Acadia and Québec

CLEVELAND: The Burrows Brothers

Company, PUBLISHERS, M DCCC XCVIII

[page ii]

PREFACE TO VOL. IV

Following is a synopsis of the documents contained in the present volume:

XIV. In the concluding portion (Chapters xxvi.-xxxvii.) of the Relation of 1616, Biard relates how he and Father Quentin were taken to Virginia, where they narrowly escaped death; they then were sent to England, and finally to France, arriving there after a captivity of over nine months, and being subjected to many perils by sea and land. The analyst records what progress the Christian religion has made in New France. The missionaries have now learned the nature of the country, and the character and needs of the people; and the colonists have established friendly relations with the savages. The latter have some general knowledge of religion, and are anxious to be baptized. Several miracles are recounted, in the cure of persons given up as dying. Biard then discusses at length the respective territorial claims of the French and English in the New World, and contends that New France should extend southward at least to 39°. He concludes by urging that more attention should be given in France to both the temporal and religious interests of Canada, especially to the conversion of the savages.

Between the dates of Documents XIV. and XV. in our series, there is a break of nine years. The Jesuit [page 1] mission in Acadia had abruptly closed with the attack by Argall, so fully described in the writings of Biard, who, in his Relation of 1616, appears for the last time upon our stage. Meantime, the Récollet friars were conducting their missions upon and beyond the St. Lawrence; but,—as related in the Introduction (Volume I. of this series) and in Notes to this Volume, .post,—finding themselves unequal to the great task, they invited the Jesuits to return to New France and aid them in the conversion of the savages. The first of the "black gowns" to arrive (April, 1625) were Charles Lalemant, Massé, and Brébeuf.

XV. Lalemant, as superior of the mission, writes (July 28, 1625) to the governor, Champlain, announcing the arrival of the Jesuits at Quebec, the hospitality of the Récollets to them, and the death of Nicholas Viel, of the latter order.

XVI. On the same date, Lalemant writes to the provincial of the Récollets, thanking him for the kindness and hospitality shown the Jesuits by himself and others of his order in Canada.

XVII. Lalemant writes (Aug. 1, no year mentioned, but without doubt 1626) to his general, at Rome. He tells what the Jesuit missionaries have accomplished during the past year: they have spent most of the time studying the language of the natives, for which purpose Brébeuf spent the winter among the savages; they had learned all they could of the people and the country; and had preached to and confessed the French colonists. They had established one residence among the Indians. He announces that he sends Noyrot back to France, to look after the interests of their mission. [page 2]

XVIII. On the same date as the foregoing, Lalemant writes to his brother Jerome, in France, who is also a Jesuit. The missionary gives a short description of the country and the climate; then of the people, their customs, religious belief, clothing, etc.; describes the extent of the Canadian trade with France; and tells of the establishment of a residence for the Jesuits, near that of the Récollets. The difficulties encountered by the missionaries in acquiring the native languages, are mentioned, together with their relations with a certain interpreter, and the help received from him. The writer tells of Brébeuf passing the entire winter among the savages of the vicinity; Lalemant went on a similar trip, and had to return in eleven days, as his improvident hosts had no food. He announces his probable departure for a longer stay among the natives. He sends Noyrot back to France, in the interests of the mission, and Brébeuf and De Noue to the Huron country. The natives are ready to be taught, the writer says, and he sends a little Huron boy to be instructed in France. Champlain and Gaumont have, he says, chosen him as their confessor. He wishes to name their first church, "Our Lady of the Angels," and asks his brother to send him therefor "A fine picture surrounded by angels." The busy superior mentions this as the sixty-eighth letter he has just written to France,—chiefly to benefactors of the mission, and those who have written to me."

Lalemant (see note 20, Post, for details) had gone to France for supplies for the colony, in November, 1627; and upon his return in May, 1628, was with others captured by the English Admiral Kirk, to whom, a year later, Quebec capitulated. The Jesuits [page 3] were sent to England, and thence allowed to return to France. Lalemant, with a party of missionaries, again attempted to return to Canada (June, 1629), but they were shipwrecked on the Canso rocks. Two of the adventurous Jesuits were drowned, another remained in the country, but Lalemant returned to France.

XIX. Lalemant writes (Nov. 22, 1629), from Bordeaux to the superior of the Jesuit college at Paris, describing the shipwreck he had recently experienced, in which Father Noyrot and Brother Louis Malot were drowned; and announcing his own safe arrival at Bordeaux.

July 5, 1632, Émery de Caen, the French fur-trade monopolist, arrived at Quebec, commissioned to reclaim that stronghold from Kirk. With him were the Jesuits Le Jeune and De Noue, who had been sent hither to reopen the mission of their order in New France.

 

The Editor gratefully acknowledges the receipt of information from the following gentlemen, relative to annotations in this volume: Dr. John G. Bourinot, Dr. Douglas Brymner, Capt. E. Deville, and Mr. L. P. Sylvain, of Ottawa; Mr. William McLennan, Mr. C. H. Gould, and Rev. Arthur E. Jones, of Montreal; and Mgr. T. E. Hamel, Dr. N. E. Dionne, and Mr. E. E. Taché, of Quebec. To the list of persons named in the General Preface to this series, as having furnished valuable suggestions in the prosecution of the work, the Editor takes pleasure in adding the following: Rev. Joseph Le Halle, S. J., president of St. Ignatius College, Cleveland; Rt. Rev. Ignatius F. Horstmann, R. C. bishop of Cleveland; Rev. E. A. [page 4] Higgins, S. J., of St. Mary's College, St. Mary's, Kans.; Rev. A. A. Hartmann, S. J., of Canisius College, Buffalo, N.Y.; and Mr. James H. Coyne, of St. Thomas, Ont.

R. G. T.

Madison, Wis., January, 1897.

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XIV (concluded)

Biard's Relation de la Nouvelle France

Lyons: LOUIS MUGUET, 1616

Chaps. xxvi.-xxxvii., and Index, completing the document; Chaps. i.-xxv. appeared in Volume III.

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CHAPTER XXVIII. [i.e., xxvi.]

THE PLUNDERING OF OUR SHIP, AND OF OUR PEOPLE,

AND THE DISTRESSES WE ENDURED.

HE victorious Englishman came on shore, where we had our tents and our houses just begun, and had our Captain searched for in all directions, saying that they wished to see our commissions; that this land belonged to them, and hence they had fallen upon us when they found us there; nevertheless, if we could show our good faith in the matter, and that we had come there under the authority of [238] our Prince, that they would show some regard for it, wishing in no wise to violate the alliance between our two Kings. But the trouble was, la Saussaye could not be found, and on this account the shrewd and cunning Englishman seized his trunks, skillfully picked the locks, and, having found therein our commissions and royal patents, took possession of them; then, putting everything back in its place, each article just as he had found it, nicely fastened the trunks again. The next day, la Saussaye having returned, the English Captain, who knew his lesson remarkably well, received him kindly and made his first inquiries with a fine show of courtesy; then he came to the point and demanded his commission, so there might be no doubt when the words and authority [239] Of the King, our Sire, were actually seen and considered. La Saussaye answered that the letters were in his trunks. These were brought, and [page 9] before he unlocked them he was advised to look closely to see if they had been tampered with, for, as to them, they were acting with all sincerity. La Saussaye found that all was in good order, but alas! he could not find the letters. Hereupon the English Captain changed his mien and his voice, and, frowning in the most proper manner, "How now (said he), are you imposing on us? You give us to understand that you have a commission from your King, and you cannot produce any evidence of it. You are Outlaws and Pirates, every one of you, and merit death." Then he set his soldiers to plundering, and in this the whole afternoon was consumed. From the shore we looked on at the pillage [240] of our property: for the English had left us on shore while they remained on the water, where they joined our vessels to theirs, for we had two, our ship and a barque constructed at this place and newly equipped. We were reduced to a pitiful state, but this was not the end. The next day they came on shore, and robbed us also of what we had there. Not all at one time, but at intervals, and whenever they came on shore, always appropriating some of our mantles, clothes, and other things. Once they maltreated and abused two of our men, which so frightened part of the others that they fled to the woods like poor hunted beasts, half-naked and without [241] food, not knowing what would become of them.

Let us speak of the Jesuits. I have told you that Gilbert du Thet was struck down by a musket ball during the fight. When the English boarded our ship, they put him, together with all the other wounded men, into the hands of their Surgeon. This Surgeon was a Catholic, and known as such. He [page 11] was very charitable, and did us a thousand kind services. Now as soon as Father Biard learned about Gilbert du Thet's wound, he sent a request to the Captain to have all the wounded carried on shore; this was granted, and so the said Gilbert had an opportunity to confess, and to bless and praise a just God, full of mercy to the Society of his Brothers; and he died in their arms. He passed away with great steadfastness, resignation, and devotion, [242] twenty-four hours after he was wounded. He had his wish; for when leaving Honfleur, in the presence of the whole crew, he had raised his hands and eyes to Heaven, praying God that he might never again return to France, but that he might die working for the conquest of souls and for the salvation of the Savages. He was buried the same day at the foot of a large Cross which we had erected when we first went there.

Up to this time the Jesuits had not been recognized by the English, except as Priests. Now Father Biard and Father Enemond Massé went to the ship to speak with the English Captain, and explained to him openly that they were Jesuits, who had come to these regions to convert the Savages; then they implored him, by the blood of him whom he acknowledged as his Savior, and [243] by the mercy which he expected from him, that he might be pleased to have pity upon these poor French, over whom God had given him power; and that in their wretched condition he might see how changeable are the affairs of this world, allow them to return to France, their native country, and furnish them means therefor. The Captain listened to them very kindly, and answered them with like courtesy: "But," (said he) dissembling, "I am very [page 13] much astonished at you Jesuits, who are generally regarded as conscientious and Religious men, being here, nevertheless, in the company of pirates, marauders, and idle wanderers, who are men without calling, without law, and without honor." Father Biard answered, and proved by many arguments, that their whole company were honest people and were recommended by his most Christian [244] Majesty, and so summarily refuted all opposing arguments, that the English Captain had to seem to agree with him, conquered by his logic. "Certainly (he added) there has been indeed some fault, as far as I can see, in thus losing your letters. Nevertheless, I shall consider the matter of your return with your Captain." And from that time until our departure, he always had the two Fathers eat at his table, showing them great respect and courtesy. Now he had a thorn in his side, which caused him much uneasiness; it was the Pilot and Sailors who had escaped, and of whom he could get no news. This pilot,{1} called "Bailleur," from the city of Roüen, had gone out to, reconnoitre (as has been stated), and could not return to the ship in time to defend it; [245] therefore he turned his boat aside, and when night came took in with him the other Sailors, and withdrew to a place of safety, out of sight of the English and beyond their power. At night he came to see us and to talk over with us what was to be done. He performed this kind act especially for the Jesuits; for he came to Father Biard and taking him by the hand implored him not to mistrust him because he was of the Pretended{2} Religion, assuring him that he would not fail him, nor any of the Fathers, and that he should pray God not to forsake him also, as he was speaking from [page 15] a sincere heart. Father Biard thanked him very affectionately, and on his part promised to remember his good will; he told him, however, that he did not wish to think of himself, until he saw all the others on a safe [246] road, and then, let happen to him what God willed. He admonished the Pilot to be careful not to fall into the hands of the English, for the Captain was trying very hard to catch him. The Pilot wisely profited by this advice, and by that of the others. For, during the next two or three days, he went about in defiance of the English, as if making his escape and going for a ship, seeming to say to them that they need not count upon him this time. But he only withdrew behind some Islands not far off, to be on the lookout and to see what fortune might befall us. I believe this made the English Captain decide not to subject us to any worse treatment, however much he might have wished to do so, in regard to which I know nothing. Certainly, judging from what we experienced [247] afterwards, he was indeed a very shrewd and cunning Captain, but nevertheless a gentleman of truly noble courage; nor were his men inhuman or cruel to any of us.

Now it is impossible to imagine the anxiety we endured at that time, for we knew not which way to turn. From the English, we expected only death or at least slavery; but to remain in this country, and for so many men to live among the Savages in their way for a whole year, looked to us like a long and miserable death. These good Savages, having heard about our misfortune, came and offered to do their best for us, promising to feed us during the Winter, and showing a great deal of sympathy for us. But we could hope for nothing better [248] than they had; [page 17] also we could see no prospect of finding any other expedients in such a desert. Now see how God provided for us.

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CHAPTER XXIX. [i.e., xxvii.]

THE MEANS WHICH WERE FOUND TO RETURN TO FRANCE, AND HOW THIRTY OF OUR PEOPLE ARRIVED THERE AFTER MANY TRIALS.

HE English Captain, whose name was Samuel Argal, and his Lieutenant, William Turnel{3} began, as they had promised, to treat with our Captain la Saussaye about our return. The English offered some very unfair conditions, but to make the story short, the conclusion was that as one [249] boat remained to us of the two we had had, they would leave it for us, and with it we could go where God directed us. The English Captain, crafty as he was, wished to have a written acknowledgment signed by la Saussaye, in which he should testify that it was by his own choice that this course had been taken.

When this decision was heard, Father Biard went to see the Captain, and represented to him that there remained thirty persons, and that it was not possible for so many people to crowd into so small a vessel, and still less possible that they could therein make one hundred and fifty leagues, and cross bays of ten and twelve leagues, which would be necessary before they found any French ship in which they could take refuge: that such a thing was plainly [250] throwing ourselves into the jaws of death and of despair. The Englishman answered that la Saussaye did not think so, but if they wished to lighten the said boat he would find a means of doing so; that he would take [page 21] to Virginia the workmen who wished to go there, under promise that they would not force them in the matter of Religion, and that, after one year of service, they would send them back to France. Three accepted this offer.

Sieur de la Mote likewise had from the first consented to go to Virginia with the English Captain, who honored him greatly, because he had found him sword in hand, and saw in him many other good qualities, which proved a great advantage to all our company. He was, moreover, permitted to take with him some who were [251] to enjoy the same favor as he did. Captain Flory also decided to try the same fortune, because he was encouraged to hope that he might thus recover his ship. Father Biard begged that four of them, namely two Jesuits and two others, might be taken to the Pencoit Islands and recommended to the English fishermen, who are usually there, that they might, with their help, return to France. This the English Captain granted very willingly.

Thus the boat was sufficiently lightened, and our whole company was arranged in three equal divisions; for fifteen were with the Pilot, fifteen with the English, and fifteen had embarked in the boat left to them. Of this fifteen, [252] Father Enemond Massé was one, for, it having been granted to the company who were to go in that boat to choose the one of the three Jesuits whom they preferred to accompany them, it was he whom they favored the most.

This boat was then given in charge of la Saussaye, and of Father Enemond Massé, Jesuit, whom the English Captain highly honored. He delivered it over to them with a small supply of food, and other provisions. But our poor men were in great trouble [page 23] when they had to sail their vessel; for in all, there were only two or three sailors, and these had neither map nor knowledge of the country. In this distress God sent them relief in the very nick of time; for the Pilot, who had placed his men in [253] security, anxious to know how the rest of the company were faring, disguised himself as a Savage and went spying about the place. The Angel of God guided him through the right path, for he very opportunely encountered this boat, which was sailing off with no knowledge of navigation. This good luck seemed such a favorable omen to those in the boat, that they were sure from that time on that God would be merciful to them; and, as a superabundance of grace, they had great success in catching large Lobsters or Sea crabs, and the Savages generously gave them quantities of birds and fish and all other things they had, with great exhibitions of sympathy.

Thus they fell in with the boat containing the Sailors, and in their company reached the Island of Menano. This Island is at the entrance [254] to French Bay, and thence they went as far as Long Island; in this passage they had to cross ten leagues of a very angry sea caused by the strong and violent currents which flow between, and unfortunately, bad weather kept them there eight or nine days. Their sorrows and apprehensions made them have recourse to God with vows and prayers, which were heard, as was evident from the beautiful weather which followed, according to their wish, and by means of which they reached Long Island. Here, in order to keep their promise, they planted a Cross, celebrated Holy Mass, and marched in procession. Here also God had prepared a storehouse; for they found in this place a good pile [page 25] of salt, which sieur de Biencourt had previously left there, and to find use for it they caught a fine lot of fish. Thus provisioned, [255] they passed on to Cape Forchu, where they found the Sagamore, Louys Membertou, who gave Father Enemond Massé a hearty welcome and tried by all means to keep him there. But the Father excused himself, giving as his reason the necessity of remaining with his company. The Savage made Tabagie for them all with Moose Meat, which was a great blessing to them, and then they doubled Cape Sable more cheerfully. When they were in the neighborhood of Port an Mouton, they saw before them four boats filled with Savages, who were returning from the trading station. It was Roland and other Sagamores, who immediately recognized Father Enemond, and showed him a generosity truly wonderful; namely, by giving half a Sea Biscuit to each of his companions, and a whole one to him. Behold the world turned upside down, the Savages freely furnishing bread to the [256] French. This bread seemed like Manna to our afflicted (Frenchmen), for they had tasted none for three weeks. And to complete the fulfillment of their wish, the Savages told them that not far from there were two French ships, one at Sezambre and the other at Passepec. This caused our Pilgrims to hasten, that they might not fail to see them.

These two ships were from Saint Malo, one belonging to Dupont the Younger, whom we have frequently mentioned before, this ship being only about fifty tons burthen; Captain Vible Bullot commanded the other, of a hundred tons, and (a good augury) called the "Sauveur." Each of these two took its half of the whole band, but those in the smaller vessel suffered [page 27] a great deal, being in need of everything, room, food, and water, and being horribly shaken up by [257] tempests and adverse winds; our disaster, however, happened very opportunely for this vessel, because it had lost many of its crew, and could scarcely have returned without this chance meeting and fresh reinforcement afforded by our wanderers.

In the larger vessel, called the Sauveur, they fared better, as the Sailors were so kind-hearted that, of their own free will, they stinted themselves of their rations, and left several good places for the accommodation of their guests. Father Enemond Massé had taken refuge in this one; and the Pilot, Alain Yeon, showed him great kindness. They were likewise assailed by tempests, and experienced the truth of the saying about St. Elmo's fire, or the consoling Brothers,—that when two appear at once, it is a good omen. For two appeared [258] for a quarter of an hour upon the Lateen Sailyard, and soon after, the fury of the tempest and the sea abated.

Both ships arrived safe at St. Malo almost at the same time, although the "Sauveur" had departed twelve days later. You may imagine their joy in recalling to memory the dangers from which they had escaped. Father Enemond Massé and the whole company greatly praised the kindness and welcome they received in the city of Saint Malo, from my Lord the Bishop, from the Governor, the Magistrates, Merchants, and all the citizens in general.

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CHAPTER XXX. [i.e., xxviii.]

[259] THE VOYAGE TO VIRGINIA; AND THE RETURN TO NEW FRANCE.

OD be praised. Here were now two-thirds of our company conducted back to France, safe and sound, among their friends and kindred, who listen to them as they relate the stories of their wonderful adventures. Consequently you will wish to know what became of the other third, who remained behind in the hands of the English. In truth, a longer and more varied fate awaits them, and all will not emerge therefrom unharmed.

The English had three vessels; namely, their own, with which they had captured us, of a hundred and thirty tons; ours, which they had seized, of a hundred tons; [260] and a barque of twelve tons, which they had likewise taken from us, and would not give back to be used for our return. They filled these three vessels with their people, and distributed us among them. Sieur de la Mote, Captain Flory, and half of the rest, making in all eight persons, were placed in the "Capitanesse," and the others, seven in number, remained in the captured ship, of which Lieutenant Turnel was made Captain.

Now as the beginning of their ill luck, the Jesuits were not taken to the Peucoit Islands, according to promise, but were taken straight to Virginia with the rest of the crowd, who were consoled with bright hopes, inasmuch as (said they) the Marshal of [page 31] Virginia{4} who has full power [261] and authority of jurisdiction, was a great friend of the French, as he had secured all his more important honors through the recommendation of the late Henry the Great, having been his soldier and pensioner. This was preached to us frequently.

But our preachers did not take their text from the Gospels. For this charming Marshal, who had the fibre and character of a Frenchman, as they said, when he heard an account of us, talked about nothing but ropes and gallows, and of having every one of us hanged. We were badly frightened, and some lost their peace of mind, expecting nothing less than to ignominiously walk up a ladder to be let down disgracefully by a rope. But Captain Argal showed great magnanimity in defending us: for he opposed the Marshal, urging the [262] promise given by him. And as he found himself too weak in this opposition, he published our commissions and Royal patents, of which I have spoken before, which he had surreptitiously removed from la Saussaye's trunks. And it was in this way we learned that he had made use of such a trick, for otherwise we should never have found it out. The Marshal, seeing these warrants of his most Christian Majesty, and the determination of the Captain, did not dare go any farther; so, after several days spent in great apprehension, we were informed that their promise would be kept.

Now how they were going to keep it, and what means would be found to send us back to France, was the great question. The General,{5} the Marshal, and all the other Important personages of Virginia assembled in Council. [263] The result and conclusion of their consultation was to act still worse [page 33] than ever, since it seemed to them they had the power to do so. For it was decreed that Captain Argal, with his three vessels, should return to new France, plunder and demolish all the fortifications and settlements of the French which he should find along the entire coast as far as Cape Breton: namely, to 46 and one half degrees north latitude, (for they lay claim to all this territory: that he was to have la Saussaye hanged, with all those of his men whom he found remaining within these limits; that he should likewise plunder the ships, which he encountered, finding means, however, to allow their people to return to France, in case they showed no resistance; and that we old prisoners should be placed in company [264] with those whose lives had thus been spared. Such was the decision. But God was on high, and, as you will hear, he decreed otherwise in regard to a number of things.

In accordance with this decision, Argal again started for new France, stronger than before, for he had three vessels, and higher expectations; because the booty he had taken from us strengthened both his cupidity and his hopes. However, he did not take with him the half of our people, I know not why. In his vessel were Captain Flory and four others; in that of Lieutenant Turnel, (which was the one captured from us) the two Jesuits and a boy.

They directed their course first to St. Sauveur, for they expected to find la Saussaye and a newly arrived [263 i.e., 265] ship there. They were mistaken, inasmuch as la Saussaye was in France, as has been said. They burned our fortifications and tore down our Crosses, raising another to show they had taken possession of the country, and were the Masters thereof. [page 35]

This Cross had carved upon it the name of the King of great Britain. Also, on account of a conspiracy, they hanged one of their men in the very place where, eight days before, they had torn down the first of our Crosses.

From saint Sauveur they sailed for Ste. Croix, sieur de Monts's old settlement; and, as they knew that Father Biard had been there, Argal wished him to conduct them thither; but the Father would not consent to do so. This caused him to be in complete disgrace with [264 i.e., 266] Argal, and in great danger of his life. Notwithstanding this, Argal wandered about, up and down, and, by dint of searching all places thoroughly and, comparing them with the maps which he had taken from us, he at last found the place himself. He took away a good pile of salt, which he found there, burned the settlement, and destroyed all traces of the name and claims of France, as he had been commanded to do.

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CHAPTER XXXII. [i.e., xxix.]

THE TAKING AND BURNING OF PORT ROYAL; FATHER BIARD TWICE IN GREAT DANGER.

APTAIN Argal, having destroyed sainte Croix, did not know in what direction to sail to reach Port Royal, according to his commission, and hesitated all the more as he [265 i.e., 267] was afraid of being stranded upon such a dangerous coast without a guide who was very familiar with the locality; and, judging from the recent example of Father Biard, he did not dare expect that any Frenchman would consent to guide him, or give him sincere advice in the matter. For this reason, he began to look for a Savage, and by dint of much running about, lying in ambush, inquiring, and skillful maneuvering, he caught the Sagamore, a very experienced man, and well acquainted with the country; under his guidance, he reached Port Royal. Now there was certainly bad luck for the French, as the English entered the Port by Moonlight, and dropped anchor in sight of the settlement, at a distance of more than two leagues; so, if the French had been on their guard, they would have had an excellent opportunity to prepare for a fight, or to run away, for on [266 i.e., 268] account of the tide, the English were not in front of the settlement until ten or eleven o'clock the next day. I do not know what they were doing. At all events, when the English landed, they found no one in the fort, and saw shoes [page 39] and clothing all scattered about; so they were doubly pleased by this capture, first, because contrary to all their expectations, they met no resistance; and second, because they found a fair supply of booty, which they were not anticipating.

This unlooked-for capture of booty nearly cost Father Biard his life, in this way. As the English had already lost a great deal of time looking for sainte Croix, and afterward in finding a Savage who might act as their guide, Lieutenant Turnel was of the opinion that it would be better to abandon the voyage to Port Royal, and return as soon as possible to Virginia; giving as his reasons that the place [267 i.e., 269] was very dangerous and the season too far advanced (for it was the end of October); that, after so much trouble, there would be no profit in the end, because they would find nothing there but misery and French hatred, which they would very deservedly draw down upon them by the conflagration they were going to kindle there, without being requited for it by any reward. Lieutenant Turnel had heard these arguments from Father Biard, with whom he often took pleasure in conversing, and considered them very good. Now when Captain Argal had such an easy entry, and afterwards at the settlement of Port Royal (as we have said) found such a quantity of booty in food, clothes and utensils, he reproached his Lieutenant for his advice, and for his confidence in the Jesuits: and on that account gave him a smaller part of the plunder. [268 i.e., 270] The Lieutenant was very angry, and so much the more so, as he had always had the reputation of being a man of intelligence and good judgment, which he had now forfeited, as he thought, on account of the Jesuit. [page 41]

Now there was an English Puritan, master of the larger vessel, more malicious than all the others, yet hypocritical, for he made the finest pretensions in the world: but the other Englishmen advised us not to trust him, as he was wickedly prejudiced against us. So this man, seeing his opportunity, persuaded the Captain and Lieutenant, who he saw were aroused, to leave the Jesuit on shore, saying he did not deserve that the English should give him food since he had tried to prevent them from obtaining it, [269 i.e., 271]and offering a thousand other arguments. I know not what rescued the Jesuit so opportunely from this danger, unless it were his simplicity. For just as if he had been highly favored, and had great influence with these English, he dropped upon his knees before the Captain, two different times and upon two different occasions, to move him to pity towards the French of Port Royal who were wandering about through the woods, and to persuade him to leave them some food, their boat, and other means of passing the Winter. And see now what different requests were being made to this Captain: for at the same time that Father Biard was thus petitioning him in behalf of the French, a Frenchman was shouting out from afar, with most scandalous insults and abuse, that he ought to be slain. Now Argal (who has a noble [2 70 i.e., 272] heart), seeing the so sincere affection of the Jesuit, and, on the other hand, the so brutal and infuriated inhumanity of this Frenchman, who remembered neither his own country, nor kindnesses, nor Religion, nor was crushed by God's afflicting rod, considered that it would always be a reproach and disgrace to him, if, without trial and hearing from both sides, he should cast off, on account of a sly and [page 43] cunning accusation, him to whom he had given his word. And so he rejected both the persuasions of the Englishman, and the rage of the Frenchman, looking upon the Jesuit all the more favorably as he saw that, however much he was attacked, there was no change or deterioration in his conduct.

Now this Captain, having taken away from Port Royal everything that seemed convenient to him, even to the [271 i.e., 273] boards, bolts, locks, and nails, set the place on fire. A truly pitiable thing, for in an hour or two the work of several worthy people, during a number of years, was reduced to ashes. And may our Lord grant that this same fire has so completely destroyed all sins, which may have been committed in this place, that they may never again arise in any other place, nor ever provoke the just and dreadful vengeance of our God. The English (as I have stated elsewhere) destroyed, everywhere, all monuments and evidences of the dominion of the French; and this they did not forget to do here, even to making use of pick and chisel upon a large and massive stone, on which were cut the names of sieur de Monts and other Captains, with the fleurs-de-lys. This done, they weighed anchor to sail away, but [272 i.e., 274] bad weather detained them three or four days at the mouth of the Harbor.

While they remained anchored here, a Frenchman from among those at the Port asked to confer with them; his request was granted. Now among the nice things which this fine parliamentarian did, was to say to the English Captain that he was very much surprised indeed that he had not already rid the world of the pernicious Jesuit, who was in one of his ships. If he were not despatched, perhaps some ill luck might [page 45] keep him there to take revenge for the French upon the English by some wicked treason, which the Jesuit would be guilty of, in his way and at his opportunity. For he was (said he) a true and native Spaniard, who, having committed several crimes in France, on account of which he was a fugitive from justice, had also been the cause of a great deal [273 i.e., 275] of scandal at Port Royal, and there could not be the slightest doubt that he would do something still worse to the English. Argal, when he heard it said that Father ~Biard was a native Spaniard, could not believe it; but this charge, made in writing and signed by five or six persons, was handed to him: and they urged him strongly to put on shore and desert Father Biard. But the more they urged him, the less the Englishman would yield to them, because in giving his consent, he could not escape the dishonor of having broken faith and failed in doing justice; whereas, if he kept him until he got to Virginia, he could count upon having him executed there, at the same time receiving praise for his fidelity to his word, and for his patience in bearing with him. For when he would communicate to the Marshal this statement of the French, and add to it that the Father would not consent to guide them to the Island of Ste. [274 i.e., 276] Croix, and had tried to keep the English from going to Port Royal, there would be no danger of his escaping from the hands of the Marshal, from which they had hardly rescued him before, although then they had no claim upon him. Thus God willed that he should be saved that time, and still more wonderfully since then, as you will hear. Meanwhile, you will wisely observe to what madness the evil spirit incites those who sell themselves to him, and how [page 47] necessary it is to be cautious in believing slanders and detractions; for Father Biard had lived in Port Royal, and had always been universally recognized for what he is; namely, a good, native-born Frenchman, who had never even been in Spain, neither he, nor his father, nor his mother, nor any of his kindred. Now notwithstanding all this, a Frenchman was found so possessed with the spirit of [275 i.e., 277] bloodshed, that to have him killed he was led to commit such a monstrous act of imposition, and while under the chastisement of God, derived no other advantage therefrom than to sell himself so hopelessly to Satan and to calumny. This exceeds all ordinary conceptions of wickedness, and it is difficult to conceive how a man can be so desperately given up to, and enslaved by sin.

[page 49]

CHAPTER XXXI. [i.e., xxx]

THE DEPARTURE FROM PORT ROYAL; VARIOUS ADVENTURES OF THE SHIPS; AND HOW WE WERE COMPELLED TO STOP AT THE AÇORES.

N the ninth of November of this year, 16l3, the English left Port Royal, intending to go back to [276 i.e., 278] Virginia, and there to enjoy their booty during the following winter. Now from this time on, Lieutenant Turnel only looked upon Father Biard as an abominable rascal: he hated him still more when he thought of the past, for then he had openly shown his esteem and love for him on account of his naïve simplicity and open candor. But having seen the testimony in writing of so many Frenchmen, who assured him that he was a native Spaniard, and a wicked man, he preferred to believe that the Jesuit was a liar, rather than to disbelieve so many others who accused him. Therefore his hatred was all the more irreconcilable against the deep and impenetrable hypocrisy (as he thought) of a Spaniard, pretending to be a Frenchman, which he, reputed to be a man of sagacity and wisdom, had not been able to discover [277 i.e., 279] in so long a time, but had allowed himself to be drawn by it into great familiarity and friendship. Such was the wrath of Captain Turnel, whom I shall hereafter call simply Captain and no longer Lieutenant, because we are going to be separated [from the other ships]; hear in what way.

On the second day after our departure, on the eve [page 51] of St. Martin, so terrible a storm arose that our three vessels were scattered so effectually that they never came together afterwards, but all sailed away in different directions.

The barque was never seen again, and, no news of it having been heard, no one doubts that it was lost with the six Englishmen who were on board.

The Ship "Capitanesse," which Argal commanded, notwithstanding its hindrances, safely reached port [278 i.e., 280] in Virginia, after three weeks or thereabout. The Marshal (of whom we have spoken above) listened very willingly to Captain Argal as he related all that had taken place, and in a proper spirit of devotion awaited Father Biard, to shorten for him his voyages and to make him find the end of the world from the middle of a ladder; but God, master of life and all-powerful, disposes of his creatures according to his own good pleasure, and not according to the whims of human authority; taking pleasure in the title given him by the Psalmist, of being the Lord, Who delivers the poor from the hands of the strong, and the destitute from the power of those who strip him, as I am going on to show you he did.

The two Jesuits and a French boy were in the captured ship which had been committed to the care of Captain Turnel; this ship, [279 i.e., 281] separated from Argal by the tempest, was so incessantly followed by it for sixteen days, that the Captain, losing hope of being able to reach Virginia, called together all his people, and took counsel with them upon the best way to save their lives. For there seemed to be no probability that they would longer be able to combat the storms so as to keep near Virginia, because they had in the ships the horses taken from Port Royal, [page 53] and these spoiled as much of the water as they drank; the winds had so torn their sails and broken their gunwales and ropes, that they had nothing left with which to repair them; the stock of food was low, except the codfish, of which they had enough; but as to bread, they had had, during three months, only two ounces a day to each person, [280 i.e., 282] very rarely three; and so there remained but little of it. In this consultation, the sailors were of the opinion that their honor demanded them to hold out some days longer. And (in approval of their decision) fair weather came the next day, and bore them so far ahead that they judged they were no more than twenty-five leagues from their port.

To tell the honest truth, the Jesuits did not pray for this fair weather, knowing very well to what fate it was carrying them. Now God, taking pity on them, as I believe, aroused a lively and vigorous southwester, which blew right in the Englishmen's teeth, and forced them to lie to (as the saying is), to reef the sails, and to examine their consciences.

The Captain, seeing this fury [281 i.e., 283] Of the winds and waves, thought it well not to persist in his course, but decided to make for the Açores, 7 hundred leagues from there, to provide for their necessities and to wait for good weather. He turned the prow in that direction, and immediately thereafter they killed the horses which had been spoiling and drinking the water, so that it was all infected and had a bad smell; and even this was measured out to us in small quantities. But the horseflesh was very good, according to the taste of the Jesuits.

Now during these furious and horrible tempests, when all had good reason to look into their [page 55] consciences, God especially inclined the Captain to do so, in such a manner, that once, when he was feeling very repentant, he called Father Biard and held with him the following conversation, which I here insert almost word for word: for this [282 i.e., 284] Captain spoke good French, and many other common languages, besides Latin and Greek, which he understood very well; he was a man of great intelligence and a thorough student. "Father Biard" (said he) "God is angry at us, I see it clearly; he is angry at us, I say, but not at you; angry at us, because we went to make war upon you without first giving you notice, which is contrary to the rights of nations. But I protest that it was contrary to my advice, and my inclination. I did not know what to do, I had to follow, I was merely a servant. But I tell you I see very clearly that God's wrath is kindled against us, but not against you, although on your account: for you do nothing but suffer." The Captain pausing here, you may judge whether or not the Jesuit failed to make a suitable answer. The Captain [283 i.e., 285] took up another phase of the question. "But, Father Biard" (says he) "it is strange that your countrymen from Port Royal should accuse you thus." The Father answers, "But, Sir, have you ever heard me slander them?" "By no means," he says, "but I have clearly observed that when evil things are said of them, both before Captain Argal and before me, you have always defended them, of which I am a good witness." "Sir" (the Father says) "draw your own conclusions from that, and judge which have God and truth on their side, whether the slanderers, or the charitable." "I know that very well," says the Captain, "but, Father Biard, did not charity make you [page 57] lie, when you told me we should find nothing but misery at Port Royal?" "Pardon me," answers the Father, "I beg you to remember that I told you only [284 i.e., 286] that when I was there, I saw and found nothing but misery." "That would be all right," says the Captain, if you were not a Spaniard, as they say you are for, being one, the great good which you desire for the French is not on account of the love you bear them, but on account of your hatred of the English." Upon this Father Biard entered into a long explanation; but he could never eradicate this opinion from the Captain's mind, who said it was not credible that five or six Frenchmen, surrounded by afflictions, would have consented to sign a false accusation against a Priest, one of their own fellow-citizens, deriving no other profit therefrom than to destroy him, and in this way to satisfy their evil passions.

I have narrated this to you that the kindly dispositions of providence may be recognized, and that you may understand how God [285 i.e., 287] proceeded, little by little, to prepare the heart of the Captain. For both he and his crew were greatly perplexed, when they found themselves near the Açores. The reason for this was, that these Islands are inhabited by Catholic Portuguese, so the English judged that, in anchoring there, they would have to allow the ship to be visited; and if in this visit the priests were discovered, it would be all over with them, for the Jesuits, as Catholics, would be liberated, and they [the English] would be hanged, or at least condemned to the chain and ball, as robbers of Priests.

The remedy for this evil was an easy one; namely, to make the Jesuits take a leap into the sea. [page 59] Nevertheless, as I have shown you, the fear of God was awakened, and this contended for them. Our Lord indeed who [286 i.e., 288] protected them through the prayers of his glorious Mother, caused the Captain to decide to conceal them in the hold of the ship, hoping this would suffice for their security, as it did; but the good faith of the Jesuits assisted therein, as you will soon hear.

[page 61]

CHAPTER XXXII. [i.e., xxxi.]

HOW THE SHIP WAS VISITED AT THE AÇORES, AND HOW THE JESUITS KEPT THEIR PROMISE TO THE ENGLISH.

OD'S hand was evidently stretched over the Jesuits for their protection, as you have been able to see heretofore. It was also manifest in ,another danger through which they passed, and which we do not relate here, lest we be tedious, in which, nevertheless, [287 i.e., 289] they confess to have felt more fear than in many others, and not without cause. This divine protection was even more evident in removing all apprehensions of danger from the Captain. For if he had foreseen the great risks which he ran afterwards, I am not sure that he or his crew would have been so conscientious as not to have resolved upon murder, before falling into the perplexities to which they were in this way reduced.

They came to the Island of Faeal, one of the Açores, where, upon their arrival, they intended only to anchor near the town, to send their boat for a supply of water, which they needed most, and to buy a few biscuit and other very necessary articles. In this way it was quite easy [288 i.e., 290] to conceal the Jesuits; for those vessels which are some distance from the land are only slightly visited, and, this visit over, all danger is past. This was the reason why the Captain so readily resolved not to use cruelty. But fate found other ways and means, which he had not [page 63] considered; for he was obliged to enter the harbor and remain in full view of the town, and of other ships. There, by an unlucky accident, our ship ran foul of a Spanish caravel, loaded with sugar, and broke its bowsprit; the Spaniards thought this was a ruse by means of which to surprise their vessel and rob it, just as a French ship had done in the same port five weeks before; and so they began to cry "pirates!" at the same time arming their crew; just a [289 i.e., 291] little more and they would have come to blows. There was great commotion and noise in the town, and considerable alarm throughout all the ships in the harbor. The Captain had to go on shore, and remain there as a hostage and security; and even then, no one could believe that he was other than a Pirate. They came to visit and revisit the ship, and the Jesuits played, as the saying is, at hide and seek, from top to bottom, from dungeon to hold, always finding some new hiding place. Now during the liveliest and fiercest suspicions, and disputes, the Spaniards came to visit the ship, and the poor Fathers and the French boy were huddled behind a boat, still and breathless; for if they had even breathed a little loud, or moved hand or foot, they would have been discovered. The thing was so dangerous that our English were seized with a [290 i.e., 292] panic. But the Jesuits wished to continue to keep faith with them for several reasons, and among others to make the slanderers of the Catholic Church really see that they ascribed to it wrongfully and untruthfully the doctrine that it is not necessary to keep faith with heretics; which is totally false and contrary to its belief. But let us return to the Spaniards. They never discovered the said fathers in their visit, and went away with a very high [page 65] opinion of the English. The latter, when they saw them outside, recovering from the panic into which they had been thrown, began to embrace the Fathers as effusively, and to make as great a celebration in acknowledgment of their sincerity, as a company of kind kindred and friends would make at a peaceful reunion after a very long [291 i.e., 293] absence and separation. These same English have often since then praised the Fathers for this their fidelity, in the presence of their Ministers in England; and the Ministers have thereupon made great demonstrations of astonishment and admiration.

[page 67]

CHAPTER XXXII.

THE ARRIVAL IN ENGLAND; AND THE DELIVERANCE OF THE JESUITS.

HE English were occupied three entire weeks at this Island, which we call Focal, and during this time the poor Jesuits were not able to see the Sun. Now as these English were in need of money, they could not fit themselves out there, and this made them firmly [292 i.e., 294] decide to make no further attempt to return to Virginia, but to go back to England, especially as they now found themselves in the present year, 1614, which was the term of their service. Now on our way to England the tempest cast us out of la ma[n]che{6} (as it is called); that is, out of the Channel between France and England, and we were obliged to take refuge in the Harbor of Milfier [Milford], in the Province of Wales. There again all provisions failed us, which compelled our Captain to go to Pembroch [Pembroke], the principal city of this place, and a Vice-admiralty. But at Pembroke he was taken prisoner, as they suspected him of being a Pirate. The suspicion arose from the fact that he and his crew were English, yet their ship was made after French [293 i.e., 295] models, which made them think he came from Port de Gryp on the Arcin Islands, this side of Cape Escumant. The Captain justified himself as well as he could, by telling the truth; but they did not believe him, inasmuch as [page 69] he had no Commission, and could not have had, because being nothing but a Lieutenant he followed his Captain, from whom he was accidentally separated by the storm, as you have heard. For this reason he was obliged to produce, as witnesses of his honesty, the two Jesuits whom he had in his ship, irreproachable men, as he said, and said truly.

Immediately, by command of the Magistrate, the Jesuits were summoned to come on shore, where they were very respectfully interrogated in a Court of justice. They stated the real facts of the case, and upon their testimony the Captain was [294 i.e., 296] acknowledged to be a gentleman of honor and of worth; as to the disentanglement of our difficulties about new France, these were to be reserved for the King. Nevertheless, we had to make a very long sojourn at Pembroke, awaiting an answer from London, for it was necessary to send there, partly to obtain money, partly to make known the affair to the high Admiral, and the company of Merchants who have charge of Virginia.

And here admiration makes me pause and hold my breath, to cry out with the Wise Man, That the dispensations of Divine providence are truly arranged by compass, joined harmoniously, and measured by weight and balance even to the half of a grain. For this call of the Jesuits was without doubt a contrivance of this paternal providence, which everywhere assisted them; inasmuch as, [295 i.e., 297] if they had remained in the ship, as they were doing, in want of everything, in the depths of winter (for it was February), and had continued to do this during four weeks, it is probable that they would have died of cold and starvation; but, by means of this summons, they became known [page 71] to the judge, honorable and grave personage as he is, and he, having heard how badly off they were in the ship, had them lodged in the house of the Mayor of the city, and paid for them himself, saying they might pay it back if they had the means, otherwise it would be given to God. "For" (said he), "it would be a great disgrace to us if such honorable and learned men were not received among us with courtesy." This kind Gentleman's name is Nicolas Adams, Vice admiral of Pembroke.

Now during this sojourn [296 i.e., 298] all kinds of people went to see them, and some from a great distance, through curiosity to see Jesuits dressed in their robes, as they were then and always have been until their return to France. Ministers, justices, Gentlemen, and others came to confer with them; even a Lord of the great Council wished to have the pleasure of pitting four Ministers against them in debate. I say Ministers, to make myself intelligible to the French, for in England they call them Priests. And the Chief one in the debate was an Archdeacon, for the English still have a great many things in common with the Catholic Church, as the Order of the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy, Archbishops, Bishops, Priests, Archpriests, Archdeacons, Curates, Canons, etc.; the Episcopal laying on of hands in the ordination of Priests, [297 i.e., 299] and lesser Orders, and in the confirmation of children; the Chrism and its ceremonies, the sign of the Cross, the Image of this and of other things; the Psalmody and usual form of worship, the prescribed Saints' days, the Vigils, Fasts, Lent, Abstinence from meat on Friday and Saturday; Priestly robes, and consecrated vessels. And those who condemn all these things, as the [page 73] Calvinists of France and of Scotland do, and call them damnable superstitions, and inventions of the Antichrist, are by the English called Puritans, and are detested by them as abominable plagues.

When at last an answer came from London, it was learned that the Ambassador of France{7} had heard about the arrival of this ship, and was negotiating its surrender, [298 i.e., 300] especially the surrender of the Jesuits, having had orders to do so from his most Christian Majesty. This was another effect of divine Providence, since it caused this our arrest in the Province of Wales to the end that it might be known to all; for we have strong proofs, and you will soon see some of them, that if the Merchants in whose hands lay the administration of Virginia, had been able to have their own way, not one foreigner who was to be found in Virginia, would ever have returned to his own country.

To finish our story as quickly as possible, note that the Jesuits were taken by a long roundabout way to the Harbor of Sanduicts [Sandwich], and from there sent to Dover by order of the King, and from Dover to Calais, where they rendered thanks to God for such signal blessings [299 i.e., 301] and providences, for which they had good cause, having been nine months and a half in the hands of the English. Sieur d'Arquien, Governor of Calais, and Monsieur la Baulaye, Dean, gave them a very warm reception and provided them with means to return to their College at Amiens.

[page 75]

CHAPTER XXXIV. [i.e., xxxiii.]

THE RETURN OF SIEUR DE LA MOTE, OF CAPTAIN FLORY AND OTHERS, AND THE SURRENDER OF THE SHIP.

HORTLY after this liberation of the Jesuits, God in his mercy rescued nearly all the others who had been shipwrecked, and in the following way.

The boy who was with the Jesuits, called Guillaume Crito, [300 i.e., 302] was taken to London and thence sent to his Father at Honfleur.

At the same time sieur de la Mote also returned to England in a vessel from the Bermudas, which had stopped at Virginia.

Captain Argal generously contended with Marshal Thomas Deel{4} (of whose great asperity of temper you have heard us speak) to obtain from him permission for sieur de la Mote to return, and at last it was granted.

Now this sieur la Mote was very much astonished when suddenly, on arriving in England, no one spoke to him any more, nor looked at him, and he found himself forsaken by all; and the worst of it was that he was taken sick on board the ship. He immediately suspected the nature of the danger which threatened him, and whence it came; namely, from the Virginia merchants, [301 i.e., 303] who would have liked to get rid of him, and did not know how. Therefore he tried by secret means, and finally [page 77] succeeded in having his story made known to Monsieur de Bisseaux, worthy Ambassador of his most Christian Majesty, who immediately sent to him two Gentlemen who had him liberated and well treated, as he deserved to be for his courage and his valor.

At the same time also Madame la Marquise de Guercheville sent la Saussaye to London, to request the surrender of the ship, and reparation for the wrongs involved in this iniquitous robbery. The ship has been given up, but, up to the present, nothing else has been obtained.

And now, just as our ship, having been set free, was about to wing her way to France, her native land, behold, Captain Flory, her Master, [302 i.e., 304] as if by appointment, arrives upon the scene to step in and take command of her.

Captain Argal, about to return to England, had rescued him and two other Frenchmen from the hands of the Marshal. Certainly this Argal has shown himself such a person that we have reason to wish for him that, from now on, he may serve a better cause and one in which his nobility of heart may appear, not in the ruin, but in the preservation of honest men.

Of all our number, three died in Virginia, and four still remain there, for whose liberation everything possible is being done. May God in his mercy give them patience, and may he derive from our affliction whatever good is acceptable to his providence and mercy. Amen.

[page 79]

CHAPTER XXXV. [i.e., xxxiv.]

[303 i.e., 305] WHAT PROGRESS THE CHRISTIAN RELIGION HAS MADE IN NEW FRANCE.

OW some one, having heard all our story, with good reason will say: "Come now, here is a great deal of labor you have told us about, several laudable enterprises, and various rough and violent accidents, but is this all the profit there is in the advancement of the worship of God? Have you run, only to thus weary yourselves? expended, only for the sake of consuming? endured suffering, only to be abused for it in France? For if Canada does not furnish any other revenue, we can tell you that no one, unless he be a fool, works simply for the sake of suffering, [304 i.e., 306] or expends only to exhaust himself. But very truly says the holy Apostle, That he who planteth hopeth to gather fruit. What fruit then do you bring us from your labors? "To this I answer, that everywhere, in France as well as in Canada, it is necessary to sow before reaping, and to plant before gathering, and not to be so avaricious or impatient as to wish, like usurers, the profit at the same time as the loan. How true it is that, in the service of God, there should be nothing but expense and labor, these of themselves being a great enough reward and salary; not because they are expenses and labors, but because they are proofs and exercises of our duty and pious willingness towards the liberal donor of all gifts, our all-powerful [page 81] God. For he [305 i.e., 307]does not weigh nor judge our counsels and designs in the balance and by the weight of the results, which are in his hand and ordinance; but by the firmness of our desire, the greatness of the enterprise, and the honesty of our devotion and purpose.

He arranges events as it pleases him, often rendering them the more happy and the more fruitful, the less one recognizes them as such. For he that planteth is nothing, nor he that watereth; but he who giveth the increase; and this increase is first made under the ground, and out of the sight of men.

For my part, I consider it a great advantage that we have learned more and more about the nature of these territories and lands, the character of the inhabitants, the means of helping them, [306 i.e., 308] the obstacles which are liable to arise against the progress of the work, and the help that must be given to oppose the enemy. The architect who makes and unmakes his plans and models even to the fifth and sixth time, does not think, for all that, that he has not accomplished anything in his first and second trials, which he has destroyed to stop at the sixth; for he will say that the perfection of the last, lies only in the imperfections of the first. It is thus also with the orator, who erases and scratches out twice and three times what he has written in his first enthusiasm, because the beauty and force of the ideas and words, which he substitutes for the fourth time, come to him from his rejection of, and dissatisfaction with, the preceding ones. So, in truth, it is not otherwise that God usually gives us prudence and the better management of things, only [307 i.e., 309] through various experiences, and for the most part through our own faults [page 83] and those of others. We have done, then, a part of what we intended to do; we have experimented, we know what is necessary and what is harmful, and wherein lies the principal part of the work. The means which have been employed have not been so great, nor so proportioned to a higher purpose, that we should be greatly dissatisfied with what God gives us.

But yet, on the other hand, it is a great result that the French have won the confidence and friendliness of the Savages, through the great familiarity and frequent intercourse which they have had with them. For the foundation must always be laid before raising the capital; that is, we must make them citizens, or good hosts and friends, before making them brothers. Now this confidence and this [308 i.e., 310] intimacy is already so great that we live among them with less fear than we would in Paris. For in Paris we can not sleep without having the doors well bolted; but there we close them against the wind only, and sleep no less securely for keeping them open. At first they fled from us, and feared us; now they wish us with them. When we first disembarked and visited St. Sauveur, and pretended that we did not like the place, and that we thought of going elsewhere, these simple natives wept and lamented. On the other hand, the Sagamore of Kadesquit, called "Betsabes,"{8} came to persuade us, with a thousand promises, to go to his place, having heard that we had some intention of making a settlement there. Is it a small thing to have such a foundation of justice in our colonies, and this so [309 i.e., 311] sure pledge of great success? And we must not conclude that other nations have borne this [page 85] friendship as well as we, for we are eyewitnesses to the fact that these Savages, having (as they supposed,) some advantage over the English, threw themselves upon them with fury, thinking, I believe, to get revenge for the injury that had been done us; but they were not successful in their attack. Likewise, towards the end of the year 1611, the Hollanders merely wishing to land at Cap de la Heve to take in some fresh water, our Savages assailed them fiercely, and made away with six of them, among whom was the Captain of the ship. It seems to me that we will be unworthy of this friendliness, if we do not so act that it may avail them in learning to love him, from whom we [310 i.e., 312] receive all our blessings.

Furthermore, although the Jesuits have not usually baptized adults, for the reasons heretofore stated, yet they have catechized them as well as they could, both through the eyes and the ears. Through the eyes, I say, making them see our usages and ceremonies and accustoming them thereto. In our Processions we had the little children march before the Cross, and perform some service, such as carrying the lights, or other things; and both they and their fathers take pleasure in this, as if they were really Christians. Thank God this much has already been accomplished, that they do not wish to die without baptism, believing that they will be forever miserable, if they pass away without it, or at least a strong desire for it, and without sorrow for their sins.

[311 i.e., 313] The Patriarch Flesche (as has been said) baptized perhaps eighty of them, the Jesuits only about, twenty, and these were little children, except three, who were baptized in the last extremity of [page 87] sickness, and thence have gone to enjoy a life of bliss, after having been born again in this life; as have also some of the little children. We had composed our Catechism in the Savage language, and had begun to be able to talk some kind of a jargon with our Catechumens. We were founding a new and very pleasant colony, it was our Autumn, our time of harvest. And lo, at this moment, the one who is jealous of all good, and particularly of human salvation, came and, wickedly setting fire to all our work, bore us away from the field. May the victorious Jesus, with his powerful hand, and invincible [312 i.e., 314] wisdom, confound him. Amen.

[page 89]

CHAPTER XXXVI. [i.e., xxxv.]

SOME MIRACLES WHICH GOD PERFORMED IN THE CURE OF THE SAVAGES.

UT as God, being merciful and gentle, calls this nation of Savages according to their capacity and needs, so he has been pleased to show himself kind and helpful to them. I shall call to your attention here three proofs of this, very evident and sure, which were shown in the cure of bodily ills.

Let the first be this one. Father Biard having gone to the river of Smelts{9} (as has been said before), was told, that two leagues [313 i.e., 315] from there at the Baye Ste. Marie, there was a woman very near death, who had a strong desire to see and speak with him. The Father begged a certain man named Pierre to accompany him thither, which he did. They found this woman, who had been afflicted by disease for three weeks, stretched out by the fire, according to the custom of their sick people. The Father Catechized her as well as he could, and encouraged her, offering some prayers; then he returned, leaving a cross hanging around her neck, for he did not consider her so low that it was necessary to baptize her; he only advised those present that if she continued ill three or four days, or if she became worse, they should summon him. There was no need, for the next day this woman arose healthy and happy, and, laden with a heavy bag, went to find her husband four leagues away, with her cross. [page 91] hanging around her [3I4 i.e., 316] neck. The one who first saw her was a huguenot of Dieppe, called Jean Bachelard, who came to bring the news to the Jesuit.

The second was at Pentegoët; Father Biard being there in company with Sieur de Biencourt, and, according to his custom, visiting the sick people of the place, and reciting over them passages from the holy Gospels, they showed him a certain one who was not expected to live, having been sick for three months. He was then having a violent attack, speaking only with great difficulty, and bathed in a cold perspiration, the forerunner of death. The Jesuit had him kiss a cross several times, which he attached to his neck, announcing as well as he could the good tidings of the salvation acquired thereby; there were a number of Savages present, who listened, and, by their countenances, showed [315 i.e., 317] great satisfaction in what was being said. The Father left them thug kindly disposed, and returned to the barque. Now what God did in his absence was apparent from what we saw a day later. For when Sieur de Biencourt was trading in his barque, this Savage, with several others, came there healthy and happy, parading his cross, and, with great demonstrations of joy, expressed his gratitude to Father Biard before them all.

The third is very remarkable, and therefore I shall tell it at length. As we have related above, Sieur de la Mote, Simon the interpreter, and Father Biard had gone to visit the place called St. Sauveur, to find out whether it would be suitable for a settlement. Now coming back from this visit, and returning to the Cabins of the Savages, they heard two or three times [page 93] cries and [316 i.e., 318] lamentations in the distance, and, asking the Savage who guided them what this might mean, he answered that some one was dead and this was the mourning; hence we did not hasten our footsteps. Now as we were already within easy hearing distance of the voice, lo, this howling begins anew; and, by chance, a young Savage boy being met upon the way, curiosity impelled Father Biard to ask him who this dead person was that was being mourned. The boy answered that no one was dead, but that some one was dying, and added, of his own accord, "Run fast, perhaps you can baptize him before he really dies;" then, as if God had said this with his own lips, we began to run with all our might. When we arrived we [317 i.e., 319] found all the Savages outside their Huts, drawn up in line like soldiers on the surrender of a city; in front of them walked an unhappy Father holding his child, who was dying, in his arms. Now when the child happened to sob, the Father, supposing that its Life was departing, began to groan pitifully; and the whole company followed him in the same tone, for such is their custom.{10} Accordingly, when Father Biard saw this spectacle, he addressed the disconsolate Father, and asked him if he would be glad to have his son baptized; the poor simple fellow, who was almost beside himself, answered him not a word, but put the child in his arms. The Father cried that they should bring him some water immediately, which was done, and putting the child in the arms of Sieur de la Mote (who was very [318 i.e., 320] zealous to be its godfather, baptized him, calling him Nicolas, the name of the said Sieur. The Savages, expecting some great results, crowded round to see what would [page 95] happen. Now Father Biard, after having recited some prayers to the effect that God might be pleased to enlighten these poor Heathen, took the baptized child from the hands of Sieur de la Mote, and gave him to his mother, who was there; she, as Mother, immediately offered the child the breast, and he received nourishment with great eagerness. When the Savages saw this child thus hanging upon the mother's breasts, if the earth had sunk beneath their feet, I do not think they could have been more astonished. They remained there, fixed and immovable, without saying a word, and as if Frozen. The Father uttered a few words of instruction to them and then motioned to them to return to their Cabins. Do you [319 i.e., 321] know whether he was obeyed or not? These good people looked upon him as though he were more than man, trembling before him, and seeming to have been strongly touched by God. This child was still healthy and active a month after this, its recovery, a little while before we were taken by the English; for the mother brought him to our tents, and was seen by the greater part of our people. See now that God does not leave his law without authentic testimonies, nor his goodness without admirable results.

[page 97]

CHAPTER XXXVII. [i.e., xxxvi.]

THE REASONS WHY THE FRENCH HAVE APPROPRIATED BY GOOD RIGHT THE LANDS OF NEW FRANCE, AGAINST THE PRETENSIONS OF THE ENGLISH.

OW as I have fulfilled the first two [320 i.e., 322] parts of my promise, that is, I have given an Account of the character of the lands and the inhabitants of new France, and have described to you the conduct of the Jesuits, and the adventures that befell them; there remains then the third topic: the explanation of the dispute that has now arisen between the French and English in regard to these countries, and the arguments for and against. both sides. For the curious Reader, I believe, will be glad to learn just what the point of contention is, and the arguments which are advanced by both parties; it is even due to the honor of the French people, to make known to all nations how just are the titles, how suitable the reasons, and in what sincerity of conscience our Kings have made themselves Masters, and have taken possession of these lands up to the present.

[321 i.e., 323] Accordingly it must be understood that the English do not dispute with us all of new France. For they dare not refuse what everybody grants us, but they only contest some of the boundaries. They grant us then a new France, but bound [page 99] it by the shores of the Gulf and great river saint Lawrence, and restrict us within the 47th, 48th, and 49th degrees of north latitude. At least they do not allow us to go farther south than the forty-sixth degree, claiming all that country from Florida and the 33rd degree up to Campseau and the Islands of Cape Breton.

The reasons for these their pretensions are, that about the year 1694 [sic], twenty-two years ago, having entered that great gulf [322 i.e., 324] of the American sea which was formerly called Mocosa, and there having found a river and country which pleased them, they made attempts at settlement, giving it the name of Virginia; but, having been opposed by the natives, and other accidents having overtaken them, they were at last obliged to give it up entirely, not having lived there more than two or three years. Nevertheless since the Most Serene King James, now reigning, came to the throne, they resolved to reconquer and cultivate it. The King, favoring this project, granted some important Privileges to those who undertook this colony, and, among other things, extended their right of occupation from the 33rd degree of north latitude up to the 45th, giving them power to attack all foreigners whom they might find within [323 i.e., 325] these limits, and fifty miles out into the sea. These patents of the King were drawn up during the fourth year of his reign, and in the year of grace 1607 on the 10th of April, seven years ago, for I am writing this in 1614.{11}

So that is what I have been able to learn from all the charters and instructions which our contestants bring forth to support them in their rights and claims; and, while we are being confined within the [page 101] limits of old Canada, they are holding themselves at large with plenty of elbow room, giving us our share at their good pleasure. Now this is how we would answer them according to law:

1. In the first place, as by an admirable providence of God, their own Royal patents, upon which they found their claims, contradict them in their pretensions. Because it is said expressly in these, [324 i.e., 326] with specific exception: We give them all the lands up to the 45th degree, which do not actually belong to any Christian Prince. Now it happens that at the time of the date of these letters, the King of France actually and really possessed the said lands at least up to the 39th degree. Every one knows this through the voyages of Champlain, for he relates in these that, in the year 1607, sieur de Monts was at port Royal, and, through his people and authority, ruled all the country to the 39th degree as Lieutenant of his most Christian Majesty.
1. Again, if the English wish to say that they did not begin to take possession of their Virginia from the year 1607 only, but from the year 1594, when they discovered it (as we have said), we answer that the river, which they began [325 i.e., 327] then to possess [the James river], is in latitude 36 degrees, and that this their claim might perchance be of some value, if it were only a question of retaining this said river, and seven or eight leagues on either side of it, for our eyes can generally reach as far as that; but that a ship, merely because it had entered a river, should claim dominion thirty times farther than the eye can reach -this is wishing to have arms, or rather greediness, indeed monstrous. But let us suppose it could be done. [page 103]

It will follow, then, that Ribaud and Laudoniere,{12}—having gone to Florida in fine array by the authority of King Charles IX., in the years 1564, 1565, and 1566, to cultivate the land, and there having extended Carolina to the 30th parallel of north latitude,- took possession as far as the 38th and [326 i.e., 328] 39th parallels; and so behold the English out of their Virginia according to their own maxims.

3. Yet if being in a place gives possession (as the English presuppose) of eight or nine degrees farther on, why is it that they, being at the 36th, can advance to the 45th, better than we (as they acknowledge) being at the 46th, can go down to the 37th? What greater rights have they than we? So thus we answer the English.
4. But to better declare the justice of our cause, what we have explained above must be recalled; namely, that his most Christian Majesty took possession of these lands before any other Christian Prince, by right of first discovery. For it is true, and is acknowledged by [327 i.e., 329] all, that the Bretons and Normans first discovered the great Bank, and Newfoundland, sailing along the coast to Cape Sable, which is in the 43rd degree, up to where the great Bank extends. This discovery was made in the year 1504, one hundred and ten years ago.
5. Furthermore, all acknowledge that, by the command of the great King Francis, Jean Verazan took possession of these countries in the name of France, beginning at the 33rd degree of north latitude up to the 47th. This was done in two voyages, the last of which was made in the year 1523, ninety years ago.
6. In addition to this, Jacques Cartier{13} first entered the great river in two voyages that he made, [page 105] and discovered the lands of Canada. His last voyage was in the year 1534. Now it is a wonder [328 i.e., 330] that the English grant us the lands of Jacques Cartier's discovery, wishing as they do to deprive us of the 45th degree; for it is very certain that this discovery dates back much farther than the others heretofore cited of the more southern parts. And the great river is so situated that the possession of these lands is almost useless to any one who does not possess at least as far as the 40th degree. Look at the map.
7. Also it is wonderful how these English say they have granted us Newfoundland, and nevertheless went there to live four years ago, near the 48th or 49th degree.{14}
8. Now, by the common consent of all Europe, new France is represented as extending at least as far as the 38th or 39th degree, as it appears [329 i.e., 331] on the maps of the world printed in Spain, Italy, Holland, Germany, and England itself.{15} Also, it is the French, and not others, who have made a description of it, have given it its names, have tamed the Savages, have traded and always had communication with them from the first discovery up to the present time. And it was in the forty-third degree that the Marquis de la Roche went to settle, establishing his colony in the year 1598.{13} And, since the year 1603, sieur de Monts received as a gift all the lands from the 40th degree to the 46th degree, from the late Henry the Great, of happy memory, who also declared by express letters, that nothing which was brought away from there, or taken there, was liable to foreign custom duty, as that country was a just part and legitimate outgrowth of this Kingdom, and in no wise a foreign one. [page 107] [330 i.e., 332]
9. And surely, in addition to the reasons here given, common justice favors this declaration; for those lands are parallel to our France, and not to England. They are, I say, contiguous with us, so that having been found unoccupied by us and beyond our shores they accrue to our inheritance, as the law of Alluvions determines. ƒƒ. acq. rer. domin. l. 29. inter multos. & l.. 30. Ergo.{16}
10. Finally the late Comte de Soyssons was invested with the government of the said countries,{17} and bore the title to it in his lifetime; and today the Prince places this in the rank of his other prerogatives and principal honors.{18}

[page 109]

CHAPTER XXXVIII. [i.e., xxxvii.]

[331 i.e., 333] REASONS WHY THE CULTIVATION OF NEW FRANCE OUGHT TO BE UNDERTAKEN IN EARNEST.

ERE, before finishing, I am obliged to set down some reasons which agitate my soul, when I consider how we are letting this poor new France lie fallow, both as to the temporal and the spiritual, in savagery and paganism. I know well that I may accomplish much more by advancing these reasons to the ear of our Lord in earnest prayer, than by presenting them to the eyes of men in cold letters. Nevertheless, the more ardently I cry to God in considering them, so much the more I feel myself [332 i.e., 334] urged to specify them to men in writing.

And first, if the temporal is considered, this country is another France in the influences and conditions of the heavens and of the elements; in extent of country, ten or twelve times larger, if you wish; in quality, as good if it be cultivated, at least there is no reason why it should be worse; in situation, upon the shore opposite to ours, to give us the knowledge and mastery of the sea, and of navigation; I say there are a thousand blessings and advantages. In a word, as it were, another France and another Spain to be cultivated.

2. Next, the attempts which we have already made so many times for a hundred and ten years, oblige us [page 111] to continue, unless we wish, to the scorn of strangers, to yet lose the fruit of [333 i.e., 335] so much time consumed, and to suffer the loss both of so many men and so much wealth, as has been necessary in acquiring a knowledge of these lands, Coasts, Gulfs and different places, which (thank God) we have obtained, as well as the good will and intimacy of the people,—a gentle people, who extend to us their hands with an incredible longing, and with a profound grief to see us defeated,-for no other reason than that the enterprises which have been undertaken up to the present, having been almost entirely sustained by private individuals, have sunk-and it is not to be wondered at-under the burden and the expenses, which such a work requires.
3. If we give up or become indifferent, we have before our eyes many others, who have shown us that they have courage. And certainly, in case we did not do [334 i.e., 336] our duty, there is nothing to prevent others from doing theirs. Now let us consider whether it is very advantageous to lose the profit, which is brought from these countries every year by more than five hundred of our ships, which go there, either on whaling expeditions, or for cod and other fish, or for trade in furs of the Beaver, Elk, Marten, Seal, Otter, etc.{19} For we must not expect to have any share in this, if others seize the property, as has been very clearly shown during these years by the disputes which occurred at Spitsbergen and elsewhere.
4. So much for the temporal; but as to the spiritual, in which the inexpressible grace of God raises us to the surname and glory of "most Christian," let us calculate and sum up the benefits which accompany [page 113] and favor us [335 i.e., 337] continually after this first one, which is our calling to the Holy Church and knowledge of our Savior, Jesus Christ; and then we shall be able to estimate how great would be our ingratitude, and how horrible the chastisement it would bring with it, if we do not try to enhance the value of this grace by communicating it to our fellow-men in proportion to our means and opportunities. Such chastisement has been wisely commented upon by the venerable Bede. For, shortly before his age, the Scotch were illuminated by a divine light, so that they saw themselves fallen into heterodoxy by delusions and inadvertence; while the Bretons, or those people of the Province of Wales, were cast into the abyss and shadows of the outskirts of Hell, the heresies; of these two so contrary and opposite effects this great and Saintly Man, [336 i.e., 338] so truly acquainted with the works of providence and Eternal justice, attributes the causes to the two different dispositions of the two nations. "For," says he, "the Scotch had previously given to the English, through great charity and devotion, what they had received of Evangelical truth ; and therefore God wished to show them mercy in a full and overflowing measure, opening their eyes that they might see themselves deceived and mistaken. While the Bretons, either through negligence or other lack of spiritual moderation, were quite indifferent when they saw the English perishing miserably in their infidelity; therefore they deserved, as ungrateful servants, to lose the talent of the Catholic faith, which they had not deigned to profit by, either for others or for themselves. " Oh, what [337 i.e., 339] food there is for reflection and discourse upon this subject! [page 115]

But let it be enough to keep before our eyes the vision of these poor natives, these images of our God as we are, and as capable of enjoying him, these companions of our own species, and almost of the same quality as we, who are upon the edge of the horrible gulf of the fires of hell, many of them even precipitated every day into eternal torments, and profound depths of everlasting punishment, without hope of deliverance. O God! we are amazed at these frightful judgments, as there is much in them to cause our amazement; but we have not the sense to perceive, nor the understanding to appreciate, that the blood of this so cruel execution is upon our hands, who do not exert ourselves to prevent it; upon our [338 i.e., 340] feet, which do not move to remedy it; upon our houses, which we build so magnificently without caring for the eternal dwellings of our brothers; upon our purses, our possessions, our wealth, and our hearts, which are so little moved by such spectacles and contribute so little to that for which the Son of God, our Savior, did not spare even his life. May it please him to grant us mercy, and to receive from us and from all his creatures, praises and blessings forever and ever. Amen.

END.

[page 117]

Index of the Most Important Subject

A	BSENCE of Father Biard causes the French not to expose themselves to danger of ruin.	p.	178
Acadia, country of the Souriquois, near Canada.		p.	4
Açores, Islands of the Spanish crown.		p.	281
Aguigueou, Asticou, Betsabes, Canadian Captains, offer to the French, captured by the English, to take them away and maintain them.		p.	35
Alain Yeon, Pilot of St. Malo, charitable towards the French of St. Sauveur.		p.	257
Ambassador of France in England, solicits the liberation of the captive Jesuits of Canada.		p.	296
Advancement of the English eighty leagues into new France.		p.	228
English defeated by the Armouchiquois, and why.		p.	179
English settled in Virginia, two hundred leagues from the French of St. Sauveur.		p.	227
English guided to St. Sauveur through a misunderstanding of the Canadians, who supposed them to be French.		p.	229
English invade the ship of the French of St. Sauveur, plunder the settlement, and capture the French.		p.	235
English cunningly rob the French of their Royal Patents, to Prevent their making an honest defense in their captivity.		p.	238
English, having power to throw the captive Jesuits into the sea, not to ruin themselves on their account, content themselves with hiding them. [page 119]		p.	286
English, compelled to land at the Açores, are rendered safe through the charity of the Jesuits, their captivecs.		p.	289
English acknowledge this kind service of the Jesuits.		p.	290
English, holding the Jesuits captive, themselves suspected of being pirates by their own countrymen.		pag.	29
English, suspected of being pirates, are acquitted .on the evidence of the Jesuits, their prisoners.		p.	293
English are afraid to land upon Spanish territory, with their Jesuit prisoners.		p.	285
English merely pretenders to new France.		p.	320
Eel-fishing in the middle of September.		p.	47
Fruit trees very rare in Canada.		p.	31
Forest trees of Canada.		p.	32
Bows and shields upon the men’s graves.		p.	92
Slate in Canada.		p.	32
Argal, an English Captain, secretly seizes the commissions of the French of St. Sauveur.		p.	238
Argal, an English Captain, wishes to send all the French to France in a small boat, with evident danger of their being lost.		p.	251
Argal, an English Captain, strongly opposes the Marshal of Virginia, so that his French prisoners should not be hanged.		p.	262
Argal, an English Captain, a just man.		p.	270
Arms of the Canadians, the bow and the shield.		p.	55
Armorial Bearings of Madame de Guerche-ville placed at Cap de la Heve, as a sign of possession.		p.	216
Armouchiquois strongly suspected by the French of intending to plunder them, under pretext of trade.		p.	178
Armouchiquois disposed favorably to Christianity.		p.	180
Seated. To be seated, a sign of reverence among the Canadians. [page 121]		p.	91
Association of the Marquise de Guercheville with sieur de Potrincourt in Canadian affairs.		p.	188
Asticou, a Sagamore on the coast of Acadia.		p.	222
Lobsters, or sea Crabs, were caught by the French of St. Sauveur in their great poverty.		p.	253
To have a dog and a bag, in Canada, is to enjoy the rights of Property.		p.	51
Autmoins are the Priests of the Canadians.		p.	54
Autmoins, Medicine men and Sorcerers dupe the simple Canadians.		p.	79
Autmoins require many Presents for the cure of the sick.		p.	87
Autmoins invoke God by the name of the Sun, when they are in need.		p.	96
B
Bay of Chinictou in Canada, surrounded by beautiful meadows.		p.	27
French Bay, between Port Royal and the river St. John.		p.	165
Bay of mines, twenty-two leagues from Port Royal.		p.	203
Baye de Genes, thus called by Champlain.		p.	204
Bay of mines eight leagues wide.		p.	205
Baptism too easily administered in Mexico, with notable detriment to those baptized.		p.	106
Baptism administered to the Canadians not yet Instructed in the duties of Christianity, and the evils which result therefrom.		p.	111
Baptism of aged persons, not well instructed, deferred with great consideration.		p.	115
Baptism desired by Canadians before dying.		p.	310
Baptism cures a Canadian child sick unto death.		p.	318
Those baptized in Canada without previous instruction, know nothing of Christianity, not even [page 123] their Baptismal names.		p.	109
Basques have alienated the Excomminquois in Canada from our French.		p.	33
Biencourt and Robin, out of regard for the Calvinists, agree that the Jesuits must not enter their ship.		p.	134
Biencourt by means of the Jesuits sails for Canada, much sooner than he could have done without them.		p.	138
Biencourt suspects that Madame de Guerche-ville wishes to rob him of his rights in Canada.		p.	197
Bretons discovered new France.		p.	2
Bretons often sick in Canada.		p.	15
C
Winter Cabins of the Canadians; a circle of poles closed at the top and covered with skins, mats, or pieces of bark.		p.	40, 41
Cabins of the Canadians always in a beautiful location, and near good water.		p.	41
Summer Cabins of the Canadians long and wide, and covered with mats or bark.		p.	42
Calais. The Governor and Dean of Calais welcome and kindly assist the Jesuits of Canada sent back from England.		p.	299
Calvinists are not satisfied to have the Jesuits go to Canada, but are willing to take all other Ecclesiastics.		p.	133
Canada is only a part of new France, namely, the and along the great river Canadas.		p.	3, 4
Canada, a Province of new France, first discovered by Jaques Cartier, in the year 1524.		p.	4
Canada parallel to ,France, in the same climate and Polar elevation.		p.	9
Canada colder than our France, and why.		p.	10
Canada subject to Scurvy or land disease. [page 125]		p.	14
Canada brings sickness to those who are idle.		p.	16
Canada shows vegetation as early in Spring as our France.