latter to instruct the Algonkins who dwell near the Hurons.

Vimont next praises the docility and Christian behavior of the Attikamegues, who had received some religious instruction at Sillery, two years before, They remember all they have been taught; not only do they repeat the prayers, but “they observe Sunday 35 religiously as if they had been with the French.” they persuade many of their pagan countrymen to come down to Three Rivers for instruction. [Page 10] The Christians hold a formal council with the French there, and declare that they wish openly to embrace the Faith. Many prominent families in this tribe follow the example of their chief, and emulate one another in their pious zeal. They even exhort those of other tribes to become Christians. Upon returning to their own country, they desire that a Father should reside among them; but, as yet, no one can be spared for that purpose.

The mission at Tadoussac is growing in importance. Buteux had charge of it last year; his account thereof, not reaching Quebec in time, was omitted from last year’s Relation but is given in that for this year (1644). The Christians at Tadoussac have maintained during the winter the pious duties in which they were instructed in the summer. Numerous instances are related of the piety and devotion manifested by these new converts. A zealous neophyte has his head shaved like those of the Fathers; he also takes “a whip of rope, and goes through the cabins, calling the others to prayers, and striking those who do not promptly obey.” The ships bring brick for building a mission house; the Indians carry it to the place appointed, and so eagerly that the Father has to warn them not to overload themselves, — but they answer that they are obeying” his exhortations to practice mortifications for their unbaptized brethren.”

De Quen succeeds Buteux, this year; the savages come to Quebec for him, with a canoe, and he receives from them all a hearty welcome. They render him an account of the manner in which they have spent the winter, and he is much consoled by their devoutness. After hearing the confessions of the Christians, [Page 11] he devotes himself to the instruction of the pagans, and wins many souls; during the summer, tie baptizes forty persons. With the ships from France, comes Father le Jeune, who is greeted with joy by the savages of Tadoussac, and by Noel Negabamat, who goes down from Quebec expressly to meet him. Five converts are presented to him for baptism, for some of whom a sponsor is found in Madame de la Peltrie, “who had gone to Tadoussac to witness the fervor of these Neophytes.” De Quen carries on the work of instructing the savages at this post, and finds them very tractable. Many of them do penance for their sins; a public penance is imposed by the priest on some Christians who become intoxicated. The Christian idea and form of marriage are gradually making some progress among these savages. When De Quen is recalled to Quebec, the Indians complain, and even propose to “shut up the Father in the Chapel, until the shallop that awaits him has left.”

Vimont devotes his last chapter to an account of “the creation of a Captain at Tadoussac,“ — that is, the “resuscitation” of a dead chief, by conferring his name and authority on another, This ceremony is accompanied by many presents and speeches, and followed by a feast.

A short note from Vimont introduces the Huron Relation of 1643, explaining that this is a second copy, sent later to replace the one captured by the Iroquois. Lalemant relates the calamities that have befallen the Huron church, and the gains that it has nevertheless made. One of the Huron villages, “the most impious of them all,” is destroyed by the Iroquois. [Page 12] During the entire summer, the invaders keep up their raids throughout the Huron country; and so crafty and alert are they, that only two of their men are captured throughout the season. These are, of course, tortured and burned; “but they were souls destined for Paradise,” for they are baptized by the Jesuits.

Late in the summer, the Hurons receive news of the capture of many of their number, with some of the French (Jogues and others), by Iroquois on the St. Lawrence. Joseph Taondechoren, “the most faithful and the best of our Christians,” escapes from their hands, and returns to his own country, where he relates all the particulars of their disaster and the fate of the prisoners. Amid all the sufferings of these, they are greatly aided and cheered by the heroic and self-denying ministrations of Father Jogues, who renders them every kindly office within his power. He also endures his torments with the utmost courage and devotion.

Lalemant gives a separate account of each of the Huron missions. The house at Ste. Marie is in the care of Fathers le Mercier and Chastelain. It is the center of the mission work, and comprises, besides the residence of the priests, “a hospital for the sick, a cemetery for the dead, a church, a retreat for pilgrims, and a place where the infidels can receive instruction.” Through all these, but especially the hospital, the Indians are reached and influenced. The pious acts and holy deaths of various Christians are recorded by the writer.

The church of the Attignawantan (the Bear clan) — among whom were situated the oldest mission stations, Ihonatiria, now abandoned; and Ossossané, or [Page 13] La Conception — has especially suffered. The oldest and best Christian families have been decimated by Iroquois captivities and massacres, and many are reduced to dire poverty. But the fervor, devoutness, and resignation of these poor harassed Christians increases with their sufferings and trials; and the unbelievers have been moved thereby to respect the Faith. Especially shining examples are those of Joseph Taondechoren, René Tsondihwannen, and Charles Tsondatsaa. The latter is almost suffocated in a sweat box by some infidels, who think thus to test his courage and his devotion to his religion; but he yields not.

At St. Joseph, the principal Christian is Étienne Totiri, who, with his wife, is devoted to the interests of the church. A child of theirs, but three years old, “has so imbibed piety with her mother’s milk that she answers the Catechism in public, knows her prayers, and takes pleasure in unloosening her lisping tongue by speaking of God and the beauties of Paradise.” Several influential chiefs have been baptized here; the character and experience of each are described. One of these has renounced his office as chief, “for fear that it might compel him to some offense against God.”

The increasing number of native converts renders more conspicuous their opposition to the pagan customs of their tribesmen; and the latter, enraged at the restraints which the Christians would impose upon them, “redouble their caIumnies against the Faith,” and desire to suppress the new religion. The missionaries look forward to the possibility of martyrdom for both themselves and their neophytes; but no one, either priest or Indian, falters for a [Page 14] moment. Death is, to each, only the blessed recompense for his suffering on earth. The Fathers have induced the Christians to wear rosaries around their necks, as a sign of their faith; this emblem seems also to be for them a defense from temptation.

Two of the Hurons who had been under Brébeuf's instruction return to their own country, and bring to the Fathers letters from Quebec. Both these men belong to the village of St. Michel, where they make public announcement of their conversion, and urge their countrymen to embrace the Faith. One of these, soon afterward, is assailed by dire calamities; but his faith and constancy remain unshaken. Striving to save his dying sister’s soul, he commends her to God, and baptizes her five or six times, — but all to no avail, for, “although water was not wanting in her Baptism, he had forgotten the formula, or had never learned it.” But God has mercy on them; the dying woman’s strength revives for a little while, and her brother runs five leagues, without stopping, to Ste. Marie, to obtain the aid of a priest. Two of the Fathers hasten to her; they find her “quite prepared for Heaven, to which her soul soared, shortly after she was baptized.” The Christians of St. Michel are now sufficiently numerous to warrant a permanent mission station among them, of which Chaumonot and François du Peron have charge.

An Algonkin chief from the Island tribe endeavors to instigate the people of St. Michel to hostility against the “black gowns.” This hinders the conversion of the infidels; but those who are already believers are only roused to greater zeal and courage. In this village, the infant church has “a Preacher of its own nation, an Apostle who worthily [Page 15]

PAGE MISSING: 16 Pwaterefta

LIII (continued)

Relation of 1643-44

Paris: SEBASTIEN ET GABRIEL CRAMOISY, 1645

Chaps. i.-viii. were given in Volume XXV.; we herewith present chaps. ix.-xiv. of Part I., and chaps. i.-v. of Part 11. (the Huron report). The remainder of the document will appear in Volume XXVII.

[Page 17]

[139 i.e., 143] CHAPTER IX.

OF THE SEMINARY OF THE HURONS AT THE THREE

RIVERS, AND OF THEIR CAPTURE, WITH THAT OF

FATHER JOSEPH BRESSANY, BY THE IROQUOIS.

HE Seminary of the Hurons that we maintain here has this year been extraordinarily fortunate, and, humanly speaking, extraordinarily unfortunate. In truth, it has been extraordinarily fortunate, because it has consisted of six excellent Neophytes, — some of whom have perfected themselves to a wonderful degree in the Faith, which they had already embraced; while the others have received it with very good disposition, and all have given and have received the utmost satisfaction during the whole time that they remained with us.

On the other hand, it has been extraordinarily unfortunate, because [144] these poor Christians on leaving our hands fell into those of the Iroquois, to serve as a prey for the flames, and for their stomachs hungering after the flesh and blood of all these peoples who hear us. I have said that this Seminary had been in this respect extraordinarily unfortunate, humanly speaking; for we must adore all the designs of divine Providence, and trust that he will derive his own glory and the good of these peoples from the unusual afflictions with which he smites them. Perhaps the accident that has happened to these persons is but an imaginary misfortune in our minds, [Page 19] and true happiness in the sight of God, who had connected their predestination with their capture and the kind of death that these Barbarians may make them suffer. We have reason to suppose this, from the evidences of perfect integrity that they gave while they dwelt with us.

Four of them had left their own country last Autumn, to come and winter here, and to be instructed [145] at leisure, hoping to derive great benefit from the good examples both of our French and of the Christian Savages, of whose virtue and good habits they had heard through the reports of their countrymen who had wintered here in previous years, and had been greatly impressed thereby. The fear of the Iroquois, of hunger, and of numerous other great dangers and hardships that have to be encountered on so long a journey, was not sufficient to prevent them from coming to seek that pearl of the Gospel which is preferable to all earthly goods, and which cannot be too dearly purchased, even with the loss of life. The two others were captives who came and threw themselves into our hands, after escaping from those of the Iroquois, who had taken them prisoners, — one since the capture of Father Jogues, by whom he was baptized; and the other, after the disastrous defeat of the Hurons near Montreal. This disaster was caused by a signal act of cowardice and treachery on the part of the Iroquois, who, having attracted the Hurons [146] into their Fort under pretext of peace and friendship, massacred some and made prisoners of the others, excepting a very few who fled, quite naked, to Montreal.

These six Hurons met together, by a fortunate coincidence, at the three Rivers, at the beginning of [Page 21] November, after having escaped many dangers. They found there Father Brébeuf, whom they sought; he received them into our house, and took charge of their instruction and maintenance, — being greatly assisted by the liberality of Monsieur the Governor, who spares nothing on such occasions; also of Monsieur de Chamflour, the commandant of the Fort and settlement of the three Rivers; and even of the reverend Hospital Mothers, whose charity extends very frequently beyond the bounds of their Hospital, especially in favor of the Hurons.

Immediately after their arrival, they applied themselves to learning the prayers and the Catechism with an ardor that could only proceed from the holy [IQ] Ghost. Those more advanced helped those more backward, and those who were ignorant willingly accepted the more learned for their masters. In the beginning, they passed the greater portion of the night in continually repeating what they had learned during the day. One of them, who was of duller comprehension and had a less retentive memory than the others, almost despaired at the commencement of ever being able to learn anything. Nevertheless, aided by the grace of God, and encouraged by the words of the Father, and by the good examples and discourses of his companions, he persevered in becoming instructed, with such success that he learned not only the prayers and the Catechism, but also many other things, to his own great astonishment. Every Sunday, they attended Catechism, which was taught to the French in the Chapel; and, although they were somewhat advanced in years, they nevertheless experienced great satisfaction in answering publicly questions on what they had learned [148] during the [Page 23] week, to the admiration of the French and of our Savages. Finally, they made such progress in the space of two months, and gave such evidence of their good will, that the Father who instructed them deemed it advisable to confer baptism on those who had not yet received it, and to supply the rites in the case of the others, — which was done, to the great joy of these good Neophytes.

From that time to the day dedicated to the memory of the glorious saint Joseph, they prepared themselves for Holy Communion by frequent Confessions, and by such innocence and uprightness of life that very often the Father who directed their consciences was obliged to make them repeat sins of their past life, to have some matter for absolution. For, after having diligently examined themselves, each one would say ingenuously and without vanity: “For my part, I do not recollect having offended the sovereign Master of our lives. How could we (1491 offend him here, amid so many good examples and instructions? It is not here that the wicked Oki dwells; it is in our villages that the Devil and sin reign. If we could always live with you, we would be happy, and we might hope always to retain the innocence of our baptism. That is why we came down here, — that we might learn from your discourses and your examples to serve God. We would have no sense, were we to offend him in the midst of so many favors that we receive from him; for it is he who does us all the good that you do to us.”

Throughout the Winter, they were troubled by horrible dreams, sufficient to frighten them and to make them relapse into their old superstitions, had they not been steadfast in the Faith. But in this, [Page 25] as in all other things, their usual practice was to offer everything to God, and to resign themselves into his hands. “O Lord,” they would say, “you are the sovereign Master of our lives; do with them as you [I so] please. I offer you everything with which these dreams threaten me; I am prepared to accept it, if you so ordain. Nothing but good can happen to me while I obey your commands, for you are my Father, and you love me perfectly.” All six fasted through the whole of Lent, in their desire to atone to God for their past sins; and for this same reason, which was quite habitual with them, they strove to bear all their troubles joyfully. If they went out to hunt; if they went to fish through the ice; if they undertook any journey, — as they did several times, during the severe Winter weather, to gratify us, — they would say: “My God, we offer you this trouble, and all the ills that we may suffer. It is to please you, and to satisfy your Justice for our sins.” One of them was, on two occasions, ill-treated by one of our French. He did not avenge himself; he answered not a word, nor did he complain to any one, but merely said [I 5 I] in his heart: “My God, I willingly accept this grievance, and I cheerfully offer it to you in atonement for my sins, and to your glory. Perhaps I have given him cause to be angry, although I had no intention of doing so.” Thus did these worthy Seminarists, whom God was gently preparing for death or for slavery, maintain themselves during the Winter in the performance of many holy and virtuous actions.

Finally, when Spring came, and the river began to be somewhat free through the disappearance of the ice, they resolved to embark on the return to [Page 27] their own country, — promising to speak there boldly in favor of the Faith, and to render their relatives and countrymen sharers of the same blessing that they had received while with us. In fact, there was every prospect that they would greatly advance the Faith in their country; for they were nearly all grown men, with good minds, well taught, and very zealous for the conversion of their people, among whom [I 521 some of them had great authority, — one especially, who had already been chosen as a mar Captain. Besides this, they would have spoken favorably of the French, and of our Fathers, who had loaded them with fine gifts and shown them every kindness. But all these hopes were vain, and, if we had not others, solidly founded on God’s providence, we would have reason to fear that the accident which has happened to our Seminarists might spoil all our affairs in the Huron country instead of advancing them; for these peoples may imagine — on account of so many unfortunate events, of which we seem to be the cause — that we bring all these misfortunes upon them, and that our company is fated to cause their ruin and desolation. If they have not such notions, it is due to a special Providence of God, who guides our affairs by confounding our own contrivances and skill, and by opening to us paths that we know not of. At all events, our Neophytes embarked in three canoes, on the 27th of April, [I 531 with Father Joseph Bressany, — an Italian by Birth, and a native of the City of Rome, whom our Reverend Father General had sent here to us,[1] two years ago, — and a young French lad, who was sent to serve our Fathers. It was believed that there would not, as yet, be much danger upon the river; and our [Page 29] Herons especially were of opinion that, as the ice had not yet entirely disappeared, the Iroquois had not had time to come from their country. Moreover, they imagined that Peace had already been concluded between them and the Iroquois, in consequence of overtures commenced upon this subject before they had left their own country. This induced us to risk several packages for our Fathers among the Hurons, owing to the need in which they were, after so many losses.

All these assurances did not prevent the Father and the Hurons from preparing themselves as persons who might soon die. All were ready alike for life or for death, — but for death rather than life, [154] because divine Providence gave them some inward presentiment of what was to happen to them, Nor were they without some outward indications; for Father Bressany’s canoe was wrecked about a league from the three Rivers, at a place where there was no danger, and in fine weather. Owing to the proximity of the land, all in the canoe was saved; but this accident stopped them, and compelled them to sleep at this side of the entrance to the Lake. When they started thence on the following day, the cold and the quantity of snow that fell greatly delayed them, and did not allow them to proceed farther than the Marguerie river, six leagues beyond the three Rivers.[2] Here the Hurons fired a few gun shots at some Bustards; this made their presence known to thirty Iroquois who were not far away, and who prepared an ambush for them beyond the river, behind a point which they had to double. Consequently, on the third day after their departure, when the canoe which carried Father Bressany, and [Page 31] which led the way, reached that point, it was immediately [155] attacked by three Iroquois canoes. On seeing them, the Father commanded his people not to fight, as their side was not of equal strength, in either men or arms. The enemies drew near, seized the Father and the two Hurons who accompanied him, and declared them their prisoners.

Meanwhile the two other Huron canoes endeavored to escape by flight, and were already so far away that they thought they were out of danger, when, on doubling another point, they saw two other Iroquois canoes, strongly manned, which attacked them. In this encounter one of our Hurons, named Bertrand Sotrioskon, tried to use his gun, but was prevented from doing so by an Iroquois who felled him in his canoe, quite dead; this so frightened the others, that they allowed themselves to be taken without further resistance.

The enemies landed, with their prisoners; broke open all the packages containing the ‘articles needed by our Fathers, who have received nothing for three years: tore up the letters that we [I 561 sent them; and equally divided the spoils. They then threw themselves on the body of the man whom they had killed; they tore his heart out of his breast, and scalped him; they cut off his lips, and the most fleshy parts of his thighs and legs, which they boiled and ate in the presence of the captives. But, while these Barbarians so treated his body, it is probable that God crowned his soul with glory in Heaven, as a reward for his Faith, his purity, and his innocence, — whereof the Father who directed his conscience gives this testimony, that, from the moment of his baptism, he had never grievously offended [Page 33] God, and that he had performed many generous acts of virtue.

At the time, they committed no outrage on Father Bressany or on the other captives whom they carried off to their country, with the exception of one who escaped halfway. This was Henry Stontrats, — a man of mature age and mind, and a most excellent Christian, — who related to us all the circumstances attending their capture. He assured us that the Iroquois had [157] neither stripped nor bound Father Bressany, and had left him his Breviary, and all the small articles that he carried on his person; but that they had, nevertheless, threatened to burn him at the entrance of their village, as he had been given in the place of a celebrated Iroquois recently killed at Montreal by the French. The good Father was very well prepared for this, and, according to the account of the Huron who escaped, he went his way quite joyful and content, greatly consoling and encouraging his companions. He added that, since the end of the Winter, in less than a month, ten bands of Iroquois warriors had started from their country to war against the French, Algonquins, and Hurons. The first two had gone to the Falls of the Chaudiere, a place famous for Iroquois ambuscades, and Huron defeats; the third, to the foot of the long Sault;[3] the fourth, above Montreal; the fifth, to the Island of Montreal itself. He said that this last consisted of 80 warriors, who lay there three days in ambush, watching the French of that settlement, who saw and boldly attacked them. [158] Finally, — after a long resistance, in which they killed some of the Barbarians and wounded many, — they were compelled to fall back, having lost five out of their [Page 35] thirty men, three of whom were killed and two taken prisoners. The latter were afterward burned alive, during four days, with frightful tortures. The sixth band, consisting of 40 warriors, had marched toward the river des prairies, where they surprised a party of Algonquins, who were all carried off as captives, and most of these were immediately burned at the Iroquois village. The seventh is that which captured Father Bressany and our Herons, — among whom, in addition to the Iroquois, there were six Hurons, and 3 of the Wolf Tribe, who are naturalized Iroquois.[4] The 8th is a band of 30, who met our prisoners on the way; they cut off a finger from the hand of Henry, who afterward escaped, and one from that of Michel Atiokwendoron, and threatened the Father, — without, however, doing him any harm. This band, who were coming to attack the three Rivers, were to leave a letter that they had received from Father Bressany, at the [I 591 end of a stick, on the bank of the great river; but nothing was found save the said Father’s canoe, that had been given to that band, and was afterward left behind and recognized near the three Rivers. The 9th band made its appearance at Richelieu; and the 10th went in the direction of the Huron country; besides, there are several others, that have started or will start later. That is what the Huron relates who effected his escape, and who — having reëmbarked not long after, with some others who had recently come down from their country — again fell, with all his companions, into the hands of the Iroquois. They will not fail to put him to death, according to their custom, — not only because he was already destined for death at his first capture, and in revenge [Page 37] for another Iroquois killed at Montreal, but because of his flight, which is a crime among them that they do not forgive.

Such has been the end of our Seminary for the Hurons, which we would deeply regret, — both on account of the loss of these good Neophytes, whom we tenderly love for their virtue, and of the great hopes with which their zeal (1601 for the advancement of the Faith inspired us, — had we not the utmost confidence in the providence of God, who will cause this accident to result to the benefit both of these poor captives and of their nation, by ways that we know not of. However, we cannot but regret the loss of Father Bressany, — an excellent laborer in these Missions, of whom we had great expectations, — if, nevertheless, we can reasonably feel regret for the condition of a person who cheerfully suffers great trials for so good a cause. It has pleased Our Lord to give us back Father Jogues, and he has taken Father Bressany from us. His will be done; he is the Master of our lives and of our liberties. It will always be a great honor for us to be able to sacrifice them to his glory.

We would have been deprived of all knowledge of what has happened to Father Bressany since the time< of his capture, had we not heard it from a trust-worthy person who was an eyewitness of all that he suffered during his captivity. After the first encounter, related above, [161] the Iroquois crossed Lake saint Pierre, and took the captives, for their sleep, to a very damp but very retired place, — where the Father and his companions, all securely bound, passed the night without any shelter but the Sky, or other bed than the earth. This was their usual lot, every [Page 39] night throughout the journey. On the following day, they were made to embark; and, after two days’ navigation, they met another band of Iroquois, who, overjoyed at this capture, gave the Father several blows with cudgels and threatened him with rougher treatment. When the last comers informed the others of the death of one of their most distinguished companions, which had happened at Montreal, the Father was no longer spared, After two days’ navigation, he landed, and walked for six days barefooted through the woods, brush, and swamps, — fasting until about four o’clock in the afternoon, when a halt was made for the purpose of taking a rest. But hardly any was given to the Father, who, wet with rain, with the water of melting snows, of the torrents, and of the [162] rivers that had to be crossed, was compelled to assume all the tasks of the cooking. He was sent for the water and wood; and when he did not do well, or did not understand what was said to him, blows from cudgels were not lacking, — nor were they, whenever the party encountered Hunters and Fishermen. When the six days had expired, he had to embark on the Lake of the Iroquois, which they crossed in 8 days; they then landed, and walked for three days more. On the fourth day, which was the fifteenth of May, about three o’clock in the afternoon, while he was still fasting, they reached a place where there were about 400 Savages, who had erected their cabins there for fishing. About two hundred paces beyond the cabins, the Father was stripped quite naked; and when the Savages had ranged themselves in two lines, facing each other, and armed with cudgels, he was ordered to march the first of all through the ranks of the band. No sooner had [Page 41] he lifted his foot than one of the Iroquois seized him by the left hand, and with a knife inflicted a deep gash between the third and the little fingers; and then the others discharged on him a [163] shower of blows with cudgels, and led him thus to the cabins. There they made him ascend a scaffold (raised about six feet from the ground), — quite naked, bathed in his own blood, that flowed from nearly every part of his body, and exposed to a cold wind that congealed his blood on his skin; and they ordered him to sing during the feast that they gave to those who had brought in the prisoners. When the feast was over, the warriors withdrew and left the Father and his’ companions in the hands of the young men, who made them descend from the scaffold, whereon they had stood for two hours, exposed to the jeers of these Barbarians. When they had come down, they were made to dance, after their fashion. But, as the Father did not do it well, they struck him, goaded him, and tore out his hair. Five or six days were spent in this pastime. Some one out of compassion threw him some shreds of a gown, wherewith to cover himself. He made use of it during the day; but at night they took it from him, and, gathering round him, one goaded him with a very sharp stick; another burned him with a [164] firebrand; others seared him with calumets heated red-hot. The children threw on him hot embers and glowing coals. Then they made him walk around the fire where they had stuck short, pointed sticks into the ground, and had scattered hot embers and live coals; others tore out his beard and his hair. Every night, they would begin anew this diverting sport; and, at the end, they would burn one of his nails or one of his fingers during [Page 43] seven or eight minutes. One night, they would burn a nail; another night, the first joint of a finger; on another, the second joint. Thus they applied fire to his fingers over eighteen times. They pierced his left foot with a stick, and, meantime, he was compelled to sing. This little amusement lasted until fully two hours after midnight; and then they left him there, lying flat on the ground in a spot where rain fell abundantly, — his only covering being a small skin that did not cover one half of his body. A whole month passed in this manner.

From this place, he was taken to the first Village of the Iroquois, and suffered more on [165] this journey than on the previous one, — being wounded, feeble, poorly clad, with but little food, and at night exposed to the air and bound to a tree; so that, instead of sleeping, he could only shiver with the cold. On arriving at the first Village, he was received with severe blows, administered with cudgels on the most sensitive parts of his body; but the blows were so heavy that he fell to the ground, half dead. They still continued to strike him on the chest and on the head, and would have killed him, had not a Captain dragged him on the scaffold that had been erected, as on the first occasion. Here they cut off his left thumb, and two fingers of his right hand, after first, slitting his hand between the second and middle fingers. In the meanwhile, there came a heavy shower accompanied by thunder and lightning, which drove the Savages away, and so they left him there quite naked. As night approached, they took him into a cabin where they burned the remainder of his nails and some of his fingers, twisted his toes, and [Page 45] forced him to eat [166] filth and what the dogs had left, without giving him any rest.

After he had been so tortured in that Village, he was taken to another, at a distance of two or three leagues, where again he had to suffer the same torments. He was, moreover, hung up in chains, by the feet; and, when he was taken down, his feet, his hands, and his neck were bound with the same chains. Seven days passed in this manner, and new tortures were added; for he was made to suffer in places and in ways concerning which propriety will not allow us to write. Sagamité was poured on his stomach and the dogs were called to eat the cigarette, biting him as they ate. All these sufferings reduced him to such a state that he became so offensive and noisome to the smell, that all kept away from him as from carrion and approached only to torment him. He was covered with pus and filth, and his sores were alive with maggots. With all this, he could hardly find any one who would give him a little Indian corn boiled in water. The blows that he [x67] had received caused an abscess to form on his thigh, that allowed him no rest, — which was, moreover, difficult to obtain on account of the hardness of the ground, on which he stretched his body, that was only skin and bone. He did not know how he could succeed in opening his abscess, but God guided the hand of a Savage — who wished to stab him three times with a knife — so that the Savage struck him directly on the abscess, whence flowed an abundance of pus and blood, and thus he was cured. Who would ever have thought that any man could have suffered so much without dying — abandoned in terra aliena, in loco horroris et vastæ soditudinis; without [Page 47] language with which to make himself heard; without friends to console him; without Sacraments, and without any remedy wherewith to alleviate his suffering? He did not know why the Savages deferred his death so long, — unless, perhaps, to fatten him before eating him; but they did not take the means to do so. Finally, on the 19th of June, the Iroquois gathered together from all the Villages, to the number of 2,000, in the Village where the Father was, who thought that that day [168] would be the last of his life. After the meeting, he begged the Captain that the torture by fire might be changed for another; as for death, he would welcome it. “Not only shalt thou not suffer by fire,” replied the Captain, “but what is more, thou shalt not die. That has been resolved.” I know not how they came to take that resolution; but I know well that they themselves were afterward astonished at it, without knowing why, as the Dutch and the good Cousture — who was taken two years ago with Father Jogues, and who saw Father Bressany only after his deliverance — have related.

That resolution taken, they gave him, with all the ceremonies usual in the country, to a good woman whose grandfather had formerly been killed by the Hurons in an encounter. This woman received him; but her daughters could not bear him, because he inspired them with such horror. I know not whether it was this that led the mother to think of his deliverance, or whether it was through compassion that she took on him, or, rather, because she saw that he was unfit for work owing to the mutilation [16g] of his fingers, and was convinced that he would be a burden upon her. In any case, she ordered her son to take [Page 49] him to the Dutch, and, on receiving some present from them, to deliver him into their hands. This the son faithfully carried out.

But, before leaving, the Father had the consolation of baptizing a Huron who was being taken to the torture, and who earnestly begged for Baptism before dying. This the Father granted him, knowing that he had received sufficient instruction from our Fathers. But it could not be done so secretly that the Iroquois did not perceive it, so they compelled him to go out and leave him. When he was dead, they brought his limbs into the cabin where the Father was, and, after cooking them, they ate them in his presence; then, placing the head of the dead man at his feet, they asked: “Well! of what avail was Baptism to him?” If the Father could have explained himself in their language, it would have been a good opportunity for him to instruct them. It was, nevertheless, a profound consolation [I 701 to have been there so opportunely for the happiness of that poor Savage. He started shortly afterward, in the company of the young Savage, the son of the good widow, who took him to the Dutch. He was received by them with great kindness, and they satisfied the Savage beyond all his expectations; they gave the Father clothes, and, after keeping him with them for some time, until his health was restored, they put him on board a ship. He reached la Rochelle, on the fifteenth of November of the year 1644, in better health than he has ever enjoyed since he has belonged to our Society. [Page 51]

[171] CHAPTER X.

OF THE CAPTURE OF THREE IROQUOIS.

A BAND of sixty Hurons who had come down toward the French with the intention of fighting the Iroquois, if they encountered them, reached the three Rivers without meeting an enemy. But they had not long been there, when information was brought them that some canoes had made their appearance on Lake saint Pierre, which is only two leagues above the three Rivers. They hastened there at once, accompanied by some Algonquins who wished to join them. Finding only signs and traces of the enemy, they went farther up, as far as Richelieu, which is at the Mouth of the river of the Iroquois. When they reached that settlement, some of them rested; while the others, thinking that the Iroquois were not far away, embarked [172] at night on that river to go and seek them. They passed through the Iroquois sentinels, without being noticed. Thirty Iroquois were posted as pickets below their main body, to watch for any French or any Savages of our allies who might show themselves, on the water or on land. As the night was dark, they did not perceive those young warriors who were ascending, against the current of the river, to discover the enemy. They heard some noise, however. When the Hurons had advanced some distance, they observed a number of fires in the woods. Having ascertained that they were enemies, and judging from the number [Page 53] of their fires that the forces were unequal, they withdrew a little, to consult as to what they should do. While halting, they heard in their rear two canoes, propelled by many paddles. They were greatly surprised, because they had not observed these as they passed through them.

It was the ambush of those thirty Iroquois who, suspecting that there was some one [I 731 on the river, wished to find out who it was. Here, then, were our Hurons between the main body of their enemies and these two well-manned canoes. They turned toward the latter, and both sides fired Arquebus shots and arrows without much effect, owing to the darkness of the night. The two canoes retreated to their main body. A Huron who had been captured in battle by the Iroquois and had taken sides with them, left them under cover of night, and, running along the bank of the river, he called out to the Hurons, who were in doubt as to whether they should renew the fight. After some distrust of this man, they drew near to him. He called out that he belonged to their Nation, and that he desired to escape with them. “How many of you are here?” he asked. “We are hut sixty,” replied the Hurons. “Fly,” he said; “for, besides the two canoes that you met, which contained thirty Iroquois, there are a hundred, hidden not far from here.” He did not include those who were scattered here and there, in troops, along the great river. Another Huron, who had hidden himself in [174] the edge of the wood and had listened to the Iroquois, told them that ten out of the band of thirty had detached themselves therefrom to hunt for Frenchmen. Those ten hunters were quite near fort Richelieu, hidden amid the brushwood and trees, [Page 55] where they were waiting until the French should come out in the morning to visit the nets stretched near their fort. The warriors, on hearing this, went to reconnoitre that ambuscade; and, on discovering it, they tried to surround it. But, when the spies saw that they were found out, they rose like a covey of frightened Partridges; and having neither wings nor feet sufficiently swift to allow of their all escaping, three of them fell into the hands of our Hurons. They gave one to the Algonquins, who commenced to treat him in a barbarous manner. As there were many enemies around Richelieu, they did not feel safe; so both Hurons and Algonquins embarked to go down to the three Rivers, where they brought their prisoners in triumph. On the 26th of [I 751 July, at 4 o’clock in the morning, a canoe was observed from the three Rivers floating down the current. When it had approached within earshot, the doleful voice of an Algonquin was heard, calling out that one of the Hurons who had gone to the war was dead. But he was mistaken. It was quite true that one of those three Iroquois, on being captured, had stabbed with his knife the Huron who had seized him; and that the wound was considered mortal. But it was not so, although his lung was badly injured, and a portion of it protruded. The surgeon cut this off; and, strange to say, when he threw it on the ground, a Huron picked it up, roasted it, and gave it to the wounded man to eat. He swallowed it, singing: “That is very strange medicine.”

Soon afterward, joyful voices were heard from afar; and from twelve to fifteen canoes made their appearance on the great river, floating gently down with the current, bearing about eighty warriors, who [Page 57] struck their paddles against the sides of the canoes, and sang all together, — making the prisoners dance in time to their voices, and to the noise that they made. They were [r76] all seated in these little Bark boats, with the exception of the three poor victims, who appeared above the others, and who sang as boldly as the victors, — showing by the swaying of their bodies, and the look in their eyes, that the fire and death that they expected caused them no fear.

All the people came out to witness this Triumph of the Savages. Joy animated the souls of the victors, while sorrow afflicted those of the vanquished. When all had landed, they were taken to the cabins of the Algonquins. Some threw themselves on him who had been given to them, tore out his nails, cut off several of his fingers, and burned his feet with heated stones. Monsieur de Chamflour, the commandant of the settlement, sent word to them to desist; that information had to be given to Monsieur the Chevalier de Montmagny, the Governor of the country, of the capture of the prisoners and that the matter was important.

It was difficult to control the fury of these minds, that were vindictive to the last degree, for this poor wretch had been given in the place of a brave Algonquin, taken prisoner and burned [I 771 by the Iroquois. All those who loved the dead man vented their wrath on this one who was but half alive.

Monsieur the Governor arrived, and assembled the principal Algonquins. But, as their vengeance had already devoted the victim to the flames, they replied that his life was disposed of, — that the stake was already prepared; that they would treat him in the [Page 59] same manner as the Iroquois treated them, when they fell into their hands. Indeed, he would have been burned that very night, had not Monsieur de Montmagny caused orders to be given them in a very emphatic manner. The violence of their fury was therefore restrained; and the Christians were secretly advised to represent the importance of the matter to their countrymen, — that overtures of peace could be made only through those captives, and that peace meant the welfare and salvation of the whole country. When their first feelings of rage were appeased, they became more tractable.

The Hurons were also spoken to about giving up their prisoners; but they turned a deaf ear. Some savages, who saw what Monsieur the Governor desired, [178] made him understand their fashion of delivering prisoners. They handed him thirty-two or thirty-three straws, saying that a similar number of presents would speak more effectively for the deliverance of the prisoners, than the most eloquent tongues in the world; and that it was thus that those who wished for peace should act. Indeed, feasts, presents, and harangues do all the business of these savages. When Monsieur de Montmagny saw this, he caused to be spread out in the courtyard of the fort, on a fine day, three considerable presents consisting of axes, blankets, kettles, arrowheads, and similar articles. Then he ordered the Chiefs and principal men of the Algonquins and Hurons who were then at the Three Rivers to be summoned before him. When they had taken their places, each on his own side, he made his Interpreter explain to them what those presents meant. He had already caused to be strongly impressed on them, and had [Page 61] represented to them by powerful arguments, that it was highly important for them to make peace with their enemies; and that the only [179] way to do so was to send back one of those captives, who might prevail upon his countrymen to come to a good understanding, and agree to a lasting peace between all these Nations. The Algonquins, who had shown themselves so furious at the beginning, brought their prisoner, who was no longer able to walk; and one of their Captains made a speech, saying that they wished to live on good terms with the French, seeing likewise that many of them were of the same belief; that they could refuse nothing to Monsieur the Governor, whom they called their Captain; that it was not for the sake of the presents that they manifested such obedience, but through the desire that the country might be free, and that all the nations might enjoy profound peace. They did not fail to take what was intended for the deliverance of the prisoner. It is true that the majority of these gifts were not for them, but for the purpose of drying the tears of the relatives of him to whose soul this pitiable victim was to be sacrificed. When he saw that he had escaped the fire that had been prepared for him, he gazed eagerly at his [18o] liberator, repeating several times the name that these people have given him: “Onontio, Onontio,“ — that is to say, “Great mountain, great mountain;” expressing his joy and pouring forth all his thanks by a single word that is worth ten thousand.

As to the Hurons, the sight of all those presents produced no effect on them; on the contrary, they manifested their regret, being sorry that they were not able to grant what was insisted upon so urgently, [Page 63] and with such good reasons. One of their Captains arose, and exclaimed very angrily: “I am a man of war, and not a trader; I came to fight and not to trade. My glory does not consist in bringing back presents, but prisoners; and, consequently, I cannot touch your axes or your kettles. If you are so anxious to have our prisoners, take them; I have still enough courage to go and find others. If the enemy kill me, it will be said throughout the country that, because Onontio kept our prisoners, we exposed ourselves to death in order to capture others.” [181] This man having exhausted his vehemence, another Captain — a Christian, named Charles — spoke much more modestly. “Be not angry, Onontio,” he said to Monsieur the Governor. “It is not through disobedience that we act thus, but because we fear to lose both honor and life. Thou seest here but young men; the elders in our country govern its affairs. If we were to return to our country with the presents, we would be taken for grasping traders, and not for warriors. We have given our word to the Captains of the Hurons that, if we succeeded in capturing any prisoners, we would deliver them into their hands. Just as those soldiers around thee obey thee, so must we perform our duty toward those who are over us. How could we endure the blame of a whole country when, knowing that we have taken prisoners, they would see only axes and kettles? The presents that thou givest us are much more than is necessary for restoring those men to freedom, and thy desire alone [18z] would suffice to obtain them for thee, if the fear of being considered cowards, and heedless persons who do not obey those who command them, did not induce us to take them back to our country, You [Page 65] will tell me that the Algonquins have given up their prisoner, and that we can give up ours. I reply that the chief Algonquin Captains are here, — that those who govern their affairs are present, and are dependent on no one; and that thus their action cannot be disapproved. But ours will be condemned, and we shall be looked upon as persons without sense for having decided a matter of such consequence without consulting the elders of the country. You prove by your arguments that peace is desirable, — that it is in the interest of the country that the river be free. We are of the same opinion; that is why we have done no harm to our prisoners. We treat them kindly, because we hope to have them for friends. We trust that our Captains will not thwart the wishes of Onontio. They will concede something to our desires; [183] when we tell them that we wish for peace, they will not make us blush. But if we were to settle this matter without bringing the prisoners before them, they would cover our faces with shame. Not only is our honor at stake, but our lives also. It is rumored that the river is full of enemies. If we meet any party stronger than ours, we will at once make our prisoners rise and declare aloud the good treatment that they have received from Onontio, the considerable presents that he has offered for their deliverance, and the good will that we have for them. They will testify that we have done them no harm, — that we are taking them to our own country, to negotiate a peace; and thus will our captives save our lives in the event of such an unfortunate encounter.”

This harangue, delivered in a pleasing and serious manner, supported by all these arguments, and by [Page 67] many others that have escaped my memory, induced Monsieur the Governor to reply that he required the prisoners only for the purpose of negotiating peace; and that if the [184] Hurons wished to negotiate it, he was satisfied; but that they must not break faith in matters so important.

After these speeches, the two other prisoners were brought in; they were shown the presents that were offered for their deliverance; they were told of the great kindness of the French, and that Onontio treated them in a fashion very different from that in which they had treated his people whom they had captured. They admitted the truth of this. One of them arose in the middle of the assembly, and, advancing one or two steps with his fettered limbs, he looked at the Sun, and lowering his eyes upon those who were present, with a look full of assurance, he addressed Monsieur the Governor, exclaiming: “That Sun, Onontio, shall bear testimony to thy kindness on our behalf, and show everywhere thy liberality.” Then, turning in the direction of his country, he said: “Listen, ye who command in the land of the Iroquois; ye Captains of my beloved country, lend me ear. Hereafter, be kind and courteous, and endeavor to acknowledge [185] by your actions what the French have offered for my deliverance; and, even if I should die, be not ungrateful.” “No, no,” replied a Huron Captain, “thou shalt not die. As we do not intend to take thy life, thou must not despair of shortly enjoying thy liberty. Thou shalt reach the country of the Hurons safe and sound; and thou shalt leave it without suffering any harm. We hope to bring thee back here with thy companion, so as to level the soil and make the whole [Page 69] of the great River smooth. Take courage, both of you; and do not forget what the French have done for you.”

The result of these Councils or meetings was, that it was considered that, if the Hurons undertook to negotiate peace, they would do it much more effectively than the French, as they have a better knowledge than we of savage usages. The only thing to be feared is the vengeance and fury of some individual; for a mere fancy will suffice to cause a blow from a hatchet to be struck at these prisoners, and then all hopes of peace will fall to the ground. May God [186] be pleased to direct this matter for his greater glory.

At last, when the Hurons were almost ready to return to their country, as Monsieur the Governor saw that the Iroquois took or massacred nearly all who came down to the French, he gave them more than a score of brave Soldiers from among those whom the Queen has sent over this year to this country. These went with them to winter in their villages, and to serve as an escort to them the following year when they should come down to Kebec. Would you believe that some of these Soldiers, who had formerly been rather bad fellows, told us that it was not lucre nor the hope of any reward that induced them to undertake a journey on which they will encounter great hardships in the difficulties of the road? But they protested that the desire of plying their trade for the good of the Faith, and of giving their lives for so great an object, led them to confide themselves to those barbarians. It is true that Reverend Father Jean de Brébeuf went up with them. He understands [187] the Huron language, and will [Page 71] be of great assistance to them, — as also will Father Leonard Garreau and Father Noel Chabanel, who are going to that quarter to aid in the conversion of the Algonquins who dwell next to the Hurons, and urgently ask to be taught. But we cannot satisfy all these poor peoples. The Iroquois, and the heavy expenses that have to be incurred in so distant a country, are great obstacles to the salvation of these abandoned souls. [Page 73]

CHAPTER XI.

OF THE GOOD CONDUCT OF THE ATIKAMEGUES.

OF ALL the tribes among whom we sow the seed here, we know of none with better inclination and disposition for the Faith than that of the Atikamegues. Although the least instructed, they are, nevertheless, the tribe who give us the strongest evidence of truly Christian goodness. The small number of Evangelistic laborers that we have here, (I 881 and the great number of Residences and Missions that occupy our attention, have not allowed of our going to see them in their own country; and, during the two years since they left Sillery, they have made their appearance at the Three Rivers only in passing, Nevertheless, in spite of this lack of instruction and spiritual assistance, they have preserved the Faith and the fervor of their piety; for the holy Ghost has supplied our place, and has served as their Master, as may easily be seen from their good sentiments and actions, in which they have persevered since their departure from Sillery. Here are some particulars of these.

Not one of them has forgotten the prayers that had been taught to them; and even those who did not know these have learned them. They have observed the Sundays as religiously as if they had been with the French. Every Saturday night, orders were given to solemnize that holy day with all possible respect. One of the principal Christians would [Page 75] announce aloud through the cabins that each one should secure his little supply of wood, and prepare everything that he would need on the following day, that the might not be [189] obliged to violate it by any forbidden labor. On Sunday morning, they met all together in a cabin, and hung to a pole, planted in the middle of it, an embossed Crucifix, which all venerated on bended knees, and with clasped hands, — with as much respect as if they were before the Altar on which the blessed Sacrament is kept. There they repeated devoutly a11 the prayers that they knew, after which they recited together, aloud, the whole of the rosary; and each one withdrew to his own home. If any one of them had nothing to eat, he would rather fast the whole day than go out to fish or to hunt, although they had been taught that God did not exact such strictness. A good Woman, who could not ascertain which of two days was Sunday, would so as not to make a mistake, not work at all during those two days; and for an innocent error she imposed this penance on herself, to recite her rosary twice on each of those two days and to spend both without eating.

Another savage also gave sufficient [190] evidence of the esteem that he had for holy Sunday, and of his desire to honor it. While he was running a rapid with his family, he was carried away by the violence of the current, and had much difficulty in saving himself with his children; his small effects, and consequently all that he possessed, were swallowed up by the waters. That was not what he regretted most; the loss of his paper that served him as a Calendar, and enabled him to distinguish all the Festival days, affected him more than that of [Page 77] the other things. “But it is gone, it is lost; what shall we do?” he said to his wife, who was not yet a Christian; “let us have confidence in God; let us take some Beavers by hunting, and then we shall go down to the Three Rivers. The Father who is there will give us another Massinahigan; and I shall also be very glad to make confession at the same time.” Indeed, he came; and, meeting Father Buteux on the bank of their river, he said to him: “I come from a great distance to ask thee for another Massinahigan; that which thou gavest me was lost when I was wrecked.” He was given another; made his confession, and went away satisfied.

[191] A Christian woman of the same tribe was asked how she managed in the woods to supply the place of the Mass that she did not hear. “I imagine myself,” she said, “to be sometimes in the Church of Sillery, sometimes in that of the hospital, sometimes in that of the Ursulines, and again in that of Quebec, with the French; and with that thought I repeat my rosary, — saying to God that, if I were present in any of those places, I would attend Mass in fact, as I assist in desire. He knows very well that I deprive myself of that consolation through love for him and for my countrymen, whom I could never teach as I do if I did not follow them in the woods; and thus I pray him to aid me as effectively as he would do were I to be present at Mass in one of those Churches, where I am present in wish and in thought.”

Another, who had a violent attack of sore throat which prevented her from uttering a word, said to God in the depths of her heart: “Thou who knowest all things, thou seest well what my thoughts are [Page 79] If I wish to recover [192] my health and my speech, it is not for my own pleasure, but in order to be able to answer at prayers with the others, and above all to be able to teach what I know to the others who know it not. That is why I ask thee to cure me. However, thou wilt do as thou choosest.” All this convinces us that Faith has penetrated far into these souls, since zeal for God’s glory and respect for holy things are so deeply engraved in them. Here is another proof of this.

These good savages left Sillery in the middle of the winter, to hunt in the woods, all the time approaching the mouth of their river. When they arrived there, they found themselves intermingled with many others who were not yet Christians, some of whom had never even heard the Faith mentioned. The number of the ungodly was much greater than that of the faithful, and it would seem that the former should have had more power and authority. However, the latter so prevailed that the ungodly allowed themselves to be persuaded (1931 by the discourses and examples of the faithful to give up their drums, their sorceries, and their eat-all feasts, and to come down to the Three Rivers to be instructed. They came down, therefore, to the number of thirty-five canoes well filled. The first thing that the Christians did was to enter our Chapel and bring thither the others, after which they asked to hold a Council with Monsieur des Rochers, who was then in command of the fort of the Three Rivers, and with Father Buteux, to whom the Captain spoke as follows: ‘I Listen to my words, thou who knowest well the Massinahigan. Here, look at what thou seest before thee; these are the letters that I send to the Captain [Page 81] of the French who is at Quebec. My young men will carry them; but thou who hast more wit than they, — write to him what I shall tell thee.

“Last year he made us a fine present, to give us sense; we have received a little of it. We wish to acknowledge his present by embracing the Faith; and we will prove to him that what we say is true, by this letter which [194] thou wilt send him” (it was a package of Beaver skins). He continued: “We were given the pleasure of being taught and baptized last winter. We return thanks for this, first; and we ask the continuation of that favor by this other letter” (this was another package of sixty-four Beaver skins). “You have pity on us,” he added. “The enemies troubled our river by their incursions; you close it by means of the forts that you erect against the Iroquois. Here is something with which to strengthen those forts.” As he said this, he threw down another package of Beaver skins. “Nothing further remains,” he said, “but to live as brothers, and not to quarrel, since we all pray. But, inasmuch as that is difficult when trade is being carried on, here are furs to soothe the minds,” and he threw down a fourth package of Beaver skins.

We replied to all these presents, and gave him to understand that we did not teach them in the hope of any reward, — that, on the contrary, we wished to assist them corporally as well as spiritually. “I know that very well,” he said, “but this is only to show you that [195]] we do not lie, when we tell you that we ardently desire to embrace the Faith. I speak in the name of all here, who are of the same opinion as myself.”

If the words of this Captain promise much, his [Page 85] actions do not belie them. He had been very badly treated by a French soldier, who had pushed him, thrown him down, and dragged him along the ground. Such an insult to a savage of high rank among his people, in whose presence this occurred, must beyond doubt have been deeply felt, according to nature; and had not the Faith penetrated very far into his heart, he, being unable to revenge himself upon his adversary, would have blamed religion for it, as others have done on similar occasions who have abandoned it out of spite, at least for a time. But his love for prayer, and the esteem that he had for it, led him to bear this insult bravely, and to win a glorious victory over himself. He addressed himself to Father Buteux, and asked him if he knew what had happened to him. “Yes,” replied the Father, “I do know.” ‘I It is true,” he said, [196] “that an injury has been done to me; but the Faith that I have in my heart, and that I desire to preserve, prevents me from feeling any resentment. I willingly pardon that soldier; he has no sense. For that reason, I must not be like him, nor must I abandon prayer, nor think that all the French are worthless because one of them is not good. My heart is at peace. Rest assured that I harbor no evil thoughts. Were I to follow my natural feeling, I would do a wicked deed; but I do not wish to offend God.” Those who know the temper of the savages, and how natural revenge is to them, will admire this action, and admit that the grace of God works wonderful changes in their hearts.

The wife of this same Captain greatly edified us. She was attacked by a dangerous illness. When she found herself in that condition in the woods, she [Page 85] begged her husband to carry her to the Three Rivers. As ~00x1 as she arrived there, she sent for Father Buteux to whom she said: “Thou seest to what a condition illness has reduced me; it has deprived me of everything (1971 but speech, which I use not for the purpose of asking thee for anything, but only to confess me. It was for that object that I desired to be brought here. Ever since my Baptism I have had but little health; still, for all that, I have never thought that my illness was caused by prayer, as some say who have no sense. I believe firmly, and the pain that I suffer will never make me abandon the Faith. I shall be ill so long as God pleases. If thou knowest that my death is drawing near, do not hide the truth; I do not fear death, but I would like to know if it be near, so that I may learn what I should do, to die a good death.” The chief complaint that she made while she was at the three Rivers was, that we did not visit her often enough to instruct her and prepare her for death. She came every day to Mass, although with great difficulty; at times, she would drag herself on the ground; at others, she would lean upon a stick, or have herself carried by her daughter. She had to be absolutely forbidden [ 1985 to take that trouble, at least on working days. Our Lord has been pleased to prolong her Life for the example of the others, and in order that she might have more merit. And she is of great use to the members of her tribe, for she takes most special pains to make them pray to God, wherever she is. Her adieu to Father Buteux at her departure was very pathetic. “Farewell,” she said; “I am going to die in the woods. I shall never see thee again except in Heaven. I commend to thee [Page 87] those who belong to my tribe. Wilt thou never come to our country to teach them? What have we done to thee, that thou shouldst abandon us? We have been inviting thee for so long a time. All our people wish to believe; it depends only on thee that they be all baptized. Take courage, come to us as soon as possible; have pity on so many souls that are going to destruction. Pray to God for me. I have but one request to make thee; that is to let my daughter receive communion. It seems to me that I could leave this spot and this world with greater content, if I saw her receive that Sacrament. She is no [199] longer flighty, as she was before her Baptism. Fear not. She is quite different.” Indeed, what she said was true. That girl before her Baptism was very fickle and giddy; while now her modesty is admirable, and has made her worthy of that Sacrament which is the bread of the great and the wine that brings forth Virgins.

In that family there remained to be baptized only a young man twenty years of age. We did not venture to administer that Sacrament because we apprehended — what is to be feared in the case of all the other young men — that he might marry contrary to the laws of the Church. But, in the end, his importunity obtained for him what he demanded. Father Buteux was very busy at the time, and also pretended to be still more so. He frequently turned him away on purpose, to try him. That did not repel him; he came back five or six times a day to be instructed, and was not uneasy if he was kept waiting; he occupied the time in reciting his rosary, and in repeating to himself what had been taught him. He always persisted in asking for the same thing: [200] [Page 89] “When shall I be baptized? I will not leave here nor shall my uncle” (this was the Captain of the tribe), “until I am baptized.” He was baptized, and the zeal that he displayed last winter in teaching his countrymen has shown that it was the spirit of God that impelled him to ask so urgently for Baptism. He became a Catechist among his tribe, and his zeal and ability supplied what was wanting in years for the performance of the duties of that office.

The chief persons of the tribe followed the impulse given by their Captain and his family. They noticed that some wanton youths from another tribe came into their cabins at night. They begged Father Buteux to prevent such disorderly conduct. “Tell them from us,” they said, “that we do not pray by halves, or as a pretense; and, consequently, that we cannot endure the liberties taken by their young men. If they wish to do evil, let them do it among those of their own tribe, and not here among us, where we have the right to prevent such dissolute behavior. God and the Devil do not agree [201] together in the same cabin. Arrange that their Captains give public notice, so as to stop the disorderly conduct of their young men.”

They are not content with preventing evil when the opportunity presents itself; they also do good to other tribes, either by themselves teaching and exhorting them, or by bringing them to be instructed. Some of the tribe of the Ouramanichek having come down here to trade, the chief men of the Atikamegues brought them at once to us. “Listen,” they said, “to what you shall be told, and know that it is the most important of all the things that concern you. It is what we esteem, and what you must [Page 91] esteem, above all. Be not surprised if you do not at first understand what shall be said to you; the same thing will be often repeated to you, and finally you will have sense, if you wish.” I think that they will carry the news of the Faith further toward the North, to several other tribes who are not yet known to us, [202] and with whom they trade.

God’s goodness is admirable in the changes that it effects daily in the hearts of these people. A savage had formerly never allowed one of his children to be baptized, fearing that Baptism would cause his death. When he came to the Three Rivers, some time afterward, he strongly urged Father Buteux for several days to baptize three of his children. A woman likewise, who had formerly repelled the same Father, and had prevented him from baptizing one of her children that died in the woods without baptism, afterward came of her own accord to be baptized, with four others of her children. Hœc mutatio dexteræ Excelsi.

Paul Ouetamourat feared that he and his people might revert to their superstitions which they had abandoned at Sillery. He ordered that they should not call it a feast when they invited one another, and that they should not eat together; but that, when each one had received his portion on his plate, he should withdraw [203] to his own house. “It is to be feared,” they said, “that the Devil might deceive us, and friendly feasts might gradually lead us back to superstitious feasts.” The good man found a young boy, one of his relatives, who was sick. He took him up, and carried him through rapids and by frightful precipices as far as the Three Rivers, where he placed him in the hands of Father Buteux in order [Page 93] to receive baptism from him, for which he himself had already very well prepared him. He frequently spoke, and by his own example incited the other old men to speak boldly in favor of the Faith, although he was, as yet, but a Catechumen. Still, he so ardently desired to be baptized that, when Father Buteux entered his cabin one day, he found him very sad and sorrowful, and asked him the reason of it. “Have I not cause to be sorrowful?” he said; “thou hadst promised me to teach me often, and thou hast not said a word to me today. Do I know what may happen to me? Perhaps the Iroquois are near. I am in danger of dying without baptism, or of receiving it with very little [204] knowledge and profit, if thou dost not hasten to teach me.” It was necessary to give him that consolation, and to baptize him with his two daughters, — the elder of whom has naturally a great inclination for devotion, which she has communicated to her husband, making him as fond of prayer as he was formerly opposed and hostile to it. She made use of a holy deception to hasten her baptism. She persuaded the Father that she would go to the woods, before long. “Thou seest very well,” she said, “that I am preparing to start at any day; I have begun to fold up my bark. I shall die without baptism, and thou wilt be sorry for it, as well as I.” “Wait,” Father Buteux said to her; “thou art in no greater haste than thy Father.” “I know the prayers better than he does,” she replied; ‘I why should I wait for him?”

If we had granted Baptism to all who asked for it, they would nearly all be baptized. Nevertheless, we could not refuse it to a good woman, who really [Page 95] seems another Ste. Monica, — having as much zeal for the baptism of her son as that saint had for St. Augustine’s conversion. [205] She succeeded in this, and was baptized with her son, to whom during the ceremony she frequently repeated: “Have courage, my son, do well; say in thy heart: ‘I renounce all my wickedness. I do not wish to go into the flames; I wish to be blessed, and a friend of God.’” At the same time, three young boys were baptized, the last of whom was a little orphan, the youngest of all but not the least, fervent. “How!” said he, “why should I not be baptized? I know the prayers; I am with my elder brother, where they pray to God. I have come down here solely to be baptized. What is to prevent me?” He pleaded his cause so effectually that he won it.

Here are two or three proofs of the efficacy of the baptism of some adults. “Before my baptism,” said a woman, “I was addicted to saying evil words. During the past four or five months, since I have been baptized, I do not remember having said more than one, and then it was through surprise and without intention.” This same woman was speaking one day to another about the [206] cruelty of the Iroquois, and the danger of falling into their hands. “Whatever God pleases will happen,” she said. “Before my baptism, I was never without fear: now my heart feels secure. No matter if I be taken, burned, and eaten; when that is over, I shall afterward enjoy a life that will never end.”

Another asked Father Buteux for some remedy for a flux that troubled her greatly. She was asked whether she would be sorry to die then. ‘6 Yes,” she said, “not because I fear death, but because 1 [Page 97] have served God so badly until now.” This was an act of humility on the part of that woman, for she is an excellent Christian. Another, who was asked whether she loved God and prayer more than life, replied that she did. “For,” said she, “if any one should wish to kill me, or make me abandon prayer, I would say: ‘Kill me; it will be better for me, — 1 shall go to Heaven.’”

It happened on three or four different occasions, while the Father was instructing the savages in our Chapel, that [207] an alarm was given, as if the Iroquois had made their appearance. The Father went out to see what it was, and his hearers remained, attentively repeating what they had just been taught, without even looking out, and quietly awaited the return of their Master.

They have such an abhorrence for their former sorceries that, when a Christian who was sick began to sing in his dreams during the night, the others who heard him awoke him at once, telling him that he did wrong to obey the Devil.

A young man beat his wife, on account of some act of disobedience and made blood flow from her nose; Father Buteux was told of it, and sent for him. He replied that he must wait until he had atoned for his fault, which he would do on the following morning, as soon as daylight should appear, for it was then too late to do so. Indeed, he went to confession very early in the morning on the following day, and offered to submit to a public penance, and to be publicly whipped or beaten with a stick by the hands of the French, whom he had scandalized by that deed. He escaped more easily than that, and [208] became reconciled with his wife in a Christianlike [Page 99] manner. These are a small portion of the good sentiments and good actions of the Atikamegues, which are common to many Christians of that tribe. Since the events of which we have just written, they have passed nearly a whole year without receiving instruction, — except on one or two occasions, to a slight extent and in passing, for our Fathers were occupied elsewhere. Nevertheless, they have persevered in their fervor as Father Brébeuf, who saw them last Spring at the Three Rivers, writes us: “The Atikamegues,” he says, “came down here to the number of nine canoes on the vigil of Pentecost. They knew that the next day was a Sunday that is observed in an extraordinary manner. As soon as they landed, they asked to be allowed to pray to God in our Chapel, and to confess themselves. The Captain even asked to be permitted to receive communion, saying that he had prepared himself for it during the whole winter. A young man went to confession three separate times, fearing always that he had forgotten something. Those who are not yet baptized ask [209] most urgently for Baptism. They promise to come back here at the end of September, and are anxious to meet a Father to instruct them.” This is sufficient to prove what I said at the beginning of this Chapter, — that this tribe has a great inclination and disposition toward the Faith. [Page 101]

CHAPTER XII.

OF THE MISSION OF THE HOLY CROSS AT TADOUSSAC.

ATHER Buteux succeeded last Summer to Father Dequen in the care of this Mission. Father Dequen has had charge of it this year. Here are Father Buteux’s notes, which could not be written in the last Relation, because they came too late, but which must not be omitted from this one.

When he reached Tadoussac he found a good many savages, both Christians and Pagans. The former were there awaiting the arrival of one of our Fathers, to enjoy the blessing of holy Mass and of the Sacraments. The [21o] majority of the latter wished to behold the Fathers, whom they had not yet seen, and of whom they had heard so much. The Christians and Catechumens continued their pious practices, such as praying to God night and morning, reciting the Rosary, singing Hymns, meeting three times in the Chapel on Sundays and Festival days, and other like spiritual exercises which maintain them in the feeling of devotion. Such are the respect, obedience, fervor, and assiduity with which they acquit themselves of these holy exercises, that the French who have seen them, and even the Heretics, have admired them, and have asserted that what they had seen with their own eyes would not be believed in France. Among others, a ship Captain — who is of the pretended Religion, and who entered the Chapel through curiosity to see the savages at [Page ] prayer — was so astonished when he saw them kneel and make the sign of the Cross, that he himself knelt and made the sign of the Cross with them. Let us enter into further particulars.

We had often desired that those [211] who have any special authority among the savages and whose age or valor gives them some importance, should embrace the Faith, and boldly profess it, in order better to lead thereto the young people, who generally follow the opinions of those who command them. Our Lord has granted our desires everywhere, and now enables us to see with pleasure Barbarian Captains, whose authority has hitherto been only in favor of vice and cruelty, become Apostles and Preachers, most zealous for the glory of God, whom they are only beginning to know. Here is an example:

Father Buteux preached a sermon to the savages, to teach them what God required of them; and he laid particular stress upon the fact that God desires that the Captains, who hold his place, should have his honor in high esteem and prevent the evil that affronts him. A Captain arose and said: “Wait, Father Buteux, do not go out; I wish to speak; and you, young men, listen to me. This is the resolution that [2 121 I took at my baptism, and that I now renew: ‘I intend, as long as I live, to love him who has made all; I intend to abstain from everything that he forbids, and I desire that all who acknowledge me as Captain should abstain from such things.’ Listen, thyself, Father Buteux, to what our young men say, and observe what they do. If any of them should dishonor prayer by any evil word or action, order thyself his chastisement, and I will make the guilty one suffer it. They will accept it willingly, [Page 105] if I command it; and if the fault require that another should interfere, even if it come to hanging them, as is done in France, I will do it myself if no one else will. Whatever sin my people may commit against God, I will punish them as the Captain of the French would punish his people. Listen, my nephews; listen, my brothers, — both young and old; I say it, I will do it; and nothing shall prevent me, not even the fear of death. I shall have to die sooner or later. If I die in that [z 131 fashion, I shall not die in another; and how could I die a more glorious death than in defending the honor of our great Captain? I will never say, as some drunkards do, that prayer causes death; indeed, I am willing to die in the defense of prayer. That is what I say, and what I think; think of it, on your part. From the sermon that the Father has just preached to us, I have taken what he has said for me, and I have replied to it. See what you have to do with reference to what he and I have just said for you.”

This harangue — delivered in an extraordinarily powerful voice, and assisted by the grace of the Holy Ghost, who had inspired it — produced a wonderful impression on the hearts of those who heard it, judging from the astonishment that showed itself on their faces. A Frenchman who was present, and who understood nothing of what was said, was nevertheless as attentive as any other, and was delighted with the zeal of the Preacher and the attention paid by his hearers. Certainly, those who know the freedom of the savages, and the difficulty that they [2 141 have in submitting to any kind of constraint, will be astonished at that man’s boldness, and at the silence of the others; but not they who know the saying of the [Page 107] Apostle, ubi spiritus Domini, ibi libertas, and that there is no sweeter, no gentler, no stronger influence over the heart than that of grace.

A woman, who was dangerously ill, asked when her confession could be heard. The Father fixed the day, and promised to go and confess her in her cabin; but she did not wait for him, and as she could * not walk, she crawled on her belly as far as the Chapel. When the Father saw her arrive, all out of breath, he asked her why she had come. “I respect Confession,” she replied; “my cabin is not a fit’ place for the holiness of that mystery. I shall feel more devotion here.” “But,” replied the Father, “thou endangerest thy life.” “Well,” she said, ‘I it is better that I should die. Baptism has removed all fear of death from my mind because thou teachest that there is another life, whence all sufferings are banished, and wherein we enjoy [215] pleasures of all kinds. I would have no sense were I to fear death.”