EDITED BY

Reuben Gold Thwaites

Secretary of the State historical Society of Wisconsin

COMPUTERIZED TRANSCRIPTION BY

Thom Mentrak

Historical Interpreter at Ste. Marie Among The Iroquois

Vol. VI

¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯ ¯

EDITORIAL STAFF

PREFACE TO VOL. VI.

Following is a synopsis of the documents contained in the present volume:

XXI. In the final installment of Le Jeune's Relation for 1633 (the first part was presented in our Vol. V.), the superior describes the Coming (July 28), of the Hurons to Quebec, and the conference that was held between them and the French. The missionaries make arrangements to return with these savages, to labor in their country; but, at the last moment, complications arise from the murder of a Frenchman by up-country natives, and in consequence the Hurons refuse passage to the Fathers. Le Jenne closes with an earnest appeal for help in their work in Christianizing the denizens of the great wilderness.

XXII. This is a letter from Le Jenne to his provincial, written in the year 1634, but not bearing specific date. He describes the condition of the Quebec mission; states that at last the Huron country is open to them, and Brébeuf and others have gone thither. He, with Buteux, will go to the new settlement at Three Rivers, for which he gives his reasons at length. The narrator recites their difficulties with the hired workmen brought from France; and asks that these may be replaced by lay brothers of their own order. He mentions several of these [page 1] brothers by name, describing their abilities and positions. The field of missionary work is widening, and the superior tells how it ought to be occupied, and how many should be assigned for each station. He requests the provincial to appoint another superior in Canada, as his duties are too heavy for him. More missionaries are asked for, and a special petition is entered for the appointment, in this connection, of his friend Benier.

Le Jeune describes the dwelling of the Jesuits at Quebec, and asks for means to fence in a tract of land for their cattle, and to erect a small house for the herders; also, to repair their buildings, injured by the English. He plans how they may provide a portion of their own food, hitherto wholly brought from France: and describes the crops they have thus far raised, with the effect of the climate on each. He deprecates the formation of too many missions, preferring to strengthen those already formed-; and relates the kind help given them by the Company of New France.

In conclusion, our author rehearses the difficulties of reaching the wandering tribes; asks for a seminary for the children; expresses a desire to send some of these to France for education; and requests aid to enlarge the Quebec mission. The manuscript which has come down to us, lacks some of its final pages, but appears to be substantially complete.

XXIII. This document is Le Jeune's Relation of 1634, closed at the mission house in Quebec, August 7th of that year, and sent to his provincial at Paris. The following abstract covers the first nine chapters (out of a total of thirteen), which is all we have space for in the present volume. [page 2]

Le Jeune, as the superior of his order in New France, describes the good conduct and piety of the French settlers, and the wisdom and goodness of the governor, Champlain. An account is given, from hearsay, of the sudden death of Jacques Michel, a profane Huguenot, a tragedy which is thought to have been a direct punishment for his blasphemies. This is followed by a long description of the conversion and baptism of certain savages, and the happy death of some of these. A definite plan is advocated for the conversion of the natives in the neighborhood of Quebec: that the French, their protectors, should make themselves more formidable to the common enemy, the Iroquois; that the friendly natives should be systematically taught agriculture, and induced to become sedentary, and, while thus acquiring this technical education, should be aided with food; that seminaries should be established, in which Indian children, both boys and girls, can be educated at Quebec.

The superior then gives a detailed account of the religious belief, traditions, and superstitions, of the Montagnais tribe, among whom he had passed the preceding winter,—their fasts, rites, and customs. He praises their intelligence, contentment, fortitude, good nature, generosity; but condemns their filthy habits, their inveterate habit of mockery and ridicule, their fierce cruelty towards enemies, their disposition to utter slander, their deceitfulness, gluttony, intemperance, vile language, and impudent habits of begging. He enumerates the animals, birds, fishes, fruits, and roots eaten by the savages. Their numerous feasts are described, and the customs and superstitions connected therewith; also, their mode of hunting elks, beavers, and other animals, and of [page 3] fishing, both by nets and harpoons. He also describes some of the fauna peculiar to Canada,-the singing marmot, the skunk, the squirrels, and the humming-bird.

We take much pleasure in announcing that arrangements have been concluded with Mr. Victor Hugo Paltsits, of the staff of Lenox Library, to furnish notes for and to revise the Bibliographical Data for our series, his services commencing with the present volume. Mr. Paltsits is one of the members of the Bibliographical Society of London, and an expert of wide repute in this important field.

We are under obligations to the Rev. Rudolph Meyer, S. J., of Rome, for valuable advice and encouragement; and to the Rev. T. O'Leary, of Edgegrove, Pa., for kindly suggestions.

R. G. T.

Madison, Wis. April, 1897.

[page 4]

XXI (concluded)

Le Jeune’s Relation, 1633

Paris: SEBASTIEN CRAMOISY, 1634

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Continued from Vol. V.

[page 5]

On the 4th, another council was held; I was present with Father Brebeuf, because the embarkation of our Fathers was to be talked over. Sieur de Champlain made his presents, which corresponded in value to those that the Hurons had made him. To accept presents from the Savages is to bind oneself to return an equivalent. A great many things were spoken of in this council; among others, the Hurons asked for the liberation of the Savage prisoner who [293 i.e., 193] had recently killed a Frenchman, as I stated above. Sieur de Champlain sought earnestly to make the Hurons understand that it was not right to restore him to liberty; and that, having killed a Frenchman who had done him no harm, he deserved death. The Hurons were satisfied with the reason given them. They spoke also of the friendship contracted between them and the French, saying that it would be greatly strengthened by the Fathers going into their country. The Hurons were the happiest people in the world. Those who were to embark and to carry the Fathers in their canoes had already received pay for their future trouble; we had placed in their hands the parcels or little baggage of the Fathers. We had gone to the Storehouse to sleep, Father de Nouë and I, with our three Fathers, that we might see them off early the next [194] morning in their little canoes, and might say to them our last farewell, when all at once our joy was changed into sadness. At about ten or eleven o'clock that night, a one-eyed Savage, belonging to the Island tribe, closely allied to the tribe of the prisoner, went among the cabins of all the Savages crying out that they should be careful not to take any Frenchmen in their canoes, and that the relatives of the prisoner were on [page 7] the watch along the river to kill the Frenchmen, if they could catch them during the passage. On the previous Sunday some Savages of the same tribe as the prisoner had held a council with the captains of the Montagnaits, of the island Savages, and of the Hurons, to determine how they might secure the pardon of this prisoner. The Hurons were besought to ask it. They refused, and this Island Savage, whose tribe was allied to the tribe of the murderer, raised this [195] general cry among the cabins, warning every one not to give passage to a Frenchman, unless they wished to place him in evident danger of his life. Having heard the cry, and Father Brebeuf, who was listening, having interpreted its meaning to me, I went with Father de Nouë to the fort to give information of the same to Sieur de Champlain. We had been sleeping in the storehouse of the French, around which the Savages were encamped. The Fort was opened to us; and, after having made known the object of our night visit, we returned to the place whence we had departed. Upon the way we found the Captains of the Savages in council, to whom the Interpreter, according to the order of Sieur de Champlain, declared that he desired to talk to them once more before their departure. The next morning, at daybreak, a Savage passed through the [196] camp proclaiming that they were not to depart that day; and that the young men should keep the peace, and that those who had not sold all their merchandise should sell it. About eight or nine in the morning, sieur de Champlain again assembled the Captains of the Hurons, the Island Savages who had made this outcry, and the Captain of the Montagnaits. He asked the Savage why he had aroused that [page 9] opposition; he answered that the whole country was in a state of alarm, and that it would be lost if the French were embarked to be taken to the Hurons, for the relatives of the prisoner would not fail to kill some of the party and that thereupon war would be declared; that the Hurons even would be dragged into it; for, if they defended the French, they would be attacked, and that thus the whole country would be lost; that he had [197] not aroused any opposition, but had merely made known the wicked designs of the murderer's relatives; that, if the prisoner were released, these troubles would immediately be ended, and that the river and the whole country would be free. The Hurons were asked if they still adhered to their wish to take us to their country. They answered that the river was not theirs, and that great caution must be observed in regard to those other tribes, if they were to pass by in security. As far as they were concerned, they asked nothing better than to furnish passage to the French. I observed the discretion of these Savages, for they gave evidence of their affection for us, in such manner as not to offend the tribes through which they must pass in coming to Kebec. One of them, addressing the Island Savage, said: "Now listen; when [198] we shall be up there in thy country, do not say that we have not spoken in behalf of the prisoner; we have done all that we could, but what answer wouldst thou have us make to the reasons given by sieur de Champlain? The French are the friends of all of us; if it depended only upon us, we should embark them. " It must be confessed that the Hurons showed a strong inclination to take our Fathers with them. Sieur de Champlain, seeing this so sudden change, did all in [page 11] his power, and gave us liberty to advance all the reasons we could, to the end that our fathers might be set on their way. He urged very strong and very pertinent reasons; he used threats; he proposed peace and war; in short nothing more could be desired. But to all this the Savage answered that they could not restrain their young men ; that he [199] had given warning of their wicked intentions, and that the French ought to postpone their departure for this year; that they would vent their anger upon the Hiroquois, their enemies, and then the river would be free. " Do not blame us," said he, " if misfortune overtakes you; for we could not restore order. " Thereupon, in order to win over this Savage, I asked for the pardon of the prisoner, having previously agreed upon this with sieur de Champlain, who replied to me that it was a matter of life and death with him, and that our great King would ask him to give an account of the man who had been killed. I begged him to suspend the execution of the death sentence, until the King might be spoken to, and his will learned. And thereupon, following my point, I addressed the Savages, representing our affection for them; saying that we had never sought the death of any one; [200] that we everywhere tried to promote peace. Sieur de Champlain did admirably on his part, saying that we talked to God; that we were loved by all who knew us, that he wanted no other witnesses of this than the Hurons themselves, who had cherished us so dearly; that we were going to teach them great things. The Hurons answered that it was very well, that we had proposed a good expedient; that of postponing the death of this Savage until we should have news from our great King. I [page 13] then importuned the Island Savage, asking him whether the prisoner's kindred, if they knew that we were pleading for him, would not allow us to pass if they encountered us. "What dost thou wish me to say?" he answered, " they are furious. If the prisoner is not liberated, there is no safety; they will pardon [201] no one." Thereupon the Interpreter replied: "If they act the part of devils, so will we." In a word, Sieur de Champlain intimidated them, saying they must look out for themselves; that if a Savage was seen with arms, he would give permission to his men to fire upon him and kill him; that they [the savages] had threatened him himself, because he went about alone; but hereafter he would not go around like a child, but like a soldier. "I am a friend to all, you are my friends," said he to the Hurons; "I love you; I have risked my life for you, I will risk it again; I will protect you; but I am the enemy of evil-doers. "

It will be said that the Captain of the tribe of the murderer ought to have seized all those who had wicked designs against the French. It is true; but I have already remarked above that these [202] Savages have no system of government, and that their Captain has no such authority. What he can do, is to ask these wicked people to give up their designs. Indeed, it has happened before, when the Savages feared the Europeans more than they do now, if one of their men wanted to kill a Frenchman, either having dreamed that he was to do it, or from other cause, the others flattered him and made him presents, fearing that he would carry out his wicked intentions, and in this way they might lose the whole country. Now it is a great deal if they warn the [page 15] French to be on their guard, as they did not long ago, saying that there were some young men who were prowling about in the woods to kill any Frenchman that they might find by himself; and thus we [203] are not safe among these people. Let us say, however: Qui habitat in adjutorio Altissimi, in protectione Dei cæli commorabitur.

But to the conclusion of this council. Father Brebeuf seeing that his journey was broken up, and that it would be foolhardy to undertake it,—not through fear of death, because I never saw them more resolute, both he and his two companions, Father Daniel and Father Davost, than when they were told that they might lose their lives on the road which they were about to take for the glory of our Lord; but as they would involve the French in war against these people, in case they were killed,—we agreed with sieur de Champlain, that the preservation of peace among these tribes was preferable to the consolation they would experience in dying on such an occasion. Now Father Brebeuf, seeing [204] the way closed for that year, addressed the Hurons, saying: " You are our brothers, we wish to go to your country to live and die with you; but, as the river is closed, we shall wait until the coming year, when all will be peaceable. It is you who will sustain the greater loss; because now, as I am beginning to be able to talk to you without an interpreter, I wish to teach you the way to heaven, and to reveal to you the great riches of the other life; but this misfortune deprives you of all these blessings." They replied that they were very sorry, and that a year would very soon pass away.

Upon the dispersion of this assembly, we went [page 17] through the cabins, to get the little baggage of our Fathers that we had already placed in the hands of the Savages to be carried to their [205] country. These poor people regretted this unfortunate affair very much; and some of those of the village of la Rochelle said to the Father that, if he wished to go with them, they would carry him, and they hoped to give him a peaceful passage. But that would be placing himself and them and the French in danger. Thus the hope of going into the Huron country is lost for this year. I pray God to open the door for us next year. Below are two reasons, stronger than two great locks, which seem to have closed it to us for a long time.

The first is found in the interests of the Island Savages, the Algonquains, and the other tribes which are between Kebec and the Hurons. These people, in order to monopolize the profit of the trade, prefer that the Hurons should not go down the river to trade their peltries with the French, desiring themselves to collect the [206] merchandise of the neighboring tribes and carry it to the French; that is why they do not like to see us go to the Hurons, thinking that we would urge them to descend the river, and that, the French being with them, it would not be easy to bar their passage. The second reason may be found in the fear of the Hurons, who see that the French will not accept presents as a compensation for the murder of one of their countrymen; they fear that their young men may do some reckless deed, for they would have to give up, alive or dead, any one who might have committed murder, or else break with the French. This makes them uneasy. Aside from this, as sieur de Champlain has told them that [page 19] there is no true friendship unless visits are interchanged, they are very desirous, at least in appearance, to have us [207] in their country. God has set limits to time, which man cannot pass. When the moment shall have come which he has fixed for giving succor to these tribes, there will be neither dike nor barrier that can resist his power.

However, as the secret resources of his providence are hidden from me, I have not been able, up to the present time, to look with regret upon this delay of our Fathers. As far as we are able to foresee with our human vision, there are hopes of a great harvest; but, having done all that was in our power to send laborers to this field, we believe that the master thereof does not wish the sickle to be yet used upon it. If this blow is a blow from the kindness of him who sees beyond our thoughts, may he be forever blessed. If it is a stroke of his justice for the [208] severe chastisement of our offences, still be he blessed beyond all time. We hate the cause of this chastisement, and adore the hand that strikes us, very confident that he who drew light out of darkness will draw good from this misfortune. Our Fathers will not be idle here. Father Brebeuf will teach them every day, evening and morning, the language of the Hurons. I myself feel very much inclined to go to this school, in order that, if Your Reverence should wish to send me with them next year, I may already have made some progress; I have decided nothing certain yet upon this point; I wish to think about it more at my leisure before God.

To return to our Hurons: Louys Amantacha, seeing that we were not going to his country, and that he was to leave us next morning at daybreak, came to [page 21] sleep in our little house, in order to confess and [209] to receive holy communion once more before his departure. This he did, causing us great consolation; and on the following day, August 6th, all the Hurons packed their baggage, and in less than no time took away their houses and their riches, and carried them off, to use them on the road of about 300 leagues, which is the distance reckoned to be between Kebec and their country. I talked for some time with Louys Amantacha, and sounded him as well as I could; for the Savages are quite artful and dissimulating. I found nothing but good in him; he is one of the admirable characters that I have seen among these people. Your Reverence will permit me, if you please, to recommend him to your prayers and to those of all our Fathers and Brothers in your province; for, if once the spirit of God takes possession of this soul, he will be a powerful reinforcement for those who will carry the good news of the Gospel into these countries; and, [210] on the contrary, as he has associated with the English, if he be inclined to evil, he will ruin everything; but we have more reason to hope for good than to fear evil. Besides, it seems that God desires to open the treasures of his mercy to these poor Barbarians, who look upon us with affection; at least, judging from appearances. I see a great desire among our Fathers to overcome all the difficulties which are encountered in the study of these languages; and you might almost say that God has detained them that they may learn them more conveniently here, and may, at the same time, kindle the fire in a number of places among the Hurons, when his Majesty shall have opened to them the way. I only fear one thing in this delay; that Old France [page 23] fail to give New [France] the necessary aid, seeing the harvest is so slow in ripening. But let it be remembered that mushrooms spring up in a night, while it requires [111 i.e. 211] years to ripen the fruits of the palm. It was 38 years, as I have heard, before anything was accomplished in Brazil. How long have they been waiting at the gates of China? May it be God's will that they have been received there at the hour when I write. Those who run and become greatly heated often weary themselves more than they advance. I do not say this to defer for a long time the conversion of the Savages. If our Fathers had gone among the Hurons this year, I expected to write to Your Reverence next year that raceperat Samaria verbum Dei; that these barbarians had received the faith. That will be when it shall please him upon whom all of this great work depends; for, in my opinion, men can accomplish but very little here, although they should spare neither their labor, nor their blood, nor their lives. Oh, whoever would see in one of the great streets of Paris what I saw three days ago near the great river St. [212] Lawrence, five or six hundred Hurons in their Savage costumes,—some in bear skins, others in beaver, and others in Elk skins, all well made men of splendid figures, tall, powerful, good-natured, and able-bodied,—whoever would see them, I say, asking help and uttering the word of that Macedonian to saint Paul: Transiens in Macedoniam adjuva nos; " Come, help us, bring into our country the torch which has never yet illuminated it!" Oh, what compassion this spectacle would excite in these people, however little love they have for him who shed his blood for these souls that are being lost every day, [page 25] because no one gathers it up to apply it to their salvation.

But it is about time for me to reflect that I am no longer writing a letter, but a book, I have made it so long. It was not my intention to write so much; the pages have insensibly multiplied [213] and I am so situated that I must send this scrawl, as I am unable to rewrite it and to make a clean copy of it, such as I think ought to be presented to Your Reverence. I shall write another time more accurately, and with more assurance. In these beginnings, as I have said, much confidence is given to the reports of those who are believed to have had experience among the Savages. Plus valet oculatus testis quàm decem auriti. I have observed that, after having seen two or three Savages do the same thing, it is at once reported to be a custom of the whole Tribe. The argument drawn from the enumeration of parts is faulty, if it does not comprehend all or the greater part. Add to this that there are many tribes in these countries who agree in a number of things, and differ in many others; so that, when it is said that certain practices are common to the Savages, it may be true [214] of one tribe and not true of another. Time is the father of truth.

This is enough for this year; I offer thousands and thousands of thanks for the interest and charity of Your Reverence in our behalf, and in behalf of the many poor people whom you bless by keeping us here; for, although we do but little, yet I hope that we shall make a beginning for those who are to come after us and who will do a great deal. We are all in good health, by the grace of our Lord; and we beseech Your Reverence, with one heart, to send us [page 29] persons capable of learning the languages. It is what I now believe to be most necessary for the welfare of the souls in this country. As to the soil, I send you some of its fruits; they are heads of wheat, of rye, and of barley, that we planted near our little house. We gathered last year a few wisps of rye that [215] we found here and there among the peas; I counted in some of them 60 kernels, in others So, in others 112. We threshed these gleanings and took from them a little rye, which will this year pay us very well for the trouble that we had in gleaning it last year. The little wheat which we sowed before the snows is very beautiful; that which was sown in the spring will not ripen, because it is winter wheat. We must have some March wheat, and some that is beardless, for these are said to be the best. The barley is finer than in France; and I have no doubt that, if this country were cleared, very fertile valleys would be found. The woods are troublesome; they retain the cold, engender the slight frosts, and produce great quantities of vermin, such as grasshoppers, worms, and insects, which are especially destructive in our garden; we shall rid ourselves of them, little by [216] little, without, however, leaving the place. I resumed this discourse unintentionally; let us cut it short, to recommend ourselves to the prayers and to the Holy Sacrifices of Your Reverence and of your whole province. I believe that this mission is cherished by you, and that these poor Savages occupy a good place in your heart. He also is there with them who is, in truth,

Of Your Reverence,

The greatly obliged and very obedient servant, in God,

Paul le Jeune.

[page 29]

Extract from the Royal License.

BY Grace and License of the King, permission is granted to Sebastien Cramoisy, Bookseller under Oath, of the University of Paris, to print or to have printed a book entitled: Relation de ce qui s'est passé en la Nouvelle France en 1'année mil six cens trente trois, Envoyée au R. P. Barthelemy Jaquinot Provincial de la Compagnie de Jesus en la province de France, Par le Pere Paul le Jeune de la mesme Compagnie, Superieur de la Residence de Kebek: and this during the time and space of five consecutive years. Prohibiting all Booksellers and Printers from printing or having printed the said book, under any pretext of disguise or change that they may make in it, on penalty of confiscation and of the fine provided by the said License. Given at Sainct Germain en Laye, on the 10th of December, one thousand six hundred and thirty-three.

By the King in council.

Poictevin.

[page 31]

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XXII

Lettre du Le Jeune

au R. P. Provincial à Paris

Québec: 1634

———————

Source: Reprinted from Carayon's Première Mission, pp. 122 - 156.

[page 33]

[122] Letter from Father Paul le Jeune, to the Reverend Father Provincial of France, at Paris.

(Copied from the autograph preserved in the archives of the Gesù, at Rome.)

QUEBEC, 1634.

Y REVEREND FATHER,

The peace of Christ be with you.

The tears which fall from my eyes at the sight of the letters of Your Reverence, stop my pen; I am hard as bronze, and yet your love has so greatly softened me, that joy makes me weep and causes me to utter a thousand blessings to God. Oh, what a heart! What love! What good will you show toward us! I do not know how to respond to it except by saying to you, "ecce me; behold me altogether in your hands, for Canada, for France, and for all the world, ad majorem Dei gloriam." I behold myself so weak in all things, and God so mighty in all things, that it seems to me there is nothing more to be desired nor to be avoided. They have written me that Your Reverence has given for the poor Canadians even the very image from your oratory. M. de Lauson^* [123] says that his affection is boundless. and that he will put the mission in such a state, that they will be obliged to secure the continuance of so great a blessing. Everyone acknowledges that God is for us, since the hearts of the superiors, which are in his hands, are all for us. How can we be insensible to [page 35] so many benefits, and keep our hearts and eyes dry, in a downpouring of so many blessings! But let us enter upon affairs; I shall spare neither ink nor paper, since Your Reverence endures with so much love my tediousness and my simplicity. After having thanked you with all my heart for the help which you have been pleased to send us, as well as for the food and fresh supplies, I will describe to you fully the state of this mission.

Let us begin with what has occurred this year. We have lived in great peace, thank God, among ourselves, with our working people, and with all the French. I have been greatly pleased with all our Fathers. Father Brebeuf^† is a man chosen of God for these lands; I left him in my place for six .months, with the exception of nine days, while I passed the winter with the savages. Everything went on peacefully during that time. [124] Father Daniel^‡ and Father Davost^§ are quiet men. They have studied the Huron language thoroughly, and I have taken care that they should not be diverted from this work, which I believe to be of very great importance. Father Massé,^± whom I sometimes playfully call Father Useful, is well known to Your Reverence. He has had the care of the domestic affairs [page 37] and of our cattle, in which he has succeeded very well. Father de Nouë,* who has a good heart, has had the care of our laborers, directing there in their work, which is very difficult in these beginnings. Our Brother Gilbert^† has felt better this winter than the last, as it has not been so severe. I gave him liberty to return this year, but he preferred to remain. We shall see how he will succeed with our Brother Liégeois^‡ who, in My [125] opinion, will do very well. I am the most imperfect of all and the most impatient. I have passed the winter with the Savages, as I have just said. Famine almost killed us; but God is so present in these difficulties, that this time of famine seemed to me a time of abundance; were it not that I am afraid of wearying you, I would recount to Your Reverence the sentiments with which God inspired me at that time. I confess that I sometimes experienced hunger, and that often these words came to my lips: Panem nostrum quotidianum da nobis hodie; but I think I never pronounced them without adding this condition: si ita placitum est ante te. I also occasionally repeated these words of saint Xavier with a very good heart: Domine, ne me his eripias malis, nisi ad majora pro tuo nomine reserves. I was consoled even in my sleep; but let us leave this, for God was acting then. This is what I am: as soon as we were assisted by creatures, I became sick in body and in soul, God causing me to see what he is and what I am. I [page 39] was impatient, disgusted, seeking a retreat in our little house. I tried to put an end to this condition of misery; but, as my passions are altogether depraved, I stumbled at every step, bringing back nothing from this journey except my faults. I have set down in my Relation the reasons why I returned, knowing little about their language; enough upon this subject. As [126] to what concerns our men: every morning they hear holy Mass before their work, and in the evening all come to chapel, where the prayers which I send to Your Reverence are recited. We sing vespers on feast days and Sundays, and almost every Sunday an exhortation is made to them. Besides, there is preaching at Kébec, where they also sing vespers, and occasionally a high Mass. This is the outline of our occupations during this last year; the Relation speaks thereof more fully.

For the year which we are about to begin at the departure of the ships, this is the way in which we shall be distributed and what we shall do:

Father Brebeuf, Father Daniel, and Father Davost, with three brave young men and two little boys, will be among the Hurons. At last our Lord has opened to them the door. M. Duplessis^§ has aided greatly in this; let us say M. de Lauson, who has without doubt recommended this affair to him, of which he has acquitted himself very well, as Your Reverence will see by the letter which Father Brebeuf has sent me on his way to the Hurons. I believe that they must now be quite near the place where they intend to go. This stroke is a stroke from heaven; we shall [page 41] hope for a great harvest from this country. Father [127] Brebeuf and Father Daniel exposed themselves to great suffering; for they went away without baggage, or without the money necessary to live. God has provided therefor, as M. Duplessis has taken care that all should go well. So much for the Hurons.

We shall live at Three Rivers, Father Buteux^* and I. This place is upon the great river, 30 leagues farther up than Kébec, upon the way to the Hurons; it is called Three Rivers, because a certain river which flows through the land empties into the great river by three mouths. Our French people are this year beginning a settlement there, and two of our Fathers must be there. I have been doubtful for a long time as to who should go. Father Brebeuf and Father de Nouë thought that I should remain at Kébec; but I perceived that Father Lalemant^† was apprehensive of this new abode, believing that he would never return if he were sent there, offering himself freely, however, to do what should be desired. It is true that some persons generally die in these beginnings, but death is not always a great evil.

After having commended this affair to our Lord, [128] I resolved to go there myself, for the following reasons:

1. I believed that I was doing nothing contrary to the designs of Your Reverence in leaving the house for seven or eight months, for I can return in the spring; however, I do not know whether I shall come back before the coming of the ships. Moreover [page 43] I leave it in the hands of a person who will do a hundred times better than I, for quis ego sum? an atom in comparison with him. I had some doubts in regard to the strength of his voice for preaching at Kébec; but the audience room is small, and he does not find any inconvenience therein.
2. I thought that it would be more agreeable to our Lord that I should give the Father this satisfaction, that he need not leave Kébec, where we are rather comfortably situated; and that, if there be any danger, I ought to take it upon myself.
3. The son of God, dying upon the cross, has obligated us to bear the cross, so we should not flee from it when it presents itself; this is my strongest reason, for in truth there is suffering in a new settlement, especially in one established so hurriedly as that one. I do not know how the house will be arranged; we shall be mixed up with workingmen, drinking, eating, and sleeping with them; they cannot make other provision for us of any kind whatever. All this does not appall me, for the cabins of the savages, in which I lived this winter, [129] are much worse. Father Buteux pleases me greatly, for he takes this cheerfully; I see him strongly determined to bear the cross. Your Reverence is right in saying that this is the kind of spirit that we should have. We shall study the language there, although less advantageously than at Kébec, on account of the lodging, in which there will be a greater hubbub than in the cabins of the savages; for our French people, with whom we shall be in company, are not so calm and patient as these barbarians. Furthermore, I had intended this winter to keep a savage with me at Kébec to instruct me, since I am beginning to be [page 45] to question them; this cannot be done at Three Rivers; but it is of no importance, I shall do what can.

There will remain at Kébec, Father Lallemant, Father Massé, Father de Nouë, and our two Brothers, with all our men. The gentleness and virtue of Father Lallemant will hold all in peace, and will cause the work of our people to prosper. I did not think it feasible to send Father de Nouë and Father Brebeuf to Three Rivers,—

1. because Father de Nouë looks after our men here;
2. Father Buteux would have lost a year, he would have done nothing at all in the language;
3. Satis calidus est, licet alioquin optimum, P. de Nouë;

so Father Lallemant or I myself had to go. I have chosen this lot for myself, believing that I should leave the house in greater peace than if I remained, [130] and I believe that Your Reverence will approve my action; at least I thought I was following in this an impulse from God; may he be forever praised! So that is what we shall do this year. It is a great occupation, to suffer nobly; may God give us grace for it! Let us speak now of our household servants.

I have said that we lived peacefully on all sides. The murmurs and escapades which occasionally happen should not be placed in the list of great disorders, when one rises as soon as he has fallen, and when the fall is not great. A number of our men have occasionally shown some impatience; but we have reason to bless God, for nothing of importance has happened. Here are the causes for their discontent.

1. It is the nature of working people to complain and to grumble. [page 47]
2. The difference in wages makes them complain: A carpenter, a brickmaker, and others will earn more than the laborers, and yet they do no work so much; I mean that it is not so hard for them as for the others, because they are following their professions, and the others are doing more laborious things: inde querimoniæ. They do not consider that a master-mason may exert himself less than a laborer, although he earns more. [131]
3. The greater part do not follow their trades, except for a short time; a tailor, a shoemaker, a gardener, and others, are amazed when required to drag some wood over the snow; besides, they complain that they will forget their trades.
4. It must be confessed that the work is great in these beginnings; the men are the horses and oxen; they carry or drag wood, trees, or stones; they till the soil, they harrow it. The insects in summer, the snows in winter, and a thousand other inconveniences, are very troublesome. The youth who in France worked in the shade find here a great difference. I am astonished that the hardships they have to undergo, in doing things they have never done before, do not cause them to make a greater outcry than they do.
5. They all lodge in one room; and, as they have not all learned to control their passions, and are of dispositions altogether different, they have occasions for causeless quarrels.
6. As we are more or less dependent upon them, not being able to send them back when they fail to do right, and as they see that a stick for the purpose of chastising them is of little use in our hands, they are much more arrogant than they would be with [page 49] laymen, who would urge them with severity and firmness.

Your Reverence will weigh all these reasons, if you please, [132] and will aid us in praising God; for notwithstanding all this, we have not failed to pass the year peaceably, reprimanding some, punishing others, though rarely—very often pretending not to see; Deus sit in æternum benedictus! and, as it is not enough that peace should dwell among us, but that it should be firmly established, if it be possible, I deem it best to do what I am about to say.

Only good workmen are needed here; hence it would be well for us to have three capable Brothers, to perform the minor duties of the house,- cooking, baking, making shoes, making clothes, looking after the garden, the sacristy, washing, tinkering, caring for the cattle, the milk, butter, etc. All these duties would be divided among these three good Brothers, and thus we would be relieved of giving wages to workmen who are occupied with these duties, and who complain when they are given other things to do. All our men should be engrossed with the heavy tasks, and consequently I beg Your Reverence to send us two good Brothers. Our Brother Liégeois, who is beginning very well, will be the third. As to our Brother Gilbert, perhaps he will be sent back; if not, he will work slowly at carpentry, for he is already broken down and hindered by a rupture. The following are the Brothers upon whom my choice would fall, if it please Your Reverence; our [1331 Brother Claude Frémont and our Brother the locksmith, whom you promised in your letters to send us next year. I do not know either of them, but I am told that they are both peaceable and good workmen. [page 51] If this be true, Your Reverence will send them to us, if you please. One of them could be easily sent to the Hurons or to Three Rivers, according to the course of events.

With these good Brothers, we should have here at least ten men capable of building, cultivating, and reaping,—in a word, of doing everything. Whoever could do still more, would be the best; these who are altogether occupied with the heavy work, will not complain of those who perform the minor duties. We have already four of these men, so there remain six to be sent; and we shall send back next year all those we have, except these four. The following ought to be the arrangement of the household for the coming year in regard to work, if it so please Your Reverence: ten good workmen and three or four of our Brothers; namely, Our Brother Liégeois, Our Brother Claude Frémont, Our Brother the locksmith, whose name I do not know, and our Brother Gilbert, if he remain. In regard to the six workmen for whom we ask, the following will be their trades: two strong carpenters, at least one of them understanding how to erect a building,- in a word, let him understand his trade; a joiner, and three workmen [134] who can be employed in clearing the land, in using the pit saw (they need not know this trade, but must have only willingness and strength to do it), in reaping, in helping the carpenters, the mason, the brickmaker in watching the cattle, in doing everything that is required of them; for this, strong men are needed, and those who are willing. If we cannot have two carpenters, let one good one, at least, come over; and, instead of the other, such a workman as I have just described. I shall speak [page 53] again of this matter elsewhere, to the end that, if one of our ships fail to arrive, the other will bear our letters. It is very easy to describe a good workman, but quite difficult to find one. I shall explain to Your Reverence elsewhere our need of having these ten men.

As to the four who desire or were desiring to enter our Society, I will tell you that Ambroise, who gave such satisfaction at Orleans and elsewhere, and who even here rendered some good services, wished to go away this year. He has a good disposition and is an excellent workman. If he gives satisfaction, we will beg Your Reverence to receive him next year; if not, he will not secure any letter of recommendation. As for Louys, he does wonders in his trade; but when he is given something else to do, he is discontented. The rough and heavy work to be done here discourages him, as well as Robert Hache. They are both good boys, but they have not enough [135] courage, and perhaps not enough strength, for the work in Canada. They almost asked to return this year, but the fear of not being received stopped them. We will see how they do from now on; they show great willingness.

As to Jacques Junier, he perseveres in doing right. In truth I would prefer ten men like him to ten others. He has now been a long time in the country; and I have told him, on the part of Your Reverence, that he would be received when he went back to France. Two things prevent his returning this year: the first is that it is exceedingly disagreeable for him to make a sea voyage, as he becomes very sick; the second, that the house can scarcely get along without him, he is so necessary to us in every way. He is a [page 55] young man who says nothing, but does much. As I was representing to Father Lallemant that Your Reverence would send him back to us as soon as possible, he said to me: "The difficulty which our Reverend Father Provincial will have, in allowing him to make his novitiate here, arises from his belief that it would not be approved at Rome, nor indeed among some of our Fathers; were it not for this, he loves our mission so much that he would leave him here, especially if he were informed of the amiability of this good boy, who needs only the gown to be a religious; and, if he conducts himself in religion as he does in the world, they will be satisfied with him. I shall write [136] now to Rome," said he, "to the end that they may grant us this favor, which is important for the good of our house ; inform Our Reverend Father Provincial of this." I am doing so through this letter. If he must return, he will return. God is the master of all. I beg Your Reverence to pardon me if I seem to speak with a lack of respect in my letters; I wish absolutely nothing, my Reverend Father, except what you deem best before God. I speak as I believe it needful, as it seems to me.

Let us speak of the Fathers whom this mission needs.

Two are needed among the Hurons; if they make peace with the Iroquois, for I am told that it is being negotiated, a number more will be needed, as we must enter all the stationary tribes. If these people receive the faith, they will cry with hunger, and there will be no one to feed them, for lack of persons who know the languages. Moreover, the Brothers who should be among the Hiroquois would exert themselves to preserve the peace between them and [page 57] Hurons; nevertheless, on account of the uncertain of this peace, we ask for only two Fathers to go to the Hurons. There must be a superior at Three Rivers, and two Fathers must remain at Kébec, near our French people; so this makes five priests and two Brothers. Let us see what need there is of having so many men.

As for the two Fathers who will be sent to the Hurons, [137] they could be sent from there to the Neutral tribe, or among the Hiroquois, or to some other tribe; or even be kept among the Hurons, who number thirty thousand souls in a very small extent of country. For Kébec, I ask two Fathers; if Father Lallemant is superior, he will remain with Fathers Massé and de Nouë, and with our people, to ensure the success of the house; the two Fathers will be at the fort, where they talk of building them a little house or a room; they will preach, will hear confessions, will administer the sacraments, and will say holy mass for our French people; in short, they will perform the office of pastors, and will learn the language of the savages, going to visit them when they encamp around the place. They will have a boy, who will every week bring them their food from our house, distant from the fort a good half league.

I ask a superior for Three Rivers, for it is not too much to keep three Fathers there, so that there may be always two free for the savages. But if Your Reverence wishes to send only two, Father Buteux, to whom I shall this year teach what I know of the language, will remain with the one at Kébec, or at Three Rivers, and I with the other; but it seems to me three are not too many for Three Rivers; one will be for our French people, the two others for the [page 59] savages; indeed, it may [138] happen that one of them will be sent to the Hurons, with the two who must go up there. I am inclined to think that Father Brebeuf may ask more than two; so that, if Your Reverence can send us five Fathers and two Brothers, it will not be too many. I often call to mind what I once heard him say, "ad pauca attendens facile enunciat; I have indeed as many people as I need, but I do not say where the food will be found to nourish them." To that I have no answer. I am restricting myself as much as I can; because, for the good of this mission, it would be well to have more people than we are asking.

Just here I have two humble requests to make of Your Reverence. I make them in the name of Jesus Christ from the very depths of my heart. My Reverend Father, I beg Your Reverence to discharge me. I sometimes say to the little crosses which come to me, "And this also and as many as you wish, O my God. " But to those which Father Lallemant has brought me in Your Reverence's letters, which continue me in my charge, I have said this more than three times, but with a shrinking of the heart which could not drink this cup. In truth, my Reverend Father, I have not the talents, nor the qualities, nor the mildness, necessary to be superior: besides, I say it, and it is true, it is a great disturbance in the study of the language; I say a very great disturbance,—I will even say that this, during the present year, is preventing the salvation, perhaps, [139] Of some savages. I learn that the Savages who are at Three Rivers are all sick, and are dying in great numbers. Also Father Brebeuf, who passed through there, writes me that it would be fitting that I should go there; I am busy with the letters, I have nothing [page 61] or very little ready; the ships will soon be ready to sail away; I shall not have my letters and reports prepared to send Your Reverence in regard to our needs, but I am hurrying as much as possible. If I were not Superior, I would be free from all this and would have been up there a long time ago. I am preparing to go there and remain until spring, or until the coming of the ships. I have not a mind capable of so many things: the care of our people, little difficulties of so many kinds, in short, all are brought to the Superior; and that distracts him greatly, especially at Kebec, where we are quite numerous. Add to this the sermons, confessions, and visits. I am willing to think that all these things would not greatly interfere with Father Lallemant's study of the language; as for me, I say it before God, it distracts me greatly therefrom. Since the month of April, when I returned from my stay with the savages, I have not looked at a word of their language. Father Lallemant, who is not so studious, wished, when he first came, to pay a little attention to the work of our men. -Finally he got [140] rid of this duty, confessing to me frankly, what he had been unwilling to believe, that it was impossible to study with this care. Time altogether free is given to those who study in our classes, they have good teachers, they have good books, they are comfortably lodged; and I, who am without books, without masters, badly lodged, shall I be able to study, engrossed with cares which very often occupy me almost entirely? Your Reverence will consider this before God, if you please; I wish only his greater glory. It is true that I start at my own shadow; but time speaks for me,—it is more than three years (or will be at the coming of the ships) since I have been in charge; Father Lallemant, [page 63] being what he is, and dwelling at Kebec, will give great satisfaction. I thank Your Reverence in advance for granting me this request. Here is the second.

Father Benier writes me that he would be inconsolable at not coming to Canada, if he were not confronted with his sins, which prevent him from it; he begs me to write to Rome for him. I tell Your Reverence frankly that he hopes they will open to him, from there, the door which the Provincials have closed to him in France. I have written them, as he requested me; but it is not from there that I expect my greatest consolation, my Reverend Father. Permit me to ask him for God, in the name of God, and in God, for the salvation of many [141] souls; I renounce entirely anything immoderate in my affection; no, my Reverend Father, it is not the affection of the creature which speaks. If Your Reverence, to whom God communicates himself more fully than to a poor sinner, should deem, in the presence of Jesus Christ, uninfluenced by any motive whatsoever, that he is more necessary in France and near a woman^* than in the midst of these barbarous people, I ask for him no more; majorem Deigloriam specto. If he renders more service to Our Lord where he is, however little it may be, than he would in New France, let him remain there, in the name of God; it is there where I wish him to be. But if Your Reverence thinks that God wishes him here, I ask for him with all my heart. My fear that some changes may occur makes me conjure Your Reverence to give to us according to your affection for us. If I knew that he who may succeed you would inherit your love, I would not be so importunate; for truly I am ashamed to be so urgent. [page 65]

Yet this one favor, my Reverend Father, which will be in harmony with your affection; give us, if you please, Father Benier and Father Vimont. If Father Benier does not come over while you are in charge, shall never expect him; [142] I shall ask for him fervently from God, and I am confident that he will give him to us.

Will Your Reverence overlook it if I continue moment longer to speak freely? Father Lallemant being Superior at Kebec, Father Vimont and Father Buteux will remain at the fort; Father Benier, Father Pinette, or Father Garnier, and Father Le Jeune, at Three Rivers. Father Pinette, or Father Garnier, and Father Mercier, who is at the college of Paris, for the Hurons; I am not acquainted with the last named, but they speak well of him to me. Pardon me, my Reverend Father, pardon me my foolishness; I expect that all my requests will be refused, if they are not conformable to the will of God, which will be declared to me through that of Your Reverence, and which I shall embrace with all my heart, even unto death, and beyond, if I can. I cannot, and do not wish, to decide for myself in any way, nor for others; I suggest with love and confidence, and with indifference; I ask for the best workers that I can have, because such are needed here,—in truth, men who come for the sake of the cross and not for conversions, who are extremely pliant and docile; otherwise there will be no longer any peace here, and consequently no fruit. The altogether angelic chastity demanded by our constitutions is necessary here; one needs only to extend the hand to gather the apple of sin.

[143] It is at this point that my tediousness will become wearisome; for it is not yet finished. Let [page 67] us speak of the condition of our house^† at the present time. We have a house which contains four rooms below: the first serves as chapel, the second as refectory, and in this refectory are our rooms. There are two little square rooms of moderate size, for they are proportioned to a man's height; there are two others, each of which has a dimension of eight feet; but there are two beds in each room. These are rather narrow quarters for six persons; the others, when we are all together, sleep in the garret. The third large room serves as kitchen, and the fourth is the room for our working people; this is our entire lodging. Above is a garret, so low that no one can dwell there; to this we mount with a ladder.

There was another building of the same size, opposite this one. The English burned half of it, and the other half is covered only with mud; it serves us ,as a barn, a stable, and a carpenter's room. Our workingmen this year have made boards, have gone to the woods to get the trees, have placed doors and windows throughout, have made the little rooms in the refectory, some furniture, tables, [144] stools, credence-tables for the chapel, and other similar things; they have enclosed our house with large poles of the fir tree, making for us a fine court about a hundred feet square, being superintended in this work by Father de Nouë. These poles are fourteen feet high, and there are about twelve hundred of them. It looks well, and is quite useful. We have placed some gates therein, which Louys has bound with iron. In addition to all this, we have cultivated, tilled, and seeded our cleared lands. So these are the more important works of our people, and the condition of the house. [page 69]

The following is what must be done in future:

We must erect a small house upon a point of land which is opposite.^* We need only cross the river to reach it; the water almost surrounds this point, forming a peninsula. We have begun to enclose it with stakes on the land side, and we shall keep there our cattle; that is, our cows and pigs; for this purpose we must build a little house, for those who will take care of them, and also some good stables sheltered from the cold.

Last year they sent us a man as a carpenter who was not one; and for this reason there has been no building this year, which has done us [145] great harm. We must also repair the damages in the building burned by the English. They have been doing this since the coming of the ship, which brought us a carpenter; we must have planks with which to cover it, and make doors, windows, etc. We must make a barn in which to put our crops. We must have a well; we have to go for water two hundred steps from the house, which causes us great trouble, especially in the winter, when we have to break the ice of the river in order to get it. We must repair and enlarge our cellar, which until now we have kept in good order. We must rebuild more than half of the building where we now are, and put a new roof upon it, for the rain and snow penetrate everywhere; at first, our Fathers made only a miserable hut in which to live; the English neglecting it, it would have fallen to the ground if we had not returned to preserve it; it is made only of planks and small laths, upon which some mud has been plastered. We must have people to look after the cattle; the little ground that we have must be tilled and sown; [page 71] the harvest must be cut and gathered in. We must prepare firewood, which they have to get at some distance away, and without a cart. We must have some lime made.

There are a thousand things which I cannot mention, but Your Reverence may see whether ten persons are too many for all this. We would ask for twenty or thirty, [146] if there were anything with which to feed and maintain them; but we restrict ourselves to ten, with three of our Brothers; and even then I do not know if they will be able to furnish, in France, what will be necessary for these and for us, so great are the expenses.

What may be expected of this house for the assistance of the mission, and the expenses necessary for our support.

There are four staples which make up the greatest expense of this mission: the pork, butter, drinks, and flour, which are sent; in time, the country may furnish these things. As to pork, if from the beginning of this year we had had a building, no more of it, or not much, would have had to be sent next year; we have two fat sows which are each suckling four little pigs, and these we have been obliged to feed all summer in our open court. Father Massé has raised these animals for us. If that point of which I have spoken were enclosed, they could be put there and during the summer nothing need be given them to eat; I mean that in a short time we shall be provided with pork, an article which would save us 400 livres. As to butter, we have two cows, two little heifers, and a little bull. M. de Caën having left his cattle here when he saw that he was ruined, we took of them three cows, and for [147] the family which is here, three others; they and we each gave to [page 73] M. Giffard a cow, so we have remaining the number that I have just stated. For lack of a building, they cost us more than they are worth, for our working people are obliged to neglect more necessary things for them; they spoil what we have sown; and they cannot be tended in the woods, for the insects torment them. They have come three years too soon, but they would have died if we had not taken them in; we took them when they were running wild. In time they will provide butter, and the oxen can be used for plowing, and will occasionally furnish meat.

As to drinks, we shall have to make some beer; but we shall wait until we have built, and until a brewery is erected; these three articles are assured, with time. As to grains, some people are inclined to think that the land where we are is too cold. Let us proceed systematically, and consider the nature of the soil: these last two years all the vegetables, which come up only too fast, have been eaten by insects, which come either from the neighborhood of the woods, or from that land which has not yet been worked and purified, nor exposed to the air. In midsummer these insects die, and we have very fine vegetables.

As to the fruit trees, I do not know how they will turn out. We have two double rows of them, one of a hundred feet [148] or more, the other larger, planted on either side with wild trees which are well rooted. We have eight or ten rows of apple and pear trees, which are also very well rooted; we shall see how they will succeed. I have an idea that cold is very injurious to the fruit, but in a few years we shall know from experience. Formerly, some fine apples have been seen here. [page 75]

As to the Indian corn, it ripened very nicely the past year, but this year it is not so fine.

As to peas, I have seen no good ones here; their growth is too rapid. They succeed very well with this family, who live in a higher and more airy location.

The rye has succeeded well for two years. We planted some as an experiment, and it is very fine.

Barley succeeds also. There remains the wheat; we sowed some in the autumn, at different times; in some places it was lost under the snow, in others it was so well preserved that no finer wheat can be seen in France. We do not yet know very well which time it is best to take before winter to put in the seed; the family living here has always sown spring wheat, which ripens nicely in their soil. We sowed a little of it this year, and will see whether it ripens. So these are the qualities of our soil.

I report all this because M. de Lauson [149] wrote to us that we should transport our people to Three Rivers, where they were going to make a new settlement, saying that everything would ripen better in that quarter. There was much hesitation as to whether it should be done; at least they wanted us to send three or four men there. I have always thought that our forces should not be divided, and that one house should be made successful, which might afterward be the support of the others; for it is necessary to see some result before undertaking anything else. In fact, those who went there first send word that the soil is very sandy, and that all would mature better for a time; but that this soil will soon be exhausted. I am going to live there, as I have said, with Father Buteux; we shall see what there is in it. Even if the soil is very good, I do not think that the care of this house, where we are, should be given up: it is [page 77] the landing place of the ships, it ought to be the storehouse, or place of refuge; the advantages for raising cattle here, on account of the meadows, are great. As to the cereals, if the worst comes to the worst, we have oats, but I hope that we shall also have good wheat, and that time will show us when it ought to be sown; if the spring grains ripen, wheat oats, and barley will be produced here very well From this, let us draw some conclusions as to what should be done.

First, we must build some place where we our selves can stay, and can keep our animals and crops. [150]

Second, we must now sow what is necessary for the cattle, and try as soon as possible, in a few years, to have some pork and butter.

Third, being lodged, all our working people will apply themselves to clearing and cultivating the land, in order to have grains. The following is the order which it seems to me we ought to follow, in regard to the temporal; when we shall have built, we shall no longer keep any carpenters or artisans, but only woodchoppers and laborers, for the maintenance of the house. Occasionally we shall borrow an artisan from the fort, giving a man in his place for the time during which we shall keep him.

Or rather, what seems to me better, we shall keep domestic servants, and shall maintain men who will clear and cultivate the land by shares, and thus, being interested in their work, we shall not have to take any trouble for them. There is still time to think of that.

Here is another matter:

They are talking about beginning new settlements in different places, and of having there some of our Fathers. I have an idea that we could not undertake to settle and build everywhere; it will be all we can [page 79] do if we make the place where we are prosper; and therefore, for the other settlements, two or three of our Fathers, or two Fathers and a boy, can [151] go to them, and these gentlemen will lodge and maintain them, and will furnish everything for the church or chapel that they see fit. We are going, Father Buteux and I, as I have said, to live at Three Rivers expressly to assist our countrymen, for we would not go, were it not for that; however, we are going to take furniture for the sacristy, and clothes for ourselves, and, what seems to me stranger still, our own food, which we shall give to them; for we shall eat with them, for lack of a dwelling where we might be by ourselves. We do this willingly, for I learn that these gentlemen are very much attached to us, and assist us as much as they can, according to the condition of their affairs: also we do, and will do, all that we can for their sakes; for, besides carrying with us to Three Rivers everything, even to the wax and the candles, we have sent to the Hurons three or four more persons than we should have done, were it not for their affairs which I have entrusted to our men. It is true, that they have given something for this object, according to what Father Lallemant has told me. I do not wish to importune them; but I am aware that they are glad to know that we will serve them willingly, and that we shall expect them to give what is necessary for the maintenance of [our] Fathers in the new settlements; and that they will furnish their chapel, as they have done this year this one [152] at Kébec;^* and that [page 81] they will give also wages and food to the men whom we shall keep for their sakes; and on their account, either among the Hurons, or elsewhere, we keep these men with us, in order that they may not become debauched with the Savages and show a bad example, as those did who were here formerly. This is all there is to be said for the temporal interests of this mission; if I remember anything else, I shall write it in another place.

Let us come to the spiritual.

First, we shall hope to have in time a great harvest among the Hurons,—greater and nearer, if we can send there many laborers to pass into the neighboring tribes, all to be under the leadership and command of the Superior who will be among the Hurons. These people are sedentary and very populous ; I hope that Father Buteux will know in one year as much of the Montagnais language as I know of it, in order to teach it to the others, and thus I shall go wherever I shall be wanted. It is not that I expect anything of myself, but I shall try to serve at least as a companion. These people, where we are, are wandering, and very few in number; it will be difficult to convert them, [153] if we cannot make them stationary; I have discussed the means for doing this, in my Relation.

As to the Seminary, alas! if we could only have a fund for this purpose! In the structures of which I have spoken, we marked out a little place for the beginning of one, waiting until some special houses be erected expressly for this purpose. If we had any built, I would hope that in two years Father Brebeuf would send us some Huron children; they could be instructed here with all freedom, being separated [page 83] from their parents. Oh, what a great stroke for the glory of God, if that were done!

As to the children of the Savages in this country, there will be more trouble in keeping them; I see no other way than that which Your Reverence suggests, of sending a child every year to France. Having been there two years, he will return with a knowledge of the language, and having already become accustomed to our ways, he will not leave us and will retain his little countrymen. Our little Fortuné, who has been sent back because he was sick, and who can not return to his parents, for he has none, is quite different from what he was, although he has lived only a little while in France; so far from mingling with the Savages, he runs away from them, and is becoming very obedient. In truth he astonishes me, for he used to begin to run to the cabins of the barbarians as soon as we said a word to him; he could not [154] suffer any one to command him, whoever he might be; now he is prompt in whatever he does. This year I wished to send a little girl, who was given me by the family, that lives here, and perhaps also a little boy, according to Your Reverence's wish. But M. de Champlain told me that M. de Lauson had recommended him not to let any Savage go over, small or great. I begged him last year to allow this to be done; I have an idea that Father Lallemant has some share in this advice and in this conclusion. Here are the reasons why they think that it is not expedient for them to go over: 1st. The example of the two who have gone over and who have been ruined. I answer that Louys^* the Huron was taken and corrupted by the English; and yet he has here performed [page 85] the duties of a Christian, confessing and taking communion last year at his arrival, and at his departure from Kebec; he is now a prisoner of the Hiroquois. As to Pierre the montagnais^†, taken [155] into France by the Recollect Fathers, when he returned here, he fled from the Savages; he was compelled to return among them, in order to learn the language, which he had forgotten; he did not wish to go, even saying: "They are forcing me; but, if I once go there, they will not get me back as they wish." At that time the English came upon the scene, and they have spoiled him; I may add that I have not seen a savage so savage and so barbarous as he is.

Father Lallemant's other reason is that it will cost something to maintain these children in France, and the mission is poor. If they are in a college, their board will have to be paid; if they are elsewhere, that will diminish the alms which would be given by the persons who support them. I answer that the colleges will not take anything for board; and, if it were necessary to pay this, I find the affair so important for the glory of God, that it ought to be given. Father Lallemant begins to appreciate my reasons, for I assured him that we could not retain the little Savages, if they be not removed from their native country, or if they have not some companions [page 87] who help them to remain of their own free will. We have had two of these: in the absence of the savages they obeyed tolerably well, but when the savages were encamped near us, our children no longer belonged to us, we dared say nothing.

If we can have some children this [156] year I shall do all I can to have them go over, at least two boys and this little girl, who will find three homes for one. Several places have asked me for them. If M. Duplessis listens to me, in the name of God, so let it be. When Father Lallemant shall have found out the difficulty there is in keeping these wild children, he will speak more peremptorily than I do.

Your Reverence sees, through all that has been said, the benefits to be expected for the glory of God from all of these countries, and how important it is, not only not to divert to some other places what is given for the mission at Kebec, but still more to find something for the maintenance at least of a house which may serve as a retreat for Our Associates, as a seminary for children, and for Our Brothers who will one day learn the languages, for there are a great many tribes differing altogether in their language.

Still further.........

(The rest of this manuscript is lacking.)

[page 89]

XXIII

Le Jeune's Relation, 1634

PARIS: SEBASTIEN CRAMOISY, 1635

 

 

Source: Title-page and text reprinted from the copy of the first issue, in Lenox Library. Table des Chapitres, from the second issue, at Lenox.

Chaps. i.-ix., only, are given in the present volume; the concluding portion will appear in Volume VII.

[page 93]

R E L A T I O N

OF WHAT OCCURRED

IN

NEW FRANCE,

IN THE YEAR 1634.

Sent to the

REVEREND FATHER PROVINCIAL

of the Society of Jesus in the

Province of France.

By Father Paul le Jeune, of the same Society,

Superior of the Residence of Kebec.

PARIS,

SEBASTIEN CRAMOISY, Printer in ordinary to the King.

Ruë St. Jacques, at the Sign of the Storks.

————————————————————————

M DC. XXXV.

BY ROYAL LICENSE.

[page 95]

[iii] Extract from the Royal License.

Y the Grace and License of the King, permission is granted to Sebastien Cramoisy, Printer in ordinary to the King, Bookseller under Oath in the University of Paris, to print or to have printed a book entitled, Relation de ce qui s'est passé en la Nouvelle France en l'année mil six cens trente-quatre, Envoyée au Reverend Pere Barthelemy Jaquinot, Provincial de la Compagnie de Jesus en la Province de France, Par le P. Paul le Jeune de la mesme Compagnie, Superieur de la Residence de Kebec: and this during the time and space of nine consecutive years. Prohibiting all Booksellers and Printers to print or to have printed the said book, under pretext of any disguise or change which they may make therein, under penalty of confiscation and the fine provided by said License. Given at Paris, the 8th of December, one thousand six hundred thirty-four.

By the King in Council,

VICTON.

[page 97]

[1] Relation of what occurred in New France on the Great River St. Lawrence, in the year one thousand six hundred thirty-four.

 

Y REVEREND FATHER,

The Letters of your Reverence, the evidences of your desire for the conversion of these people, the effects of your love for us, the coming of our Fathers whom you have been pleased to send this year for our reinforcement, the desires of so many of our society to come to these countries and sacrifice their lives and their labors for the glory of Our Lord: All this, added to the successful return of [2] our ships last year, and the fortunate arrival of those which have come this year, with the zeal which the Honorable associates of the Company of new France show for the conversion of these barbarous people,—all these blessings together, pouring down at once into our great forests through the arrival of Monsieur du Plessis, General of the fleet, who makes possible for us the enjoyment of some, and brings us good news of the others, overwhelm us with a satisfaction so great that it would be exceedingly difficult to express it well. God be forever praised for these blessings! If his goodness continues to be bestowed upon these Gentlemen, as we pray it may be with all our hearts, many souls plunged in a night of error, which has already lasted so long a time, will at last see the light of Christian truth. And our good King, Monseigneur the Cardinal, the Honorable Associates, [page 99] the Marquis de Gamache, a great supporter of our Mission, and a number of others, by whose favor the Blood of the Son of God will some day be applied to these souls, will have the glory and the merit of having contributed to so blessed a work.

[3] I shall divide the Relation of this year into chapters, at the end of which I shall add a journal of things which have no other connection than the order of time in which they happened. All that I shall say regarding the Savages, I have either seen with my own eyes, or have received from the lips of natives, especially from an old man very well versed in their beliefs, and from a number of others with whom I have passed six months with the exception of a few days, following them into the woods to learn their language. It is, indeed, true that these people have not all the same idea in regard to their belief, which will some day make it appear that those who treat of their customs are contradicting each other. [page 101]

CHAPTER I.

ON THE GOOD CONDUCT OF THE FRENCH.

E have passed this year in great peace and on very good terms with our French. The wise conduct and prudence of Monsieur de Champlain, Governor of Kebec [4] and of the river saint Lawrence, who honors us with his good will, holding every one in the path of duty, has caused our words and preaching to be well received; and the Chapel which he has had erected near the fort, in honor of our Lady, has furnished excellent facilities to the French to receive the Sacraments of the Church frequently, which they have done on the great Feast Days of the year, and many every month, to the great satisfaction of those who administered them. The fort has seemed like a well-ordered Academy; Monsieur de Champlain has some one read at his table, in the morning from some good historian, and in the evening from the lives of the Saints; then each one makes an examination of his conscience in his own chamber, and prayers follow, which are repeated kneeling. He has the Angelus sounded at the beginning, in the middle, and at the end of the day, according to the custom of the Church. In a word, we have reason to console ourselves when we see a chief so zealous for the glory of Our Lord and for the welfare of these Gentlemen.

Could it be believed that there is one of our Frenchmen in Canada, who, to offset the licentiousness [page 103] which is carried on in other places [5] during the Carnival, came on last shrove Tuesday, with bare head and feet, over the snow and ice from Kebec all the way to our Chapel; that is, a good half league, fasting the same day, to fulfill a vow made to Our Lord; and all this was done without any other witnesses than God, and our Fathers who met him.

During the holy time of Lent, not only abstinence from forbidden meats and fasting were observed, but there was a certain one who took the discipline more than thirty times,—extraordinary devotion in soldiers and artisans, such as are the greater part of our Frenchmen here.

Another has promised to use the tenth part of the profits he may make, during the course of his whole life, in works of piety. These little samples show that the Winter in new France is not so severe that some flowers of Paradise may not be gathered there.

I shall insert here, not knowing where better to put it, what one of our Frenchmen, quite worthy of credence, and so acknowledged, told us about Jacques Michel, a Huguenot, who brought the English to [6] this country. This wretch, having upon the eve of his death, vomited forth a thousand blasphemies against God and against our holy Father Ignatius, and having uttered this imprecation, that "he would be hanged if he did not give a couple of slaps before the next evening to one of our Fathers who was taken by the English," uttering the most unseemly insults against him, was soon afterwards overtaken by an illness which bereft him of all conciousness, and caused him to die the next day like a beast. Four circumstances in this incident astonished the Huguenots themselves, - the illness which seized him a few [page 105] hours after his blasphemies; the mistake of the Surgeons, who were numerous, in giving soporific remedies to a man in a lethargy; his so sudden and unconscious death, expiring without any one perceiving it, although there were six men around him; the rage of the Savages against his body, which they disinterred and hanged, according to his imprecations, and then threw to the dogs. The English, who were in the fort at Kebec, having heard this tragic story, were amazed; and said that, if the Jesuits knew all that, they would make miracles out of it.

[7] Now, we do know it, and yet we will make neither prodigies nor miracles out of it; but we will only say that it is not well to blaspheme against God or his saints, nor to strive against one's King to betray one's country. But now let us come to our Savages.

[page 107]

CHAPTER II.

ON THE CONVERSION, BAPTISM, AND HAPPY DEATH

OF CERTAIN SAVAGES.

OME Savages have become Christians this year; three have been baptized this Winter during my absence. Here are the very encouraging particulars of these baptisms, which our Fathers related to me upon my return.

The first was a young man named Sasousmat, from 25 to 30 years of age, whom the French have surnamed Marsolet. This young man, having one day heard an Interpreter talk about the pains of Hell and the rewards of Paradise, said to him; "Take [8] me to France to be instructed, otherwise thou wilt be responsible for my soul. " Then, having fallen sick, it was easier to induce him to become a Christian. Father Brebœuf gave me this account of him.

"Having learned of the illness of this young man, I went to visit him, and found him so low that he had lost his reason. Behold us now greatly troubled at not being able to help him, and so we resolved, our Fathers and I, to offer to God the next day the Sacrifice of the Mass in honor of the glorious St. Joseph, Patron of this new France, for the salvation and conversion of this poor Savage; scarcely had we left the Altar, when they came to tell us that he had recovered his senses; we went to see him, and, having sounded him, we found him filled with a great desire to receive Holy Baptism: [page 109] we deferred this, however, for a few days, in order to instruct him more fully. At last he sent word to me, through our Savage named Manitougatche, and surnamed by our French, "la Nasse," that I should come and baptize him, saying that the night before he had seen me in his sleep, coming to his Cabin to administer to him this Sacrament; and that, as soon [9] as I sat down near him, all his sickness went away; he confirmed this to me when I saw him. Nevertheless I refused his request, in order the more to stimulate his desire, so that another Savage who was present, not being able to bear this delay, asked me why I did not baptize him, since it was only necessary to throw a little water upon him, and then all would be done. But, when I answered him that I would myself be lost, if I baptized an infidel and a poorly-taught unbeliever, the sick man, turning to a Frenchman, said, Matchounon has no sense—it was thus they called the other Savage—he does not believe what the Father says; as for me, I believe it entirely. Meanwhile, the Savages wishing to change their camp and to go farther into the woods, Manitougatche, who began to feel ill, came to beg us to receive him and the poor sick man also into our house; and so we decided to care for the bodies, in order to aid the souls, which we saw were well disposed toward Heaven. So this worthy young man was placed upon a wooden sledge, and brought to us over the snow. We received him with love, and [10] made him as comfortable as we could. He was full of gladness and satisfaction to see himself with us, evincing a great desire to be baptized and to die a Christian. The next day, which was the [page 111] 26th of January, as he had fallen into a deep stupor, we baptized him, believing that he was going to die. We gave him the name François, in honor of St. François Xavier. He regained consciousness, and, having learned what had taken place, expressed his joy at having been made a Child of God. He passed his time constantly until his death, which was two days later, in different acts that I caused him to practice, sometimes of Faith and Hope, sometimes of the Love of God, and of remorse for having offended him. He took a very obvious pleasure in this, and repeated all alone with deep feeling what had been taught him. One day, while he was asking pardon of God for his sins, he accused himself aloud, as if he were making his confession; then, his memory failing (he said to me): Teach me; I am a poor ignorant creature, I have no understanding; suggest to me what I ought to say. Another time he begged me to sprinkle some holy water upon him, to help him to be sorry for his sins. [11] I was surprised at this, for we had not yet spoken to him of the use of this water; when, at his request, we sang some prayers of the Church in his presence, we saw him during this holy service with eyes raised toward Heaven in an attitude of such devotion that we were all greatly touched, admiring the wonderful effects of mercy that God was bringing about in this soul, which finally left the body on the 28th of January, to go and enjoy God."

When the news of his conversion and death became known to our French at Kebec, some of them shed tears of joy and satisfaction, blessing God for accepting the first fruits of a land which has borne little else than thorns since the birth of the centuries. [page 113]

One quite remarkable thing happened a few hours after his death. A great light appeared at the windows of our house, rising and falling three times; one of our Fathers saw the flash, as did several of our men, who went out immediately, some to see if a part of our house had not taken fire, the others to see if it were lightning. Having found no trace of this fire, they believed [12] that God was declaring through this phenomenon the light that was being enjoyed by the soul that had just left us. The Savages belonging to the Cabin of the deceased saw this light in the woods, where they had withdrawn, and it frightened them all the more as they thought it was a foreshadowing of future deaths in their family.

I was then (I who am writing this) some forty leagues from Kebec, in the cabin of the brothers of the dead man; and this light appeared there at the same time and at the same hour, as we have since observed, Father Brebœuf and I, by comparing our notes. My host, brother of the deceased, having perceived it, rushed out in horror; and, seeing it repeated, cried out in such astonishment, that all the Savages, and I with them, rushed out of our cabins. Having found my host all distracted, I tried to tell him that this fire was only lightning, and that he need not be frightened; he answered me very aptly that lightning appeared and disappeared in an instant, but that this fire had moved before his eyes for some time. "Besides," said he to me, "hast thou ever seen lightning or thunder in such piercing [13] cold as that which we are feeling now?" It was indeed very cold. I asked him then what he thought of these fires. "It is," he said, "a bad omen, it is a sign of death. He added that the Manitou, or devil, fed upon these flames. [page 115]

To return to our happy deceased. Our Fathers buried him with as much solemnity as they could, our Frenchmen being present and showing great devotion. Manitougatche, our Savage, having seen all this, and also observing that we did not wish to accept any of the belongings or clothes of the deceased, which he offered us, was so pleased and astonished that he went about among the cabins of the Savages who came soon afterward to Kebec, relating all that he had seen,—saying, that we had given the best food we had to this poor young man, that we had nursed him as if he had been our own brother, that we had inconvenienced ourselves in order to give him a lodging, that we had not consented to take anything that belonged to him, and that we had buried him with a great deal of honor. Some of them were so touched by this, [14] especially his own family, that they brought us his daughter, who had died in childbirth, to bury her in our way; but Father Brebœuf, meeting them, told them that, as she had never been baptized, we could not put her in the Cemetery of the children of God. Besides, knowing that they usually kill the child when its mother leaves it so young, thinking that it will languish after her death, the Father begged Manitouchatche to prevent this cruel act, which he did willingly; although some of our French People had determined to take charge of the child themselves, if a disposition were manifested to kill it.

The second Savage to be baptized was our Manitouchatche, otherwise, la Nasse, of whom I have spoken in my former Relations. He had begun to get accustomed to our ways before the capture of the country by the English, having commenced to clear and [page 117] cultivate the land; the bad treatment he received from these new guests drove him away from Kebec; he sometimes expressed to Madame Hébert, who remained here with her whole family, his strong desire for our return. And, in fact, as soon as he heard of our arrival, he came to see us, and settled [15] near our house, saying that he wished to become a Christian, and assuring us that he would not leave us unless we chased him away; indeed he has been away from us very little since we have been here. This intercourse has made him understand something of our mysteries. The sojourn made in our house by Pierre Antoine, a Savage and a relative of his, has been of use to him, inasmuch as we have declared to him through his lips the principal articles of our faith. Oh, how unfathomable are the judgments of God I This wretched young man, who was so well instructed in France, having been ruined among the English, as I wrote last year, has become an apostate, renegade, excommunicate, atheist, and servant to a Sorcerer who is his brother. These are the qualities which I shall assign to him hereafter, when speaking of him. And this poor old man, who has received from his infected lips the truths of Heaven, has found Heaven, leaving Hell as the heritage of this renegade, unless God shows him great mercy. But, continuing our story: after the death of François Sasousmat, of whom we have just spoken, this good man, wearied at not having any one with whom to converse,—for not one of us yet [16] knows the language perfectly,—went away with his wife and children; but, the disease with which he was already affected increasing, he urged his wife and children to bring him back to us, hoping for the same charity he had seen us practice [page 119] toward his fellow-savage. He was received with open arms, perceiving which, he cried out, " Now I shall die happy, since I am with you! " But as his errors had grown old with him, our Fathers recognized that he thought as much and even more of the health of his body than of the salvation of his soul, showing a great desire to live, and putting off his Baptism until my return; nevertheless, as he was continually growing weaker, they wished to see him show more interest in our belief; this induced them to offer to God a novena in honor of the glorious Spouse of the holy Virgin, for the welfare of his soul. The beginning of this devotion was the beginning of more earnest inclination on his part; he showed himself very desirous of being instructed, and began to despise his superstitions. He would no more go to sleep unless he had first prayed to God, which he did also before and after eating,—[17] to such an extent that he once deferred, for more than half an hour, eating what had been presented to him, because they had not had him offer the benediction, asking Father Brebœuf to have him say it twelve or thirteen times in succession, to engrave it upon his memory. It was very edifying to see an old man more than sixty years of age learn from a little French boy, whom we have here, to make the sign of the Cross, and other prayers that he asked to be taught. Father Brebœuf, seeing that his strength was failing, and also that he was well enough instructed, told him that death was approaching; and that, if he wished to die a Christian and go to Heaven, he must be baptized. At these words he showed such joy that he dragged himself as well as he could to our chapel, not being able to wait until our [page 121] Fathers, who were making the necessary arrangements for administering this Sacrament, could go after him. One of our Frenchmen, his Godfather, gave him the name Joseph. Before and during his baptism, which took place on the third of April, the Father examining him briefly upon all the [18] articles of the Creed, and upon the commandments of God, he answered clearly and courageously that he believed the former, and would endeavor to keep the latter if God would restore him his health, and showed great regret for having offended him. His wife and one of his daughters being present, the one could not keep back her tears, and the other was greatly bewildered, admiring the beauty of the holy ceremonies of the Church.

I returned from my winter sojourn with the Savages, six days after his baptism, and found him very sick, but very glad to be a Christian. I embraced him like a brother, greatly rejoiced at seeing him a child of God. We continued to teach him and to have him practice acts of virtue, especially the Theological Virtues [faith, hope, and charity], during the twelve days that he survived his baptism.

The Savages, wishing to care for him in their way, with their songs, their uproar, and their other superstitions, tried several times to take him away from us, even going so far as to bring a sledge upon which to take him back, and one of [19] their sorcerers or jugglers came to see him, for the express purpose of enticing him away from our belief; but the good Neophyte held firm, answering that they should not speak to him about going away, and that he would not leave us unless we sent him away. It is no slight indication of the efficacy of the grace of holy [page 123] Baptism, to see a man who had been steeped for over sixty years in Barbarism, accustomed to all the ways of the Savages, imbued with their errors and with their illusions, resist his own wife, his children, his sons-in-law, his friends and his fellow-savages, his Manitousiouets, sorcerers or jugglers, not once but many times, to throw himself into the arms of strangers, protesting that he wished to embrace their belief, to die in their Faith and in their house. This shows that grace can give stability to the soul of a Savage, who is by nature inconstant.

Finally, after having instructed our good Joseph in the Sacrament of Extreme Unction, we administered it to him; and on that very day, Holy Saturday, his soul left the body and went to celebrate [20] Easter in Heaven. One of his sons-in-law, when he saw him very low, remained near him to see how we would bury him after death, wishing us to give him his Castelogne [blanket] and his tobacco pouch, for use in the other world; but, when he went to carry the news of this death to the wife of the deceased, we buried the latter according to the custom of the Catholic Church, showing as much honor as we could in the funeral ceremonies. Monsieur de Champlain, in order to give proof of the love and honor we bear those who die in the Christian Faith, had his people leave their work, and sent them to us to attend the services; we followed as closely as possible the ceremonies of the Church, which was very acceptable to the relatives of this new Christian. There was one thing, however, which displeased them; when we came to put the body in the grave, they noticed that there was a little water in the bottom, caused by the snow melting just then and dropping into it; this [page 125] struck their imagination, and as they are [21] superstitious, saddened them a little. It will not be difficult to combat such errors, when we know their language well. These are, as far as I know, the first adult Savages in these countries who have been baptized and died firm in the faith.

The third Savage baptized this year was a child only three or four months old; the Father, being angry at his wife, daughter of our good Joseph, either because she wanted to leave him, or because he had a touch of jealousy, took the child and threw it against the ground, to kill it. One of our Frenchmen happening along just then, and remembering that we had recommended them to administer Baptism to children whom they saw in danger of death, in case they could not call us took some water and baptized it; this poor little child did not die immediately, however; its mother took it and carried it away with her to the Islands, leaving her husband, who has since told us that he believes his child is dead, as its mother had been taken with a disease which he thought was mortal.

The fourth was the son of a Savage [22] named Khiouirineou, the mother's name was Ouitapimoueou, and they had named their little child Itaouabisisiou. His parents had promised me that they would bring him to us to be buried in our cemetery, if he died; and, if he recovered,—for he was very sick,—they would give him to us to be educated, thus showing their satisfaction that their little son should receive holy Baptism. So I baptized him and gave him the name Jean Baptiste, that day being the octave of this great Saint. Sieur du Chesne, Surgeon of the colony, who willingly comes with me through [page 127] the Cabins, to advise us of those whom he considers in danger of death, was his godfather.

The fifth was baptized the same day. His Father made known to sieur Olivier, the interpreter, that he would be very glad if they would do to his son what was done to little French children; meaning that they should baptize him. Having been informed of this by sieur Olivier, I went to see the child, but deferred baptism for a few days, as the child was still full of vitality. At last, Father Buteux and [23] I, having gone to see him, called Monsieur du Chesne, who told us that the child was very sick. I asked his Father if he would like to have us baptize him. "I should be very glad" (he answered); " if he dies, I will carry him to thy house; if he recovers, he shall be thy son, and thou shalt instruct him." I named him Adrian, after his Godfather; before this he was called Pichichich; his Father has been surnamed by the French Baptiscan,—he was called, in Savage, Tchimaouirineou, his mother Matouetchiouanouecoueou. This poor little child of about eight months flew away to Heaven. The following night, his Father did not fail to bring the body, having with him eighteen or twenty Savages, men, women, and children. They had wrapped it in Beaver skins, and over that was a large piece of linen cloth, which they had bought at the store, and over all a great double piece of bark. I unrolled the parcel to see if the child was inside; then I laid it in a coffin which we had made for it, and this pleased the Savages wonderfully, for they believe that the soul [24] of the child will use in the other world of souls all the things that have been given to it at its departure. I told them indeed that [page 129] the soul was now in Heaven, and that it had no concern whatever with these trifling things. Nevertheless we let them go on, for fear that, if we tried to prevent them,—which I might have done (for the Father already wavered)—the others would not permit us to baptize their children when they were sick, or at least would not call us after they died. These simple people were enchanted, seeing five Priests in surplices honoring this little Canadian angel, chanting what is ordained by the Church, covering the coffin with a beautiful pall, and strewing it with flowers. We buried him with all possible solemnity.

All the Savages were present during the entire ceremony. When it came to lowering him into the grave, his mother placed his cradle therein, with a few other things, according to their custom; and soon after she drew some of her milk in a little [25] bark ladle, which she burned immediately. I asked why this was done, and a woman answered me that she was giving drink to the child, whose soul was drinking this milk. I instructed her upon this point, but I still speak the language so poorly that I scarcely made her understand me.

After the burial we had the funeral feast, giving some Indian cornmeal mixed with prunes to these simple people, to induce them to call upon us when they or their children were sick. In short, they went away very much pleased, as they showed us then, and more particularly two days later.

Father Buteux, as he was visiting the Cabins of the Savages on his return from saying Mass at the settlement, saw the dead body of little Jean Baptiste, which they were wrapping up like the other. His parents, although sick, promised to bring him to us. [page 131] " They have already told me, " (said the mother) " of the honor and kind treatment you show to our children, but I do not [26] wish mine to be unrolled." Thereupon, the Father of the one who had died first said to her, " They do no harm to the child; they do not take off any of its clothes; they only look to see if it is inside the parcel, and if we are deceiving them." She acquiesced, and presented her son to be carried into our Chapel, into which Father Buteux brought him to us, together with his relatives and other Savages. We buried him with the same ceremonies as the other, and they gave him also his belongings, to pass with him into the other world. We again held the feast that is made at the death of their people, very happy to see them, little by little, acquiring an affection for the holy offices of the Christian and Catholic Church.

On the fourteenth of July, I baptized the sixth, a little Algonquin girl about a year old. I would not have made this child a Christian so soon, had it not been that its parents wished to go to their own country. Now, believing with Monsieur du Chesne that this child, who was suffering from hectic fever, was in [27] danger of death, I administered this Sacrament. She was called Marguerite; her Savage name was Memichtigouchiouiscoueou, meaning, "wife of a European;" her Father was called in Algonqauin, Pichibabich, that is to say, "Stone," and her mother Chichip, meaning "a Duck." They have promised me that if this poor little child recovers its health, they will bring it to me, to be placed in the hands of one of our French Women. As this is a wandering tribe, I do not know now where she is; but I believe she is not far from Paradise, if she is not already there. [page 133]

The seventh person whom we have placed among the number of the children of God, through the Sacrament of Baptism, is the mother of the little Savage whom we named "bien-venu; " she is called, in Savage, Ouroutiuoucoueu, and now her name is Marie. This beautiful name was given to her in pursuance of a vow once made by Reverend Father Charles l'Allement, that the first Canadian Woman whom we should baptize should bear the name of the holy Virgin; and the first Savage, that [28] of her glorious Spouse, saint Joseph. We did not know about this vow, when the others were baptized; I hope that in a very few days it will be entirely fulfilled. But to return to our new Christian. When I found her near the French fort, abandoned by her people, because she was sick, I asked her who fed her; she answered that the French gave her a few morsels of bread, and that, on their return from the chase, they occasionally threw her a pigeon. "If you wish to stay near us," I said, "we will care for you, and will teach you the way to Heaven." She answered me in a weak voice, for she was very sick, "Alas! I would indeed like to go there, but I can no longer walk; have pity upon me, send some one in a Canoe to fetch me. " I did not fail to do this; and on the next day, the 23rd of July, I had her brought near our house. The poor woman asked me if she were not to go inside, expecting us to show her the same [29] charity that the first two who had been baptized had received; but I told her that, as she was a woman, we could not lodge her in our house, which is very small; that we would, however, carry her something to eat to her Hut, and that every day I would go to see and teach her. She was satisfied with this. When [page 135] I began to speak to her about the holy Trinity, saying that the Father, the Son, and the holy Spirit, were only one God, who has made all things, " I know that well," she replied, " I believe it." I was greatly astonished at this answer, but she told me that our good Savage Joseph occasionally reported to her what we told him. This was a great consolation to me, for in a short time she was sufficiently instructed to be baptized. My only trouble was to make her feel sorrow for her sins. The Savages have not this word " sin " in their language, though they certainly have it in their customs. The word for wickedness and malice, among them, means a violation of purity, as they have told me. So I was puzzled to know how to make her understand sorrow at having offended [30] God. I read her the Commandments several times, telling her that he who made all things hates those who do not obey him; and that she should tell him she was very sorry for having offended him. The poor woman, who well remembered that God forbids all men to lie, to be wanton, to disobey their parents, accused herself over and over again of all these offences. She said of her own accord, " Thou who hast made all things, have mercy upon me; Jesus, Son of him who hath all power, have compassion upon me. I promise thee that I will not get drunk any more, that I will not utter bad words any more, that I will not lie any more. I am sorry for having angered thee, I am sorry with all my heart. I am not lying, have mercy upon me. If I recover, I will always believe in thee, I will always obey thee. If I die, have mercy upon my soul. " As I saw her thus minded, and feared beside that she might die suddenly, for she was very ill, I asked [page 137] her if she would not like to be baptized. " I would like to live longer, " she replied. [31] I saw she imagined that we only gave baptism to those who were to die immediately afterwards. I made her understand that we were all baptized and we were not dead, that baptism restored health to the body rather than took it away. " Baptize me then as soon as possible, " she answered. I wanted to try her. Some canoes of Savages having arrived at Kebec, I said to her: " Here is a company of thy people just arrived; if thou wishest to go away with them, they will receive thee, and I will have thee taken to their cabins. " The poor creature began to weep and to sob so violently, that I was touched, proving to me by her tears that she wanted to be a Christian, and that she did not want me to drive her away. At last, when we saw that she was growing much worse, we decided to baptize her at once. I made her understand that she might die that night, and that her soul would go into the flames if she were not baptized; that if she wished to receive this sacrament in our Chapel, I would have her conveyed there in a blanket. She showed that she [32] was satisfied with this. " I am going away, " I said to her, " to prepare what is necessary, take courage, I will send for thee soon. " The poor woman did not have the patience to wait, but dragged herself along as well as she could, resting at every step, until at last she arrived at our house more than two hundred steps from her cabin, and threw herself upon the ground completely exhausted. When she recovered herself, I baptized her in the presence of our Fathers and of all our men. She answered confidently all the questions I put to her in following the order of the administration [page 139] of this Sacrament to persons who have the use of their reason. We bore her, all full of joy, back to her own cabin; and we ourselves were greatly comforted at seeing the grace of God working in a soul where the devil has so long made his habitation. This happened the first day of August.

The next day, some French people, who came to see me, went to visit her, and found her holding a Crucifix in her hand, and addressing it in a low voice: " Thou who hast died for me, be merciful to me; I wish to believe in [33] thee all my life; have pity upon my soul." I report all these details purposely, that you may see that our Savages are not so barbarous that they cannot be made children of God. I hope that there, where sin has reigned, grace will triumph. This poor woman is still living, nearer to Heaven than to health.

I shall finish this Chapter with an account of the very remarkable punishment of a Canadian Woman, who, having closed her ear to God during her sickness, seems to have been rejected at her death. When Father Brebœuf went to see her, to speak to her about receiving the faith, she laughed at him and scorned his words. Having been prostrated by sickness, and the Savages wishing to break camp, they carried her to this worthy family who have lived here for quite a long time; but, as they had no place to keep her, these Barbarians dragged her to the fort; if we had not been so far away, they would no doubt have brought her to us, for I am inclined to think that they presented her to our Frenchmen because we had received with so much kindness the two deceased Christian Savages. [34] Monsieur de Champlain, as it was already late, gave her shelter [page 141] for one night. Those who were in the room where she was placed, had to leave, as they could not bear the odor from this woman.

In the morning, Monsieur de Champlain caused a number of the Savages to be called; and, being reproached by him for their cruelty in abandoning this creature, who was of their tribe, they took her and dragged her toward their Cabins, repulsing her as they would a dog, and giving her no covering. This wretched woman, finding herself abandoned by her own people and exposed to the severity of the cold, asked that we should be called. But, as there were no Frenchmen there, the Savages did not care to take the trouble to come all the way to our house, a good league from their Cabins; so that hunger, cold, disease, and the children of the Savages, as it is reported, killed her. We did not hear of this tragedy until some days after her death. If we had a Hospital here, all the sick people of the [35] country, and all the old people, would be there. As to the men, we will take care of them according to our means; but, in regard to the women, it is not becoming for us to receive them into our houses. [page 143]

CHAPTER III.

ON THE MEANS OF CONVERTING THE SAVAGES.

HE great show of power made at first by the Portuguese in the East and West Indies inspired profound admiration in the minds of the Indians, so that these people embraced, without an contradiction, the belief of those whom they admired Now the following is, it seems to me, the way in which to acquire an ascendancy over our Savages.

First, to check the progress of those who overthrow Religion, and to make ourselves feared by the Iroquois, who have killed some of our men, as every one knows, and who recently massacred two hundred Hurons, and [36] took more than a hundred prisoners. This is, in my opinion, the only door through which we can escape the contempt into which the negligence of those who have heretofore held the trade of this country has thrown us, through their avarice.

The second means of commending ourselves to the Savages, to induce them to receive our holy faith, would be to send a number of capable men to clear and cultivate the land, who, joining themselves with others who know the language, would work for the Savages, on condition that they would settle down, and themselves put their hands to the work, living in houses that would be built for their use; by this means becoming located, and seeing this miracle of charity in their behalf, they could be more [page 145] easily instructed and won. While conversing this Winter with my Savages, I communicated to them this plan, assuring them that when I knew their language perfectly, I would help them cultivate the land if I could have some men, and if they wished [37] to stop roving,—representing to them the wretchedness of their present way of living, and influencing them very perceptibly, for the time being The Sorcerer, having heard me, turned toward his people and said, " See how boldly this black robe lies in our presence." I asked him why he thought I was lying. " Because, " said he, " we never see in this world men so good as thou sayest, who would take the trouble to help us without hope of reward, and to employ so many men to aid us without taking anything from us; if thou shouldst do that, " he added, " thou wouldst secure the greater part of the Savages, and they would all believe in thy words."

I may be mistaken; but, if I can draw any conclusion from the things I see, it seems to me that not much ought to be hoped for from the Savages as long as they are wanderers; you will instruct them today, tomorrow hunger snatches your hearers away, forcing them to go and seek their food in the rivers and woods. Last year I stammered out the Catechism to a [38] goodly number of children; as soon as the ships departed, my birds flew away, some in one direction and some in another. This year, I hoped to see them again, as I speak a little better; but, as they have settled on the other side of the great river St. Lawrence, my hopes have been frustrated. To try to follow them, as many Religious would be needed as there are cabins, and still we would not attain our object; for they are so occupied in seeking [page 147] livelihood in these woods, that they have not time, so to speak, to save themselves. Besides, I do not believe that, out of a hundred Religious, there would be ten who could endure the hardships to be in following them